The Antiquities of the British Churches, Book · Chapter 4 (3 of 3)

The Antiquities of the British Churches · Book · Chapter 4 (3 of 3)

p. 207Some question hath been made by Learned Men, what this Authour means by Iren; The most easie and obvious sense is to take it for Ireland, where there were so many Schools of Learning in the Monasteries of St. Patrick's foundation; And Iris is used by (z)(z)Diod. Sic. l. 5.Diodorus Siculus for Ireland: And (a)(a)De Mund. p. 64. ed. Vulcanil.Ierne in the Book de Mundo, and Apuleius; and the Inhabitants are called Irenses by (b)(b)Ord. Vital. l. 10. ad A. D. 109….Ordericus Vitalis; and the Countrey is called Erin by the Inhabitants, as Archbishop p. 208(c)(c)Hist. Gottesch. c. 9.Vsher observes; But the marginal Note of Joh. à; Bosco hath led some quite out of their way in seeking for this Place; Which is, That Iren was an Vniversity then in Great Britain; And from hence they have proceeded to prove our famous University of Oxford to be meant by it; (d)(d)Antiq. Acad. Oxon. Apol. l. 2. n. 84. Hist. Acad. Oxon. l. 1. p. 9, 10, 11.First, Iren, say they, was mistaken for Icen, and that for Ychen, and Ychen for Rydychen, and Rydychen in the British Tongue signifies the same with Vadum Boum, and that is the same with Oxford. I cannot think Learned Men write these things any otherwise, than as Sports of Wit, which are intended for the diversion, and not for the conviction of the Reader. As likewise, when the same Authours produce out of Constantius his Life of St. German, Regionis illius Vniversitas, to prove the Antiquity of their Vniversity. But that Passage in the Copy of Asserius, printed by Camden is more material, viz. That St. German staid half a year in Oxford, and approved the Orders made by Gildas, Melkin, Nennius and Kentigern. I know what Heats have been about this Passage among very Learned Men. For my part, I see no cause to mistrust the sincerity of Archbishop Parker in the Edition of his very ancient Copy, where this Passage was not to be found; And I do not question Camden's Fidelity in publishing Asserius out of some other Copy; But it had been fair to have given an Account whence he had it, and for what Reasons he inserted it in another Edition of Asserius; and why he preferred the Savilian Copy before the other. But I cannot but wonder that these Learned Men have taken no more notice of the Inconsistency of this Passage with the History of those times. For these Persons all lived a considerable time after St. German, as it were easie to prove, if it were worth the pains. For Gildas was not born till at least forty four years were past after St. German's death: which thus appears; He saith he was born the year of the Victory of Aurelius Ambrosius over the Saxons at the Mons Badonicus, which was forty four years after they came hither, Anno Dom. 449. And by comparing St. German's Embassy to Valentinian at Ravenna, where he died, we shall find that St. German was dead the year before the Saxons p. 209arrival, Anno Dom. 448. As the (e)(e)Gall. Christian. To. 2. p. 267.Samarthani shew. But against this there is a considerable Objection from what (f)(f)Bed. l. 1. c. 20.Bede saith, That the Saxons and Picts joined together after St. Germans coming, which occasion'd the Victory by singing Alleluiah according to St. German's direction; and it is so much stronger, in that the very same Expressions are in Constantius. But this may be easily solved by those that consider the frequent Incursions the Saxons made on the Britains before they were sent for over, as appears by the Comes Litoris Saxonici per Britanniam, appointed to secure the Coasts from the Saxons; And that Gildas therefore wonders the Britains should send for the Saxons, of whom they were so much afraid before; And when the Roman Forces were withdrawn, no doubt they did more boldly and frequently disturb them.

Besides, (g)(g)Constant. vit. German. l. 2. c. ult.Constantius saith in St. German's Life, that he succeeded St. Amator in his See, and continued therein thirty years and twenty five days. But St. Amator died Anno Dom. 418. as our Learned (h)(h)Usser. de Prim. p. 382.Primate hath proved, because the Calends of May on which he died were that year, as Constantius saith, the fourth day of the Week, which agrees to 418. If it be said, That this Passage of Asserius is meant of an Elder Gildas, called Gildas Albanius whose Life the same excellent Antiquary supposes to be written by Caradoc of Lancarvan; I answer, that when he comes to fix the times in his Chronological Index, he doth overthrow his own Supposition: For Caradoc, by his own confession, makes Gildas contemporary with King Arthur, and he is said by him to be born Anno Dom. 493. And therefore Caradoc's Gildas can be no elder than the Gildas Badonicus. Although therefore the want of skill may make Caradoc set his Gildas elder than he ought to have done; yet whosoever will compare that Life published by Joh. à Bosco with the other by Caradoc, will find that they were designed for the same Person. And therefore Leland, with far more judgment, mentions but one Gildas; but Bale and Pits make more; but it is their Vanity to multiply Authours as well as Books. St. Kentigern was baptized assoon as he was born, by Seruanus, one of the Disciples of Palladius, whose Mission had p. 210the same date with the first coming of St. Germanus and Lupus; And therefore it is not very probable that St. German should see the Orders of Gildas and Kentigern, much less those of Melkin and Nennius, whose Ages fall so far short of the others.

