Answer to Cressys Epistle, Chapter 3

Answer to Cressys Epistle · Chapter 3

p. 136CHAP. III.

Of the Monastick Orders, in the Roman Church, and particularly of the Benedictin.

§. 1. THe second thing to which the charge of Fanaticis…n relates, is the Foundation of their Religious Orders in the Roman Church, which I said were first instituted among them by Enthusiastick Persons, upon the credit of their Visions and Revelations. For which I instanced, in all their most celebrated Orders, viz. the Benedictins, Carthusians, Dominicans, Franciscans and Iesuits; and gave a particular account of this, from the authentick Histories among themselves of the several Founders of them: and besides, I produced the Testimony of Bellarmin, that their Religious Orders were instituted by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost. In answer to this, Mr. Cressy (declining the dispute, about the personal qualities of the Founders of Religious Orders;) saith, the p. 137most commodious way to make a true judgement of them will be to examin their Fruits.Fanati…ism. p. 21. For by their Fruits, saith our Saviour, they will be known. Therefore to determine, whether it was by Gods inspiration, that they instituted their Respective Orders, he proposes these two wayes, 1. To examin their several Rules, according to which their Disciples oblige themselves to conform their lives and actions. 2. Whether God hath acknowledged them for his servants by making use of them to the great benefit of his Church and dilation of his honour. By these wayes he desires it may be judged whether there were not sufficient ground for Bellarmin to say, that such Orders were instituted by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and so do I. Which cannot be done without a particular enquiry into the Rules and history of their several Religious Orders, that by them we may see what evidence appears of any Divine Inspiration.

And according to Mr. Cressy's particular zeal and concernment for the Benedictin Order, I begin with that: The Person of Honour having given that Character of S. Benedict that he believed him to have been a devout man in a dark time,Anima… vers. p. 28. according to his talent of understanding; but that he might have been deluded by the effects of a p. 138distempered Fancy, as many well meaning men have been;P. 39. and that he could di…cern nothing like Divine Inspiration in his Rule; but presently met with an impertinent allegation of Scripture ch. 2. applying that place,P. 42. Rom. 8. crying Abba Father, to the person of the Abbot as representing Christ; he proceeds farther, to say, that neither the reading of his Rule, nor any of the rest, will oblige any man to be of Bellarmins opinion, that those Orders were instituted by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost; and because of Mr. Cressy's great rage against me upon this subject of Visions and Revelations, he desires to know his opinion particularly concerning the Revelation of S.P. 53, 54. Francis on the Mount Palombo concerning the literal observation of his Rule without any Gloss; which is Printed with his Rule, and with the Popes Bulls, and the Testimony of S. Bonaventure. Mr. Cressy in answer to this, takes no manner of notice of S. Francis his Rule, or Revelation; but leaves that to shift for it self; but something he must say for the honour of S. Benedict, and it all amounts to as little as could be wished. For he doth not produce any one thing, to make it appear more probable that S. Benedict writ his Rule by divine Inspiration, p. 139which had been indeed to his purpose; but only answers to the place of Scripture mentioned Ch. 2. of his Rule; and then brings several testimon…es of the great reputation the Benedictin Rule hath been in among Popes, E… A olog. …. 29. to …. 35.and Saints and Councils & Kings & Princes in after ages. And what of all this? Must this Rule therefore be written by divine Inspiration? Is it not possible for men to think them good Rules, without believing them to have been inspired? Suppose this were approved, as the best Monastick Rule in these Western parts, by Popes, and Princes and Councils, doth it hence follow that it was immediately endited by the Spirit of God? If it were, it must be of equal authority with the Bible; if it were not, the charge remains good, that it was only an Enthusiastical pretence to Inspiration.

§. 2. But to take off the force of all that Mr. Cressy saith in behalf of the Benedictin Rule, and to make good the first charge; (although Mr. Cr. hath evidently declined the proof of the Affirmative which lay upon him) I shall give these… Reasons to prove that this Rule was never written by divine Inspiration. 1. Because the main parts of it were borrowed out of former Rules. 2. Because what is of S. Benedicts own, p. 140hath manifest signs of humane weakness; particularly misapplication of Scripture, mentioned by the Person of Honour. 3. Because it was never received in the Roman Church as written by divine Inspiration.