But although St. German's being at Oxford cannot be proved by such obscure and incoherent Passages as this; yet I doubt not but by the Evidence already produced, he did take care to advance Learning and Piety in the British Churches wheresoever he came: Both which were falling very much to decay upon the irruption of the barbarous Nations. While the Roman Empire flourished there was care taken for the encouragement of Learning, especially in greater Cities. At Rome by the Constitution of Valentinian we may see the Orders then made for Regulation of Students there; as for entring their Names who came thither out of the several Provinces by the Magister Census, with the Testimonials from the Governours of Provinces, of the Place of their Birth and Quality, who then were to declare what Studies they designed to follow, and an account was to be given of their Lodgings: And particular Officers were appointed called Censuales to make an Inspection into their Lives, that they did avoid all Clubs called there Consociations, or frequent appearing at the Sports, or affecting unseasonable and publick Entertainments. If any were found faulty, they were to be chastised, and sent away home, but none were permitted to stay after twenty at Rome, and an account of these things was to be taken monthly, and given in to the Praefectus Vrbis, and return'd to the Emperour every year; as appears by the (i)(i)C. Theod. l. 14. tit. 9. L. 1. A. D. 370.Constitution it self in the Theodosian Code. By which we find, That Rome it self was then the chief Vniversity of the Empire, to which Students resorted from all the Provinces, and the Emperour thought it not below his Cognizance to have notice sent him of the Numbers, Qualities and Behaviours of the Students; But lest the Splendour and Vanities of Rome should tempt them to forsake the Service of their Countrey, they were not permitted to stay there after twenty years of Age; For then, not having the Difficulties of the p. 211Language to conquer which they were used to while Children, at fifteen they were thought fit to be instructed in other Studies, and five or six years was all the time this Law allow'd them to prosecute them under the Masters at Rome. Where, besides an infinite number of private Teachers in that vast City, there were publick Professours appointed, who had their Schools within the Area of the Capitol, which were called Auditoria publica, as we may reasonably infer from the (k)(k)C. Theod. l. 15. tit. 1. l. 53.Constitution of Theodosius; where the Exedrae of the Portico's of the Capitol at Constantinople are appointed to make Auditoria for the publick Professours there: And Constantinople follow'd the Pattern at Rome. These Exedrae were, as(l)(l)Vitruv. Antiq. l. 5. c. 2. Vitruvius describes them, Places of Capacity within the Portico's, with Seats round, in which the Rhetoricians, and others, were wont to discourse; Or, according to (m)(m)De Orator. l. 3.Cicero, they were Cellae ad colloquendum aut meridiandum, such as Crassus had at Tusculum, and Cotta at Rome, where those great Men were wont to sit for their diversion and discourse with each other: And the Greek Glossary renders Exedra, a School; such a one (n)(n)Geogr. l. 17.Strabo describes in the Musaeum at Alexandria, which consisted of a Walk, an Exedra, and a great House where the Learned Men did all live and eat together upon a publick Allowance, under the Government of a Person appointed by their Kings, and after by the Caesars. This Musaeum was adjoining to the Palace, and near it was the famous Library of Ptolemy Philadelphus: For that was in Bruchio, as (o)(o)Epiph. de Ponder.Epiphanius saith, and was distinct from the other Library afterwards in Serapeo mentioned by (p)(p)Am. Marcell. l. 22. c. 15.Ammianus Marcellinus. This Bruchion was a Region of the City, as Epiphanius saith; And some will have its Name from the foreign, the Granary of Alexandria being there, and by contraction it was called foreign. So the MS. of (q)(q)Euseb. l. 7. c. 32.Eusebius mention'd by Valesius hath it. But (r)(r)Salmas. in Spartian. p. 52.Salmasius would have the name taken from the Stores laid in there for the College of Learned Men in the Musaeum, which Ammianus Marcellinus calls Praestantium hominum domicilium; And this foreign, he saith, is the same with foreign, and Eustathius saith, The one signified the same at Alexandria, which p. 212the other did at Athens; And, he observes, that it was accounted a great favour in the Emperours to grant any Learned Man foreign, i. e. a Fellowship in the College. So (s)(s)Athen. l. 15.Athenaeus mentions it as the kindness of Hadrian to Pancrates the Poet, for flattering Antinous; That he gave him a Right of Commons in the Musaeum: As he did likewise to Dionysius the Sophist, and Polemon, and Nicetas Smyrnaeus, as Philostratus in their Lives relates. Aristonicus wrote the History of the Musaeum at Alexandria, and of the Philosophers and Learned Men who flourished in it, and the manner of their living there; Out of whom (t)(t)Cod. 161.Photius saith that Sopater borrow'd part of the twelfth Book of his Miscellanies. But this Book being lost, as likewise those of Callimachus and Alcidamas, no particular account can be given of the History of it. OnelyOnly in general we know, that the most Learned Persons in their several Professions were invited thither, and had there all the Encouragements which Freedom from Care, good Air, (for the Musaeum was celebrated for that by Strabo) sutable Society and an excellent Library could give them; the Keepers whereof were men of the greatest Reputation, as Demetrius Phalereus, Zenodotus Ephesius, Eratosthenes, Apollonius, Aristonymus, Chaeremon, Dionysius, &c. In this Musaeum it was that (u)(u)Spartian. in Hadrian.Hadrian proposed Questions to the Professours; and in it were foreign instituted, or Sports by Philadelphus to Apollo and the Muses, after the finishing his Library and Rewards given to those that overcame in the Opinions of the five Iudges appointed for that purpose. From hence came the Commissiones and Agones Sacri among the Romans, at which Judges were appointed; Among whom (w)(w)Horat. de Arte Poet. & in Satyr.Horace mentions Metius Tarpa for one. These were sometimes performed in the Capitol, as (x)(x)De Capitol. c. 35.Rycquius observes, i. e. in the Portico's where the Exedrae were like those at Constantinople. What the Number of publick Professours was at Alexandria and Rome is not certainly known, but at Constantinople their Number is determin'd by a (y)(y)C. Theod. l. 14. tit. 9. l. 3. l. 2.Constitution of Theodosius. In the Publick Schools called there Auditorium Capitolii and Auditorium nostrum, there were to be for the Latine p. 213Tongue three Oratours, and ten Grammarians; For the Greek five Sophists and ten Grammarians; One Professour of Philosophy and two of Law. These had their distinct Schools allotted them called Publicae Magistrationes and Cellae in the Law; And all others were forbidden to teach in publick, either within the Capitol, or elsewhere, upon pain of Infamy for the Fact, and Banishment out of the City. The Emperour Valens, l. 2.by another Constitution, appointed for the Publick Library at Constantinople seven Antiquaries to look after the Books, four Greek and three Latine, who were to have a publick allowance; So that there was a Bibliotheca Palatina there as well as at Rome, and both in probability were near the Capitol, where the Professours taught; For that at Rome was called Bibliotheca Capitolina, concerning which Joh. (z)(z)Polycrat. l. 8. c. 19.Sarisburiensis saith, It was reported that Gregory the great caused it to be destroyed, out of a fear, that Heathen Learning should abate Mens Love to the Scriptures; which was a very foolish and superstitious fear. For Men know better how to value the Scriptures by it. And he did ill then to fetch the Soul of Trajan out of Purgatory (but I hope one Story is no truer than the other) for he founded the Bibliotheca Vlpia, which was next to the Palatina; and Victor saith, There were twenty seven more publick Libraries in Rome. If this Story be true, Gregory rather follow'd the Steps of Julian than of Constantine; for the one envied Learning to the Christians as much as the other promoted it, Victor's Epitome saith of Constantine, that he did, Nutrire artes bonas, praecipuè studia Literarum; And his (a)(a)C. Theod. 13. tit. 3. L.L. 1, 2, 3.Constitutions still extant do shew the great kindness he had for Learning and Learned Men; granting great Privileges and publick Salaries to the Professours of Learning in the several Cities of the Empire. But Julian, Ib. L. ….finding that Christianity did spread by the Learning of the Christians, he first drew the choice of publick Professours to himself, by making his Approbation necessary after the Judicium Ordinis and Decretum Curialium, and so excluded the Christians. Afterwards (b)(b)Julian. Ep. 42.he expresly declared, He would endure none to interpret Heathen Authours, who argued against their Religion: But no Constitution appears p. 214in the Code besides the former tending that Way. Upon this Proaeresius, saith (c)(c)Hier. Chron.St. Jerome, left the Chair at Athens, although he had a particular Indulgence by Julian. And (d)(d)Oros. l. 7. c. 30.Orosius adds, That the Christian Professours of Learning almost universally forsook their Places: But both mention an express Edict of Julian's to that purpose. Some Writers speak of another Edict forbidding Christian Children to learn; But I can find no Edict to that purpose; And it seems to me to have been onelyonly a consequence of the former; Since Christian Parents would not send their Children to be taught by Heathens, having seen the sad effect of it in the Apostacy of Julian, under his Heathen Tutours, Mardonius, Maximus and Iamblichus.

But by this Edict we find how universally Learning was then diffused through the Provinces of the Roman Empire, which was in great measure due to Antoninus Pius, of whom (e)(e)Vit. Anton. Pi….Jul. Capitolinus saith, That he appointed Honours and Pensions to Rhetoricians and Philósophers through all the Provinces; which were confirmed and inlarged by the several Edicts of Constantine to that purpose, already mention'd. And (f)(f)De Laegibus Constant. l. 2. p. 142.Fr. Baldwin takes particular notice of his Zeal to promote Learning. In Gaul (g)(g)Ad Rustic.St. Jerome mentions the Florentissima Studia Galliarum; And Constantius, in the Life of St. German, the Auditoria Galliarum; after which, he saith, he went to Rome as the chief Vniversity especially for Law; thence (h)(h)Sidon. Ep. 6. l. 1.Sidonius Apollinaris calls it Domicilium Legum, and Saint (i)(i)Confess. l. 6. c. 8.Augustine saith, he went thither to study the Laws. But other Professions flourished elsewhere; as at Carthage, (k)(k)De Gubern. Dei, l. 7.Salvian saith, There were Professours of all Arts and Sciences: And at Sicca Veneria in Africa, Arnobius was Professour of Rhetorick. Near Lyons in Gaul the 60 Cities had dedicated an Altar to Augustus, where the Rhosn and the Arar meet, there Caius Caligula appointed Prizes to be plaid both in Greek and Latine Eloquence; And not that onelyonly, but Philosophy was there taught; Thence (l)(l)Vit. Maioli, Vit. Adell.Odilo, Abbat of Clugney, about Anno Dom. 1020. calls Lyons of old the Mother and Nurse of Philosophy. In the time of Dioclesian and Maximianus, the Nobility of Gaul were brought up p. 215to Learning at Augustodunum (Autun) and there Eumenius was both Rectour and Professour, as appears by his Speech to Constantius, where (m)(m)Orat. pro restaur. Schol. n. 3.he celebrates so much the Scholae Moenianae, Quondam pulcherimo opere & studiorum frequentiâ celebres; which having suffer'd very much in the Rebellion of the Bagaudae under the latter Claudius; he was extremely concerned to have them rebuilt, which is the design of his excellent Oration. But long before, in Tiberius his time, (n)(n)Annal. 3. c. 43.Tacitus saith, The Sons of the Nobility did there, Liberalibus studiis operari, improve themselves in Learning. (o)(o)In Chronic.Eusebius mentions, in the time of Nero, Statius Vrsulus of Tholouse, a famous Professour of Rhetorick. And (p)(p)In Profess.Ausonius reckons up many of those who had been famous there and at Bourdeaux, and other Places. But to spare our pains in particular Places, there is extant in the Theodosian Code an (q)(q)C. Theod. 13. tit. 3. L. 11.Edict of Gratian, requiring all the chief Cities of these Parts of the Roman Empire to settle and maintain in them Professours of Learning, both of the Greek and Roman Languages. This Edict was directed to the Praefectus Praetorio Galliarum, and was commanded to be observed through all his Diocese, which Gothofred restrains to the Provinces of Gaul, excluding Britain, for which I see no reason; Since (r)(r)In Mosell. v. 407.Ausonius who was himself in that Office in Gratian's time comprehends the Britains under his Jurisdiction. And the Notitia Imperii places the Provinces of Britain under him after Gratian's time. Which Notitia he thinks was made about Anno Dom. 426. By virtue of which Edict we are to search for the ancient Schools of Learning among the Britains, in the chief Cities of the Provinces at that time; especially at London, which was the Caput Gentis, being Augusta or the Imperial City, and so at York and Caerleon. So that the British Churches, as long as the Roman Power continued here, had the same advantages for Learning which they had in other Provinces; But when the Roman Forces were withdrawn, and nothing but Miseries and Desolation follow'd; then St. German's Care proved a most seasonable Relief to them in providing such Schools as those of Dubricius and Iltutus for the breeding up of Persons qualified for the Service of the p. 216Church; as far as the Miseries of those times would permit.