1. Because the main parts of it were borrowed out of former Rules. Where we can with so much ease and certainty, trace the footsteps of humane industry in any writing, it is very unreasonable to attribute it to divine inspiration: And there is not one considerable part in the Benedictin Rule, which we cannot even at this distance of time shew from whence it was taken. Hugo Menardus a French Benedictin hath published the Concordia Regularum written by Benedict Abbot of Aniane, (not by the English Benedict, as Reynerus would have it) who was appointed by Ludovicus Pius to bring all the Monasteries within his Empire to one uniform Rule,Hugo Menard, concord. Regularum, p. 52. (which it seems they had not before) he therefore in pursuit of this design made it his business to search all the former Rules, A…tol. Benedict. p. 190.which having done, he published them together; with this Preface to them; that sometimes he met with the very same words, at other times with the same sense which was in the Benedictin Rule; and a little after he saith expresly,P. 70. that S. Benedict took his Rule p. 141from those who were before, and gathered it as one handful out of many: and Menardus there confesseth, that it was taken out of the Rules of Pachomius, S. Basil, Cassian and others, who lived before him; which will very easily appear to any one who will take the pains to compare them. The Benedictin Rule begins with an account of the several sorts of Monks, viz. the CoenobitaeRegul. Benedict. c. 1. who lived together under a Rule or Abbot; the Eremitae who lived by themselves in the Desert; the Sarabaitae, who lived two or three together without any certain Rule or Governour; and the Wandring Monks, who never remained in any certain place. Cassian. Collat. 18. c. 4, 7, 8.To the very same purpose Piammon the Egyptian Anchoret in Cassian speaks, and reckons up the several kinds of Monks with the very same descriptions of the three first, and Alardus Gazaeus saith,Gazae not… in Cassian. col…. 18. c. 8. the fourth sort in Cassian, is the same with the fourth in S. Benedict. The 12. degrees of humility mentioned in the Benedictin Rule are, (except the two last, and the pleasant passage of Iacobs ladder, the two sides whereof he makes to be the Soul and Body,) to be found in Cassian, Cassian. de i…stitut. re…ciant. l. 4. c. 39.and some of them as Gaz…us confesseth, in the very same words, but there more properly called signes. But there are two things especially Mr. Cr. seems to admire the Benedictin p. 142Rule for, viz. the ordering the Ecclesiastical office, and the decent assignation of duties proper to all offices both of superiours and inferiours; Fanaticism. p. 23.by these two therefore, let us judge whether S. Benedict deserved any other admiration than that of a bare Collector. Regul. Be…ed. c. 8.The first thing remarkable in his Ecclesiastical Office, is, that after the nocturnal office the Monks should not go to sleep again, but spend that time between that and Mattins in reading and getting by heart the Psalter and Lessons; which passage the Commentators upon the Benedictin Rule are extreamly puzzled with, as may be seen in Caramuel; Cara…. Theolog. Regularis. n. 1102.but if they would have looked into the old Egyptian Rules in Cassian; they might have easily understood both the meaning and the design of it. Abbot Isaac in Cassian highly commends the use of that Versicle upon every occasion,Cassian. de. …act. orat. l. 2. c. 13. l. 3. c. 5. Deus in adjutorium me…m intende; Cassian. Collat. 10. c. 10Domine ad a…juvandum me festina; Me…a d. not. in Concord. R…g. p. 341.from hence S. Benedict took it to begin the divine office; Menardus thinks, that the application of it to the office, was the invention of S. Benedict; (surely not such a one which could not proceed,St…ab… de … bus Es…ef. c. 23. Cassian. de no…t. o…at. l. 2. c. 5, 6. but from divine inspiration) and yet Walafridus Strabo saith, the Egyptians did begin their Canonical hours with it. The Egyptian Monks, as Cassian relates, had a p. 143great dispute among them, what number of Psalms was to be used in the daily Office, some were for 50. some for 60. and some for more, till an Angel appeared in the midst of them, and repeated twelve Psalms, upon which the whole Senate of the Fathers, understanding this number to be by divine inspiration, made a Canon, that this number should be constantly observed, both at Vespers and in the nocturnal office; from hence S. Benedict, as both Menardus and Gazaeus confess, took the number of 12. Psalms for the nocturnal Office; Reg. …. c. 10. c. 18.but he allowed a much less number, viz. four or five for Vespers. Which I cannot but wonder at, since the Angel did appoint both alike: and Palladius saith expresly,Pillad. hist. L…s. de Tab…sio…s. that the Angel revealed it to Pachomius that 12. Psalms should be used at Vespers. Had S. Benedict a Revelation against this? If not, surely he was bound to follow the former; if he had, we have great reason to question both. It is a poor excuse the Benedictins use to bring their Founder off, viz. that he added the Completorium after Vespers, and therefore shortned the service; for, what Authority had he to make new alterations, when the order was settled by a general consent of the Egyptian Fathers, and that upon the appearance of an Angel? But it p. 144seems the Council at Tours, rather adhered to the Egyptian Revelation than S. Benedicts; for they appoint 12. Psalms at Vespers, Synod. Turo…. 