The last thing to be considered is, The Publick Service of the British Churches. And in an ancient MS. in the Cotton Library, about the Original of Divine Offices, Germanus and Lupus are said to have brought into the use of the British Churches, Ordinem Cursûs Gallorum. By which (s)(s)De Primord. p. 343.Archbishop Vsher understands the Gallican Liturgy. For Cursus in the Ecclesiastical use of the Word is the same with Officium Divinum, as Dominicus Macer, in his late Hierolexicon shews; thence Cursum celebrare, is, to perform Divine Offices; And so the word Cursus is often used in (t)(t)Apud Suri. 28. Maii.Fortunatus his Life of St. German, Bishop of Paris, and in our (u)(u)Bed. l. 4. c. 18. Concil. Cal. c. 7. Asser. vit. Alfr.Saxon Writers: But this Cursus Gallorum is there distinguished from the Cursus Orientalis, and the Cursus Ambrosii, and the Cursus Benedicti (which little differs, he saith, from the Cursus Romanus) And this was that which Germanus and Lupus had learnt in the Monastery of Lerins, where it was used by Cassianus and Honoratus, as the Authour of that Book affirms, which I find to have been the same which (w)(w)Concil. Brit. To. 1. p. 167.Sir H. Spelman commends for its great Antiquity. And that Authour derives the Gallican Liturgy from St. John by Polycarp and Irenaeus; Which MS. Mabillon was inclined to think to have been the Book which Gregorius Turonensis wrote de Cursibus Ecclesiasticis, but for the quoting the (x)(x)Mabillon. Anal. 1. p. 9.Life of Columbanus and Attala, which was not written till after his Death.

This will oblige us to enquire, what the Gallican Liturgy at this time was, and how far different from the Roman. It is agreed on all hands, that there was a material difference between them, but wherein it lay is not so easily understood. When Gregory sent Augustine the Monk into England, to settle the Saxon Churches, and he was consecrated by the Archbishop of Arles, one of the Questions, (y)(y)Bed. l. 1. c. 27.Augustine proposed, was, since there was such difference between the Offices of the Roman and Gallican Churches, Which he should follow? Gregory answered, That he should chuse what he thought most proper for the English Church. Which implies, That there was a diversity still between them; p. 217And that the Pope did not oblige him to follow the Example of the Roman Church; chiefly, I suppose, Because the Queen, being a Christian before, and using the Gallican Liturgy in the Publick Service, and her Bishop being of the Gallican Church, it would have given great Offence to them to have had it taken away; as likewise to all the British Churches which had been accustomed to it. If the Books of Musaeus mention'd by (z)(z)Gennad. de Scriptor. c. 79.Gennadius were extant, we should easily understand wherein the difference lay. For, he being a Presbyter of the Church of Marseilles, and a Man Learned in the Scriptures, was desired by Venerius, the Bishop there, to draw up a Form of Publick Service, consisting of two Parts, viz. The Morning Service, and the Communion Service. The first he finished in the time of Venerius, and is highly commended by Gennadius for its Order, Vsefulness and Decency. The second, in the time of Eustathius his Successour, which he likewise commends for its great weight and exactness. And there was great Reason at that time, to bring the Church Service into Order, because Cassian and others endeavour'd to introduce the Monastick Customs which he had observed in Egypt and elsewhere, as appears by the design of his Monastick Institutions, especially the second and third Books, which he dedicated to Castor, Bishop of Apta Iulia, at the same time that Venerius was Bishop of Marseilles, where Cassian lived. This Musaeus was therefore employ'd to draw up the most convenient Order for the Publick Service, from whence we may be able to judge of the difference in both parts between the Gallican and Roman Offices.

I begin with the first, viz. the Morning Service, which consisted of Lessons, Hymns and Psalms agreeable to the Lessons, and short Collects after them.

In the Church of Rome, for a long time, viz. for above 400 years, they had nothing before the Sacrifice, as the old Ritualists agree, besides the Epistle and Gospel; then Celestine appointed the Psalms to be used; or as (a)(a)Walafr. c. 22. Microl. c. 1.Walafr. Strabo and Micrologus say, caused Antiphonae to be made out of them and sung. The Epistle was constantly taken out of St. Paul, as Walafr. Strabo proves out of the Pontifical Book; But in process p. 218of time, he saith, other Lessons were taken out of the Old and New Testament, agreeably to the time; Which might be borrow'd from the Gallican Church; as other Inlargements of their Offices by the Ritualists Confession were, and in probability the Distribution of the Lessons was first begun by Musaeus, which we have digested according to the Roman Custome in the Lectionarius, published by Pamelius, by some attributed to St. Jerome. After the Lessons follow'd the Responsoria, or Proper Hymns, for so (b)(b)De Eccl. Officiis, l. 1. c. 8.Isidore saith, they were called, because, one singing, the whole Choire did answer; and (c)(c)De Instit. Cleric. l. 1. c. 33.Rhabanus Maurus calls such an Anthem, Responsorius Cantus; and these differ'd from the Antiphonae, because in them the whole Choire sung each Verse alternatim: But (d)(d)De Officiis, l. 1. c. 15.Rupertus thinks, they had their Name because they answered to the Lessons, being sung immediately after them; for the refreshment of the Hearers mind, saith (e)(e)Amal. l. 4. c. 3.Amalarius. But, besides the Lessons and Hymns, he methodiz'd the Psalms so as to be read agreeably to the times and the Lessons; and not in the Order wherein they stand: which seems to have been peculiar to the Gallican Church. The most ancient Custome of the Church, as (f)(f)In Sacram. Gregor. p. 4.Menardus proves from Justin Martyr, and others, was to begin the publick Service with the Lessons. And (g)(g)Ambr. Ep. 35. l. 5.St. Ambrose, in one Place, seems to mention no more in his Church at Milan besides the Lessons and the Sermon, before his expounding the Creed to the Competentes; But in the same Epistle he speaks of the Psalms that were read in the Morning Service: And (h)(h)In Hexaem. l. 3. c. 5.elsewhere of the People's answering to the Psalms; and it is generally said by the ancient Ritualists, that St. Ambrose brought into the use of the Western Church the custome of Singing the Psalms Verse by Verse in turns by both sides of the Choire; so (i)(i)De Offic. l. 1. c. 7.Isidore, (k)(k)Rab. l 2. c. 50.Rabanus, (l)(l)Wal. c. 25.Walafridus Strabo, and (m)(m)Rad. c. 12.Radulphus Tungrensis: And so Paulinus in his Life saith, he brought up the use of Antiphonae, in the Western Church. And (n)(n)Sigeb. Chr. A. D. 387.Sigebert adds, that he took it from the Greeks. And (o)(o)Confess. l. 9. c. 6, 7.St. Augustine sets down the occasion of it, viz. when the People at Milan were persecuted by the Arians, and resolved to abide in the Church. And therefore to keep them well employ'd he p. 219thought upon this Custome of the Eastern Churches; Which not onelyonly continued there, but from thence spread into other Churches, not without opposition in some Places; as (p)(p)Retract. l. 2. c. 11.St. Augustine confesses, it met with some at Carthage; But withall he saith, he wrote in Vindication of it. In the Eastern Church it was of ancient use, if (q)(q)Socr. l. 4. c. 8.Socrates say true; for he saith, it begun upon a Divine Vision to Ignatius, at the Church of Antioch. But (r)(r)Theod. l. 2. c. 8.Theodoret saith, Flavianus and Diodorus brought it up there; But the words of Theodorus Mopseustenus in (s)(s)Nicet. Thes. l. 5. c. 30.Nicetas seem to intimate, that they took this Custome from the Syriack Churches; However Theodoret attributes the beginning of Singing the Psalms of David in that manner in the Greek Churches to them; From whence he saith it spread into other Parts. But we find by (t)(t)Basil. Ep. 63.St. Basil, it was very hardly received in the Church of Neocaesarea, because it was not introduced by Gregory, who first settled the Church there. Neither, saith he, were the Litanies which they then used, brought in by him: And for that Custome of Singing, he saith, it was practised in the Churches of Egypt, Palaestine and Syria, as far as Euphrates. But it came later into the Western Church. (u)(u)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 4.Card. Bona saith, That Damasus first commanded it to be used in all Churches by his Apostolical Authority; But (w)(w)A. D. 384. n. 20.Card. Baronius saith, It is a plain falshood which the Pontifical Book affirms of Damasus his appointing the Psalms to be sung in all Churches, and he adds, that the Epistles of St. Hierome and Damasus about it are counterfeit. Yet those are the Authorities which, as appears by (x)(x)Pamel. Lit. To. 1. p. 258.Pamelius, the ancient Ritualists rely upon. All that Baronius will allow to be done in the time of Damasus, was, that St. Jerome's Psalter was then introduced at Rome. And yet we are told, (y)(y)Gavant. in Brev. Sect. 5. c. 8. n. 3.that to this day, the old Translation of the Psalter is used in St. Peter's, and is called, Psalterium Romanum in the Rule of St. Francis, which he forbids to be used in Divine Service; But the same is onelyonly used in the Ambrosian Office. And (z)(z)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 3. § 4.Card. Bona observes, that St. Gregory composed the Antiphonae at the Introitus, and at the Responsoria, &c. out of the old Version, before St. Jerome's time; Of which he gives this reason, That the People at Rome were so accustom'd to it, that they would not learn p. 220the New Testament of St. Jerome; And the same Authour (a)(a)l. 1. c. 12.observes likewise, That the old Italick Version was not onelyonly used in Rome, but in all the Suburbicary Churches, and other Churches, Gaul onelyonly excepted. And from thence St. Jerome's Translation was called Versio Gallicana, because it was immediately received into the use of the Gallican Churches. So that I see not how Baronius can make good his own Assertion, That St. Jerome's Translation of the Psalter was introduced by Damasus. But the use of Alleluja by St. Jerome's means, as (b)(b)Regist. l. 7. Ep. 63.St. Gregory saith, was brought from the Church of Ierusalem. Which Baronius thinks is rather to be understood of some particular manner of using it. But how he can justifie the ancient use of the Singing Psalms at Rome, either before or after Damasus his time till Celestine was Pope, I cannot imagine, if the Pontifical Book say true, for that expresly affirms, that Celestine appointed David's Psalms to be sung Antiphonatim before the Sacrifice, and that it was not done before, but onelyonly the Epistles of St. Paul and the holy Gospel were read. Which words are repeated by Alcuinus, Amalarius, Rabanus Maurus, Walafridus Strabo, Berno Augiensis, and several other Ritualists and Historians, as may be seen in (c)(c)Liturg. To. 1. p. 554.Pamelius his Collection, and (d)(d)Liturg. c. 18, 21.Cassander's, besides the Authours themselves; But (e)(e)Bar. A.D. 60. n. 33.Baronius saith, the use of Singing the Psalms was from the beginning in the Roman Church; which we are to take upon his Word, for he brings no proof of it. It is true, that (f)(f)Aug. Epist. 119. c. 18.St. Augustine saith, That we have the Precept and Example of Christ and his Apostles, for singing in our Assemblies. But he speaks not of David's Psalms, nor of the Church of Rome. And he saith, The Customs of Churches were very different about this matter. In the Churches of Africa, he saith, They confined themselves to the Prophetical Hymns, for which they were upbraided by the Donatists, as too grave and formal; But he allows Singing to be one of the Solemn Parts of Divine Service, with which he joins Reading the Lessons, Preaching and Prayer; either aloud by the Bishop, or in common, by the Deacon's giving notice. (g)(g)Apolog. p. 60.Justin Martyr mentions the Hymns of the Church, without declaring whether they were composed or inspired; And so do (h)(h)Epist. l. 10. ep. 97.Pliny and p. 221(i)(i)Tertull. de Virg. Velat. c. 17. ad Vxor. l. 2. c. 8.Tertullian in some Places. But in his (k)(k)Apolog. c. 39.Apology he saith, both were used. (l)(l)Euseb. l. 5. c. 28.Eusebius mentions the Hymns composed by Christians which proved the Divinity of Christ; And (m)(m)l. 7.24.the great esteem the Hymns of Nepos were in; and (n)(n)l. 7. c. 30.the complaint against Paulus Samosatenus for laying aside the Hymns made to the Honour of Christ. The Council of (o)(o)Laod. C…r. c. 59.Laodicea first restrained the use of Private Hymns in the Churches Service, the Greek Canonists understand this Canon of Apocryphal Psalms, such as Salomon's Psalter published by La Cerda out of the Auspurg MS. which he highly magnifies, and almost believes to be genuine; But if this Canon be extended to all humane Compositions; it was never received in the Western Church, wherein the Hymns of St. Hilary, St. Ambrose, Prudentius, and others have been generally used. And the Ambrosian Hymns were received into the Service of the Gallican Church, as appears by the second Council at (p)(p)Concil. Turon. 2. c. 23.Tours; And (q)(q)Cass. Praef. ad Hymn. Eccl.Cassander observes, that not onelyonly those made by St. Ambrose, but others in imitation of him, were called by his name; Which (r)(r)Walafr. c. 25.Walafridus Strabo confirms; But among those the Te Deum is not reckon'd by Cassander, neither is it of the Ambrosian Composition, for those Hymns ended their Sentence every fourth Verse, as he observes. Te Deum is commonly said to have been made by St. Ambrose, and St. Augustine, at his Baptism, and to prove it, the Ritualists quote the Chronicle of Datius, Bishop of Milan. But (s)(s)Gav. in Bre. § 8. c. 19.Gavantus observes, that the Learned Men of Milan deny that there is any such thing as a Chronicle of Datius among them. (t)(t)Analect. Vol. 1. p. 5.Mabillon sent to them to enquire particularly about it, and they return'd Answer, That they had no such thing, But that there was such a Title put upon a Book written by other Authours. In an old Collection of Hymns, and an old Latine and French Psalter mention'd by (u)(u)Usser. de Sym. p. 3.Archbishop Vsher, this Hymn is attributed to St. Nicetius. And there were two of that name in the Gallican Church; The former of which, might probably be the Authour of it. The one was Bishop of Triers, and subscribed to the Council of Auvergn, Anno Dom. 535. highly commended for his Eloquence and Sanctity by (w)(w)Greg. l. 10. c. 29.Gregorius Turonensis, (x)(x)Fort. l. 3. car. 9.Fortunatus and others; And the other of great p. 222fame too and Bishop of Lyons, who subscribed to the Council there Anno Dom. 567. But against this latter there is a strong Objection from the mention of this Hymn in the Rule of St. Benedict, c. 11. who died, according to Baronius, Anno Dom. 543. It is likewise mention'd in the Rule of (y)(y)Cod. Regul. Part. 2. p. 93.Caesarius, drawn up by Tetradius, c. 21. who died about the same time; And in the Rule of (z)(z)Ib. p. 112.Aurelianus, who was present in the Council of Lyons, Anno Dom. 549. in the time of Sacerdos, Predecessour to Nicetius. But I see no reason against the former Nicetius, since (a)(a)Not. in Sacr. Greg. p. 351.Menardus confidently affirms there is no mention of this Hymn in any Writers before. And therefore we may look on this Hymn, as owing its Original to the Gallican Church.

Besides, (b)(b)Cass. Justif. Monach. l. 2. c. 8.Cassian takes notice that in the Gallican Churches, Gloria Patri, &c. was said by the People at the end of every Psalm. But Walafridus Strabo observes, That at Rome they used it rarely at the end of the Psalms; but more frequently after the Responsoria. From hence the three Cardinals, (c)(c)Bellar. de Miss. l. 2. c. 16.Bellarmine, (d)(d)Bar. A. D. 325. n. 175.Baronius and (e)(e)Bon. de Psalmod. c. 16. n. 6.Bona all conclude those Ritualists mistaken who make Damasus the Authour of adding the Gloria Patri, &c. to the end of every Psalm: And that the Epistle under the name of St. Jerome to him about it is notoriously false, and withall they say, that the other Ritualists are mistaken who attribute it to the Council of Nice; Because then there would not have been such difference in the use of it in several Churches. In the Aethiopick Eucharistical Office of the 318 Fathers at the Council of Nice, bestow'd on me by my worthy Friend, Doctour Castle, this Hymn it self is not used; But the Office consists chiefly of a Lofty and Divine Paraphrase upon it. In the Liturgy of Dioscorus it is used in the middle of the Prayers. It is evident from (f)(f)Ad Amphil. c. 7. c. 27.St. Basil's Discourse concerning it, that the Hymn it self was of ancient use in the Eastern Church; but he doth not say in what part of the Churches Service it was used; But (g)(g)Cassian. l. 2. c. 28.Cassian saith, over all the East, it was used onelyonly to conclude the Antiphona. By which he understands a Hymn between the Psalms; Walafridus Strabo observes great diversity in the use of it in the Western Churches; Some put it, he saith, into all Offices; Some at the end of p. 223every Psalm; Some at every breaking off the longer Psalms; Some after the Responsals; But the use in general was universally approved, onelyonly the Greeks found fault with the Latines for putting in the middle, Sicut erat in principio, but the use thereof was required in all the Gallican Churches in the time of (h)(h)Concil. Vas. 2. c. 5.Caesarius, Archbishop of Arles (as (i)(i)Concil. Agath. c. 30. Venet. c. 15. Epaon. c. 17. Gerand. c. 1. Brac. 2. c. 12. Tolet. 4. c. 2.Uniformity was required by other Councils.) Cardinal Bona, following Baronius, makes that Council much elder which required the use of this Hymn, and soon after the Council of Nice; But that cannot be, if the Subscriptions in Sirmondus be true; and he observes that mistake in Baronius to have risen from misunderstanding a Passage of Ado Viennensis. So that the Morning Service of the Gallican Churches consisted chiefly in Lessons, Hymns and Psalms of St. Jerome's translation, with Gloria Patri at the end of every Psalm. The Latine Tongue being yet the common Language of the Roman Provinces.

But are we to suppose, that they met together for the Worship of God without any Prayers? I answer, that they had then two sorts of Prayers in their Assemblies.

(1.) Private Prayers of each particular Person by himself.

(2.) A concluding Collect, which was the Common Prayer, wherein they all joined.

(1.) That they had such private Prayers in their Assemblies I prove from (k)(k)De Instit. Mon. l. 2. c. 7.Cassian, who reproves the Custome of some in the Gallican Churches, who fell to their private Devotions on their Knees, before the Psalm was well ended. But, he saith, the Egyptian Monks used to spend some time in Prayer to themselves standing, and then fall down for a short space in a way of Adoration, and presently rise up again, continuing their Devotions standing. All which is capable of no other sense; but that between the Psalms a time was allow'd in the Gallican Churches as well as Egyptian Monasteries, for private Devotions in the publick Assemblies. (l)(l)Greg. l. 7. c. 8.Gregor Turonensis saith, That in the Gallican Churches the Deacon did Silentium indicere; and the Priest did it by the (m)(m)Eug. Robles. de Officio Mozarab. c. 28.Mozarabick Liturgy, which Eugenius Roblesius understands onelyonly of making the People attentive; Which I grant was part of the Deacon's Office and Design in p. 224commanding Silence, as appears by several passages in the ancient Liturgies both Greek and Latine. But there was a farther meaning in it, and that the People were for a time there to attend to their own private Prayers, appears not improbable to me on these Considerations. (1.) Gregory Turonensis saith, in the Place before mentioned, That the King took that time to speak to the People, who immediately break forth into a Prayer for the King; Not that any Collect was then read for him, for that was not the proper time for it; but it being a time of secret Prayers, they were so moved with what the King said, that they all pray'd for him. (2.) Among the Heathens, when they were bidden favere Linguis, yet then (n)(n)De Formulis, p. 9, 10.Brissonius saith, They made their private Prayers; And as the Deacons commanding Silence seems to be much of the same Nature, it is not probable that the Christians should fall short of their Devotions. (3.) The great Argument to me, is the small number of Collects in the Ancient Churches; For the Christians spent a great deal of time in the publick Service, on the Lord's-days, and the Stationary days; But all the other Offices could not take up that time, there being no long Extemporary Prayers, nor such a multitude of tedious Ceremonies in all Parts, as the Roman Breviary and Missal introduced, and the Collects of greatest Antiquity, being very few and short, it seems most probable, that a competent part of the time was spent in private Devotions. A remainder whereof is still preserved in the Office of Ordination of Priests in our Church, whereby silence is commanded to be kept for a time, for the Peoples secret Prayers. And the same Custome was observed at the Bidding of Prayers, which was a direction for the People what to pray for in their (o)(o)Vid. Matt. Parker. Concion. in obit. Buceri.private Devotions; After which follow'd the Lord's-prayer as the concluding Collect. But either that or another was still used after these silent Prayers, and that is the true ancient Reason of the Name: For (p)(p)Mircr. l. 3.Micrologus saith, The name Collecta was, because the Priest therein did, Omnium Precescolligere, or, as (q)(q)Walafr. c. 22.Walafridus Strabo saith, Necessarias omnium Petitiones compendiosâ brevitate colligere. This was distinct from the Prayer made ad Collectam, before the People went to the Stationary p. 225Churches; Of which Onuphrius Panvinius and Fronto in his Calendarium Romanum have said enough. But as to the Gallican Churches, the (r)(r)Con. Agath. c. 30.Council of Agde shews that after the other Offices were performed in the Morning and Evening Service, the People were to be dismissed by the Bishop Collectâ Oratione, i. e. With a concluding Collect.

(2.) As to the Communion Service (s)(s)Gennad. in Musaeo.Gennadius saith, That Musaeus composed a large Volume of the Sacraments, with several Offices according to the Seasons, with a diversity of Lessons, and Psalms, and Anthems, and Prayers and Thanksgivings. This Book is called, Liber Sacramentorum, and so is Gregory's, saith (t)(t)Not. in Sacr. Greg. p. 1, 2.Menardus in several MSS. and the old Missal published by Illyricus is called Ordo Sacramentorum; Which was the Name given to the Books of Liturgick Offices, which were called Sacramenta, both by St. Ambrose and St. Augustine, as Menardus shews. (u)(u)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 12.Cardinal Bona confesses, That there is undoubted Evidence, that the old Gallican Liturgy, differ'd from the Roman; And (w)(w)Car. de Imag. l. 1. c. 6.Charles the Great, not onelyonly saith, That there was such a difference in the Celebration of the Divine Offices; But that the Gallican Churches were very unwilling to change theirs for the Roman, Matthias Flacius Illyricus (not Flavius, as Le Cointe pretends to correct his Name) having found an ancient MS. Missal, and discerning several different Prayers in it from the Roman Missal, thought this to have been the ancient Gallican Missal, wherein he is followed by (x)(x)Annal. Eccl. Franc. To. 2. A. D. 601.Le Cointe, who hath printed it at large in his Annals; with an Epitome of it published by Menardus out of an ancient Copy. But (y)(y)Menard. App. ad lib. Sacr. p. 266.he shews that Illyricus his Copy could not be of that Antiquity he pretends, viz. Before the time of Gregory the Great: There being several things in it not of that Age; Which were not in the old Missal of 986. and were in another of later date; To which Le Cointe returns no Answer; But because this differs from the Roman Missal, he concludes it must be the Gallican; Whereas, upon perusing it, it will appear rather to be a Supplement to the Roman Missal for the Devotion of those that celebrate it, consisting chiefly of private Prayers to be used by them before Celebration, and during the Singing of the Several p. 226Hymns: For the common parts of the Office, as the Introitus, Epistola, Graduale, Evangelium, Offertorium, Secreta, Praefatio, Communio, & Post-communio, are onelyonly referr'd to, and not set down; Whereas if this had been the Gallican Missal, all those parts would have been set down rather more distinctly than others. (z)(z)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 12.Card. Bona thinks it not to have been before the end of the tenth Century, about which time several such private Missals were made. But he concludes, that certainly this was not the old Gallican Missal: What it was, he thinks hard to determine, and I think so too; If such Authours as Hilduinus must be relied on. It is true, he mentions the old Missals which contained the Gallican Liturgy from the first reception of the Christian Faith, till the Roman Missal was received; But he is an Authour of no Authority, and quotes these Missals for a thing notoriously false, viz. the Martyrdom of Dionysius Areopagita in Gaul. And he pretends, that Innocentius, Gelasius and Gregory, all endeavour'd to alter the Gallican Liturgy, which continued in use till Pepin's time: So that from Hilduinus no certain Note can be taken. It is much more material which (a)(a)De Rebus ad Missam spect. c. 2.Berno Augiensis saith, That in the Archives of their Monastery, he found an old Missal wherein the Offices were very differently ordered from what they were in the Roman. And he mentions one remarkable particular of the Roman Missal, which is the

(1.) Difference I shall observe in the Communion Service, viz. That the Creed was not said nor sung at Rome after the Gospel, of which he saith, They gave this Reason, because the Roman Church was never infected with Heresie; which, he saith, the Emperour Henry I. was so little satisfied with, that he never ceased, till they had introduced it at Rome; which, saith (b)(b)Bar. A. D. 1014. n. 5.Baronius, was done Anno Dom. 1014. but he seems not pleased that the former Custome was broken. Before that time, none that speak of the Customs of the Roman Missal ever mention the Creed, as may be seen in Alcuinus, Amalarius, Rabanus, and others. And this cannot be understood barely of the Constantinopolitane or Nicene Creed, as (c)(c)Not. in Greg. Sacr. p. 370.Menardus well proves, because then Berno would have spoken more distinctly. And the Athanasian Creed, p. 227as far as we can trace it, was first used in the Gallican Churches, and that use first mention'd by Abbo Floriacensis in some Fragments sent by Nicolaus Faber to (d)(d)Bar. A. D. 1001. n. 3.Baronius. But whosoever considers the universal Silence about that Creed before, and compares it with the Profession of Faith in the first Canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo, which then took so many of the Gallican Offices into the Service of the Spanish Churches will see Reason to believe that this Creed was originally of a Gallican Composition, and thence was carried into Spain upon the Conversion of the Goths from Arianism, wherein several Expressions are taken out of St. Augustine's Works. Ruffinus shews, That those that were to be baptized did at Rome repeat the Creed; but that is another thing from its use in the Liturgy, which both Baronius and (e)(e)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 8.Bona confess was so lately introduced at Rome. So that here we have one considerable difference of the Roman Offices from those of other Churches; For (f)(f)De Eccl Offic. c. 16.Isidore saith, That the Nicene Creed was then used in the Gothick Churches in the time of Sacrifice; As the Church Service was then called; For that it had no Relation to that which is called the Sacrifice of the Mass, appears by Concil. Aurel. 3. can. 29. Where we find the name of Sacrifice applied to the Evening Service, Sacrificia Matutina Missarum, sive Vespertina; And so (g)(g)Cassian. de Inst. Monach. l. 3. c. 3.Cassian uses Sacrificia Vespertina in allusion to the Custome of Sacrificing among the Jews. And (h)(h)Vit. Hilarii Aril. c. 21.Honoratus, in the Life of St. Hilarius of Arles, calls it Sacrificium Vespertinae Laudis. And Missa was then used for the publick Service, as (i)(i)Liturg. c. 17.Cassander and others shew. In the Rule of St. Benedict, Missae are to be taken for the concluding Collects at the Canonical Hours. (k)(k)Cassian. de Inst. l. 2. c. 13. l. 3. c. 5.Cassian useth Missa for any publick meeting at Prayers, thence he speaks of Missa Nocturna and Missa Orationum, and Missa Canonica, for the Nocturnal Office among the Monks; And in the Concil. Agath. c. 30. We reade of Missae Vespertinae. But afterwards the name was appropriated to the most solemn part of publick Worship, viz. the Communion Service. In which the Creed was appointed by the third Council of Toledo, c. 2. in all the Churches of Spain and Gallaecia; or, as some Copies have it, of Gallia; Which p. 228is confirmed by an Edict of Reccaredus to that purpose; which extended to that Part of Gallia Narbonensis, then under the Gothick Power; Where a (l)(l)Concil. Narbon. 1. c. 2.Council met under Reccaredus, about the same time. In which Gloria Patri was decreed to be used at the end of every Psalm; Which was observed by the other Gallican Churches in Cassian's time. It seems very probable, that the Spanish Churches did follow the Customs of the Gallican in other parts of the Divine Offices as well as this; Which appears by the Passage in the Epistle of Carolus Calvus produced by (m)(m)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 12.Card. Bona, where speaking of the ancient Gallican Offices before the Introduction of the Roman; he saith, He had seen and heard how different they were by the Priests of the Church of Toledo, who had celebrated the Offices of their Church before him. Which had signified nothing to this matter, unless the Gothick and Gallican Offices had then agreed. I do not say that the old Gallican Service can be gather'd from all the Parts of the Mozarabick Liturgy, as it was settled by (n)(n)Gomes. de vit. Ximen. l. 2.Card. Ximenes, in a Chapel of the Church of Toledo; or as it is performed on certain days at Salamanca, because many Alterations might be in those Offices as well as others in so long time; And such no doubt there were, as (o)(o)Marian. de Rebus Hisp. l. 6. c. 5.Mariana confesseth, by the length of time; although it did bear the Name of Leander and Isidore. For (p)(p)Ildephons. de Script. Eccles. & in Append.Julianus Toletanus is said to have review'd the whole Office, and to have alter'd and added many things, and Johannes Caesaraugustanus and Conantius, and after them Petrus Ilerdensis, and Salvus Abbaildensis, besides such whose Names are not preserved; But so far as we can trace the ancient Customs of the Gothick Missal we may probably infer what the Customs of the Gallican Churches at that time were, and thereby shew the difference between them and the Roman Offices. As besides this of the Creed.

(2.) The Prophetical Lessons were always to be read by the Rules of the Mozarabick Liturgy: and accordingly three Books were laid upon the Altar in the Gallican Churches, as (q)(q)Greg. Turonen. l. 4. c. 16.8. c. 7.Gregorius Turonensis observes, That of the Prophets, and of the Epistles, and of the Gospels. But nothing but the Epistle and Gospel were read at Rome, p. 229as is shew'd already; Which manifests that the Book under St. Jerome's Name, called the Lectionarius or Comes must be counterfeit; Because therein Lessons out of the Prophets are set down: And the Authorities of Berno Augiensis, Micrologus and Radulphus Tungrensis, which are the best (r)(r)To. 2. Liturg. in Praefat.Pamelius could find, are not great enough against so plain Evidence to the contrary, to prove this Lectionarius to have been made by St. Jerome. And he confesses that Amalarius several times onelyonly mentions the Auctor Lectionarii without St. Jerome's name, who lived a good while before them. But in this the Roman Church had its peculiar Rites; for, in the Church of Milan, first a Lesson out of the Prophets was read before the Epistle, as appears by (s)(s)Sever. Sulpic. vit. Martini. l. 3.Sulpicius Severus. And in the Greek Church, St. (t)(t)Basil. Hom. 13. & 21.Basil saith, That Lessons out of the Old, as well as the New Testament were read. By the (u)(u)Concil. Laod. c. 59.Council of Laodicea, all the Canonical Books were appointed to be read. Zonaras observes, on the 16. Canon of that Council, That before this Council there were nothing but Prayers before the Consecration: But therein he was certainly mistaken; For (w)(w)Apolog. 2.Justin Martyr shews, That the Lessons were read long before, and that out of the Prophets as well as Apostles. But Balsamon and Aristenus restrain this Canon onelyonly to Saturdays; And it enjoins the reading of the Gospels then, which was not accustomed before, There being no Religious Assemblies in those Parts on that day: But by the same Canon we find, That where the Gospels were read, other Scriptures were appointed to be read too. It is observed by (x)(x)Hiero-lexi cog. v. Lectio.Dominicus Macer, that at the Lessons of the Old Testament the Greeks do sit; But stand at those out of the New. (y)(y)Soz. l. …. c. 19.Sozomen reckons it as a peculiar Custome of Alexandria. That the Bishop did not rise up at the Gospels: And Nicephorus **Niceph. l. 11. c. 34.Callisthus saith, It was contrary to the Practice of all other Churches.

(3.) After the Gospel, the Sermon follow'd in other Churches; But in the old Roman Offices, there is no mention at all of any Sermon to the People. (z)(z)Re…. …. l. 8. n. 7. …. 4.Card. Bona saith, That it hath been the uninterrupted practice of the Church from the Apostles times to our own, for the Sermon to follow after the Gospel: And he doth sufficiently p. 230prove the Antiquity of it from the Testimonies of Justin Martyr and Tertullian, and the general practice of it in other Churches, especially the Gallican; But he offers no proof, that it was observed in the Church of Rome. But (a)(a)Soz. l. 7. c. 9.Sozomen observes it as the peculiar Custome of that Church, That there was no Preaching in it; neither by the Bishop, nor by any one else. Valesius seems to wonder at it; But he saith, If it had not been true, Cassiodore, who certainly knew the Customs of that Church, would never have repeated it. In the Sacramentary of Gregory, The Offertory immediately follows after the Gospel; And Micrologus saith, Finito Evangelio, statim est offerendum, c. 10. And to the same purpose in the Ordo Romanus: But in the Ordo of the Western Churches, published by (b)(b)Liturg. p. 52.103.Cassander with the other, There the Bishop is to be attended on after the Gospel, in order to his Preaching; But if he will not, Then the Creed is to be sung: And according to this Custome the (c)(c)Gem. Animae, l. 1. c. 25.Gemma Animae is to be understood when it saith, That after the Gospel, the Bishop preaches to the People. It is true, That in the Church of Rome, Leo did make some Sermons on solemn Occasions; But he was the first that did it, saith (d)(d)De …it. & gestis Leonis, p. 257.Quesnel, if Sozomen may be believed. It is possible, That upon some extraordinary Occasions, the Bishops of Rome might speak to the People before his time, as Liberius is said, by St. (e)(e)Ambros. de virg. veland. l. 3.Ambrose, to have done at St. Peter's; But this signifies nothing to the constant Office of Preaching which was not used in the Church of Rome by any Bishop before Leo, nor by many after, as it was in other Churches. In the Gallican Churches, as (f)(f)In Can. Truff.Christianus Lupus observes, The Bishops called their Office Praedicationis Officium; as appears by the Profession both of Bishops and Archbishops, among (g)(g)To. 2. Concil. Gall. Form. 12, 13.Sirmondus his Formulae published out of ancient Copies. And in the Royal Confirmation they were charged to be diligent in Preaching. The same Authour tells us, That Charles the Great was so strict in requiring it, That he made the Penalty of the neglect of it to be no less than Deposition. Which is warranted by the Apostolical Canon 58. The Council in Trullo, c. 19. charges the Bishops to preach constantly. But especially on the Lord's-days; The want whereof was extremely p. 231lamented afterwards in the Greek Church by (h)(h)Barlaam, Epist. 1.Barlaam, and (i)(i)Greg. Apol. ad Marc. Ephes.Gregorius Protosyncellus. And the neglect of it in the Armenian Churches hath brought the Episcopal Order into so great Contempt, as (k)(k)Concil. Eccl. Armena. &c. c. 28. p. 455.Clemens Galanus reports, (who was a long time among them) that he saith, They use their Bishops for little else but to give Orders; But the onelyonly Men in esteem are their Vartabret (whom he renders Magistri, their Preachers;) Whom the People regard far beyond their Bishops, because, they say, they represent Christ himself, as he was Rabbi, or the Teacher of his Church. But to return to the Western Churches. In the Church of Milan, (l)(l)Confess. l. 6. c. 3.St. Augustine saith, He heard St. Ambrose every Lord's-day; And, he saith, (m)(m)De Officiis, l. 1. c. 1.He accounted it the proper Office of a Bishop to preach; Which he performed, as in other Churches (n)(n)Ep. 33.after the Gospel, before the Dismission of the Catechumeni; But by the Mozarabick Liturgy, the Sermon was after their dismission.

(4.) The Gallican Churches had peculiar Offices after the Sermon; So (o)(o)Walafr. 22.Walafridus Strabo saith, That some of those Prayers were still in use among many. And (p)(p)Microl. c. 11.Micrologus, That the Prayer, Veni Sanctificator, &c. was taken out of the Gallican Ordo. But, to make this more clear, we are to consider, that there were some parts of the Communion Service wherein all the Ancient Offices agreed; as in the Sursum Corda, and Habemus ad Dominum used in the Eastern, as well as Western Churches; and there are as plain Testimonies of their use in the African and Gallican Churches as the Roman; before the Roman Offices came to be imposed on other Churches. The Gratias agamus Domino Deo nostro, and Vere dignum & justum est aequum & salutare, nos tibi semper & ubique gratias agere, are mention'd by St. Cyril, St. Chrysostome, St. Augustine, and other ancient Writers: This latter part in the Mozarabick Liturgy is called Inlatio. The Trisagion was generally used; I do not mean that which was said to have come by Revelation in the time of Proclus at Constantinople; But that which the Greeks call foreign, and is called Trisagium in the Ambrosian Missal, and was used with a more ample Paraphrase in the Eastern Churches. All these parts are retained in the excellent Office of our Church ▪ p. 232not from the Church of Rome (as our Dissenters weakly imagine) but from the consent of all the ancient Churches in the use of them; Which it hath follow'd likewise in the putting them into a Language understood by the People (as (q)(q)Liturg. c. 28, 36.Cassander fully shews.) And in the use of the Hymn, Gloria in excelsis, which, with the Addition to the Scripture words, was used in the Eastern Churches, as appears by the (r)(r)Constit. Apost. l. 7. c. 47.Apostolical Constitutions, and a Passage in (s)(s)Athanas. p. 1057.Athanasius his Works, and several Greek MSS. of it; this was called Hymnus Angelicus from the beginning of it, and Hymnus Matutinus from the ancient time of using it, as appears not onelyonly from other MSS. but from the famous Alexandrian Copy of the LXX. where it is set down in large Letters, and called by the name of the Morning Hymn. Its use in the Gallican Church is attested by the ancient MS. in the beginning of this Discourse; And (t)(t)Alcuin. c. 42.Alcuinus makes St. Hilary of Poictou to have been the Inlarger of it. The Prayer for the Church Militant; For Kings and Princes; And all Ranks and Orders of Men; The Commemoration of Saints departed; The Reading the Words of Institution; And using the Lord's-prayer; Were in all the ancient Liturgies as parts of the Communion Service: And therefore are not to be look'd on as appropriated to the Canon of the Mass in the Church of Rome.

Wherein then did the Difference consist between the Roman and Gallican Churches at that time, as to this Service?

In Answer to this Question, I shall go through the other parts of it, and shew the difference.

(1.) The Gallican Office began with a peculiar Confession of Sins made by the Priest; Which was called Apologia. A form whereof (u)(u)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 1.Cardinal Bona hath published out of a very ancient MS. in the Queen of Sweden's Library; And which he proves to have been the old Gallican Office. It is true, that several Forms of such Confessions, are in the (w)(w)Sacr. Greg. p. 242.Sacramentary of Gregory; But all different from the Gallican Form. In the old Missal of Rataldus, Abbat of Corbey, published by (x)(x)Sacr. Greg. p. 262.Menardus, instead of the Apology, we reade that Form, Suscipe Confessionem meam, unica Spes Salutis p. 233meae, Domine Deus meus, &c. And then follows a particular enumeration of Sins, and a general Confession of them. And a different Form is produced by (y)(y)Greg. Sacr. p. 269.Menardus, out of another ancient Missal, which he calls the Codex Tilianus, and seems most agreeable to the old Gallican mention'd by Bona; And, There is a great variety of Forms of Confession and Supplication in the old Missal published by Illyricus. But, I observe; That the Form prescribed in the Roman Missal is in none of them: viz. Confiteor Deo Omnipotenti, B. Mariae semper Virgini, B. Michaeli Archangelo, &c. & omnibus Sanctis, &c. Ideo precor B. Mariam, &c. Omnes Sanctos, &c.—Orare pro me ad Dominum nostrum: For all the ancient Forms of Confession were onelyonly to God himself; And so they continued for 1000 years after Christ; About which time Menardus saith, The several ancient Missals before mention'd do bear Date. The Common Ritualists attribute the present Form to Pontianus, or Damasus, but without any Authority, saith (z)(z)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 2.Card. Bona. The first mention I can find of Confession to Saints, is that which he sets down out of the Codex Chisii; Which being in the (a)(a)Id. l. 1. c. 12.Lombard Character, he ghesses to have been before the end of the tenth Century, and with this (b)(b)Microl. c. 23.Micrologus agrees; The Authour whereof lived towards the end of the eleventh Century. So that this part of the Roman Missal was neither in the Gregorian nor Gallican Offices, being of a much later Original.

(2.) The Gallican Office had peculiar Prefaces, and Collects different from the Roman. By the Prefaces are understood that part of the Service which immediately goes before the Consecration, and is called in the Gallican Office, Contestatio, in the Gothick, Illatio, shewing not onelyonly the general Fitness for us at all times, to give thanks to God; But the particular Reason of it, with respect to the Day. Of which kind of Prefaces, the Roman Church allow'd but nine, which were attributed to Pope Gelasius; But (c)(c)Rer. Lit. l. 2. c. 10. n. 3.Card. Bona saith, That number is to be found onelyonly in the Missals, after Anno Dom. 1200. For before, there were many more, as appears by Gregory's Sacramentary; But how they came to be left out afterwards in the Roman Missal is a Mystery, of which p. 234none of the Ritualists give any tolerable account. However this is enough to shew their Ignorance, when they so confidently attributed the proper Prefaces to Gelasius; As though Gregory would have slighted so much the Decree of his Predecessours, as to have appointed so many more, if Gelasius had limited the number to Nine. But however it was in the Roman Church, the Gallican Church had peculiar Prefaces for all solemn Occasions. Of which (d)(d)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 12. n. 6.Card. Bona hath produced three remarkable Instances, two out of the former ancient MS. of Nine hundred Years old, which formerly belong'd to Petavius, a Senatour of Paris; And the third out of a Copy of the Palatine Library, translated to the Vatican, of the same Age. From these excellent Monuments of Antiquity compared together we may in great measure understand the true Order and Method of the Communion Service of that time, both in the Gallican and British Churches, especially on Saint's-days; For no other Offices are preserved, or at least made known to the World. And on those Occasions the Service began with particular Collects for the Day; Then follow'd the Commemoration out of the Diptychs; Then another Collect, Post nomina; After which the Collect, ad Pacem; Then the particular Prefaces relating to the Saint whose memory was celebrated; with a larger account of his good Actions than is used in any of the Gregorian Prefaces, expressed in a devout and pathetical manner; Which ended in the Trisagion; And was continued by another Collect to the Consecration; After which follow'd a devout Prayer for benefit by the Holy Sacrament; And after another Collect for the occasion follow'd the Lord's-prayer, with a Conclusion for the Day: And the whole Service was concluded with a Benediction of the People, a Collect after the Eucharist, and a short Thanksgiving. This is a just and true Account from these authentick Offices of the Publick Service then used in the British Churches following the Gallican from the time of St. German, whose particular Office is one of those preserved by Card. Bona; And in the peculiar Preface his great Zeal is mention'd in Preaching and going up and down doing good in Gaul, Italy and Britain, for thirty years together.

p. 235(3.) As to the Canon of the Mass, as it is called in the Church of Rome, or the Prayer of Consecration used in the Church of Rome, and magnified as Apostolical, St. (e)(e)Greg. Epist. l. 7. ep. 63.Gregory affirms, as plainly as he well could, That it was first composed by a private Person, and was not of Apostolical Tradition. Who that Scholar was, it is now impossible to know, and not at all material, since it is apparent that it was received into the publick Vse of the Church. Some small additions, they say, were made to it by several Popes, till Gregory's time, who, according to the Ritualists, shut up this Canon. But I see no reason to believe that Consecration of the Eucharist, was at that time performed in other Churches by the words of this Canon. For, setting aside the Eastern Churches, which had Forms of their own; The African Churches did not follow the Roman Form. For although (f)(f)Opt. l. 2.Optatus mentions illud legitimum in Sacramentorum mysterio; which implies, that there was a certain Form to be observed; yet this doth not at all prove, that it was the Roman Canon: And it evidently appears that it was not, by the Testimonies of (g)(g)Victor. advers. Ar…m, l. 1.Marius Victorinus, and (h)(h)Fulgent. in Ep. 1. ad 1 Cor. c. 14.1 Cor 14Fulgentius, two African Writers, who both mention some Prayers used in the Eucharist, which are not in the Roman Canon, and those not Prefatory; but such as do relate to the main parts of the Canon. It is true, the Writer about the Sacraments, under St. Ambrose's name (for (i)(i)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 7. n. 4.Card. Bona will not allow him to be St. Ambrose) doth produce several Expressions in the Form of Consecration which agree with the Roman Canon; But then he adds a very considerable Passage, which I hardly believe, those who are most zealous for the Roman Canon will say, was ever part of it. (k)(k)De Sacram. l. 4. c. 5.Fac nobis hanc oblationem ascriptam, rationabilem, acceptabilem, quod est figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. And in the Gallican Church, the Form of Consecration, as appears by the Office of Saint German, was nothing else but repeating the Words of Institution, after the Conclusion of the Irisagion, and Gloria in Excelsis. After which follow'd a Prayer, for God's Holy Word and Spirit to descend upon the Oblation they made, That it might be a spiritual Sacrifice well pleasing to God; And that God, by the Bloud of Christ, would p. 236with his own Right Hand defend those his Sacraments; And then follow'd the Lord's Prayer and other Collects. This Prayer after Consecration, Card. Bona knows not what to make of, as seeming wholly inconsistent with Transubstantiation, for if that Doctrine had been then believed, and by Consecration the Elements turn'd into the Body of Christ; To what purpose doth the Church then pray for the Word and Spirit to descend upon the Elements, when they are actually united already? But (l)(l)Rer. Liturg. l. 2. c. 13. l. 1. c. 12.he makes a very hard shift to interpret these Words, not of a descent on the Elements, but on the Hearts of the Communicants: But the Words are, Descendat super haec quae tibi offerimus Verbum tuum Sanctum, Which are so plain and evident concerning the Elements, that nothing but mere force, can make any Man to understand them of the Receivers. Besides, that Office concludes with a particular Prayer for the Benefit of those that had partaked of the Body of Christ, wherein this Expression is remarkable, Christe, Domine, qui & tuo vesci corpore, & tuum corpus effici vis fideles, fac nobis in remissionem Peccatorum esse quod sumpsimus, i. e. O Christ, our Lord, who wouldest have thy People eat thy Body, and become thy Body, grant that we may be that which we have taken for the Remission of our Sins. And it is certain, the meaning of this Prayer was not that Christians might become the Natural Body of Christ; And therefore it was not then believed, That the Faithfull did in the Eucharist take the Natural Body of Christ; But that which was the Body of Christ in such a mystical sense as the Church is. But Transubstantiation was no part of the Faith of the Church at that time, and therefore it is no wonder to meet with Expressions so disagreeing to it in their solemn Devotions. And it is well observed by (m)(m)Rer. Liturg. l. 1. c. 13. n. 2.Card. Bona, that the Custome of Elevation of the Host, in Order to Adoration, is found in none of the ancient Sacramentaries, nor in the Ordo Romanus, not in the Old Ritualists, such as Alcuinus Amalarius, Walafridus, Micrologus and others. The same had been ingenuously confessed before by (n)(n)Not. in Sacr. Greg. p. 374.Menardus, in the same Words: And although there may be Elevation, where there is no belief of Transubstantiation, yet, since the Custome of Elevation was lately p. 237introduced into the Western Churches, and in order to Adoration of the Body of Christ then present by Transubstantiation; it seems very probable, that Doctrine was not then received by the Church, the Consequences whereof were not certainly in use: For there was as much Reason for the Elevation and Adoration at that time as ever could be afterwards. But my Business is now onelyonly to shew wherein the Gallican and British Churches differ'd from the Roman, and not wherein they agreed.

(4.) The last difference was as to the Church Musick, wherein the Romans were thought so far to excell other Western Churches, That the goodness of their Musick proved the great occasion of introducing their Offices: For (o)(o)De Imag. l. 1.Charles the Great saith, That his Father Pepin brought the Roman way of Singing into the Gallican Churches, and their Offices along with it. And although he saith, many Churches stood out then, yet by his means they were brought to it. And he caused some of the best Masters of Musick in Rome to be brought into France, and there settled for the Instruction of the (p)(p)Pithaei Glos. v. Cantur Gallicanus.French Churches: By which means the old Gallican Service was so soon forgotten, That in (q)(q)Carol. Calv. Epist. ad Cler. Raven.Carolus Calvus his time, he was forced to send as far as Toledo, to have some to perform the Old Offices before him; So great a Power had the Roman Musick, and the Prince's Authority in changing the ancient Service of the Gallican Churches. But thus much may suffice to have cleared the ancient Service of these Western Churches, and to have shew'd their difference from the Roman Offices.

From which Discourse it will appear, that our Church of England hath omitted none of those Offices wherein all the Ancient Churches agreed; And that where the British or Gallican and Roman differ'd, our Church hath not follow'd the Roman, but the other; And therefore our Dissenters do unreasonably charge us with taking our Offices from the Church of Rome.