2. c. 18.which they say was first learnt by the appearance of an Angel. It seems very strange to me that S. Benedict who so punctually followed the Egyptian customes in other things, should presume to alter them in that which they pretended to have more immediately from divine Revelation; as it happened not only in this, but in the number of Canonical hours, Pallud. ib.for Palladius saith, that the Tabennesian Monks had it from an Angel, that they were to observe but three Canonical hours, viz. the nocturnal, Vespers, and Nones, all the rest of the time to be spent in work and secret Prayers. But Cassian saith, that the Egyptian Monks had but two Canonical hours wherein they met to celebrate the divine office, Cassian. de diu…a. orat. l. 3. c. 2.viz. their nocturnal Vigils and Vespers; unless it were on the Saturday, or Sunday; on both which dayes they met for the holy communion at the third hour of the day; (for not only the Egyptian Monks, but most of the Eastern Christians kept both those dayes holy for the solemn performance of divine offices, which was the reason of their difference with the Western Church about the Saturday Fast); but the Monks of Palestin and p. 145Mesopotamia and of the whole Orient, added more hours for the Diurnal Office, and Cassian adds that in his time, in the Monastery of Bethlehem they added another hourC. 3. after Mattins, since called the Prime, to keep the Monks from laziness; C. 4.and withall by this means they might say with David, Seven times a day will I praise thee; which he saith may be accommodated to this, although it might have a mystical, i. e. saith Gazaeus, a figurative meaning, for, often; but the other, Cassian saith, was the true reason of appointing it; and he grants, that the most antient Eastern Monasteries would not admit of that alteration. Regul. Bened. c. 16.But S. Benedict makes no doubt, that was the Psalmists meaning, and therefore appoints the seven Canonical hours agreeable to the Monks of Bethlehem, and because it is said Septies in die, he will have them all to be parts of the diurnal office; for he had another place for the nocturnal, media nocte surgebam: But was it by Revelation that he knew the former place was not understood of a natural day? By these two instances we see, that S. Benedict did most unhappily differ from the Egyptian Monks in those things, which they pre… the most to have from divine Revelation: but in other things he followed their example: p. 146as Menardus saith he did in the short ejaculatory prayers at the end of every Psalm instead of the Gloria Patri; Regul. Bened. c. 20.but he adds,Menard. in Concord. Regul. p. 404. that place in the Rule is thought more difficult, because the practice of them is di…used, either through laziness, or the multiplicity and length of their offices; but he saith, S. Benedict observed this custome in the making of his Rule, that those things which were more short in the former writers, especially in Cassian, …e inlarged, as about the Abbot, the Praepositus, the Decani, &c. but what were more diffuse in them he contracted, as about these short prayers at the end of the Psalms. Cassian. de noct. o…at. l. 2. c. 7, 8. c. 10, 11.For Cassian expresly saith that the Gloria Patri was used in the East at the end of the Antiphona, and not at the end of every Psalm; but then both there, and in Egypt they had very short prayers; of which Menardus understands that clause of the Benedictin Rule about short prayers; but I rather think it is to be understood of the concluding prayer. For Cassian mentions only two sorts of common prayers used by the Egyptian Monks in their divine offices; viz. the short mental prayers made at the end of every Psalm; and at every solemn stop in the reading of them, of which it was usual to make two or three on purpose in a long Psalm; and p. 147the Collect at the end (so called because then they did orationem colligere as Cassian speaks) which being pronounced either by Priest, or Abbot, or Prior, he giving the sign, they all did immediately arise from prayers together; and so the Benedictin Rule expresses it, & facto signo … Priore, omnes pariter surgant; by which it seems most probable that the Rule is to be understood of the short concluding Collect. And it is observable, that the Benedictin Office consists almost wholly of Psalms, Antiphona's, Hymns, and a few Lessons; very little care being taken about Prayers, for the Litania mentioned c. 13. 17. was only the Kyrie el…eson; only S.R…g Bened. c. 13. Benedict appoints the Prior to say at Mattins and Vespers the Lords prayer aloud, for which he gives this very good reason, because the Monks were so apt to quarrel (propter scandalorum spinas qu…e oriri s…lent in Monasterio) that it was fit they should all say together, dimitte nobis sicut & nos dimittimus; but … other hours it was sufficient to say it to themselves, only the Prior was to lift up his voice, & ne nos inducas, &c, and all the rest to answer, sed libera nos à malo. And what is there now in the Benedictin Office which looks like divine inspiration? What is there, that a man who had never p. 148pretended to Visions and Revelations could not have done, by the help of Cassian, and a very little Mother-wit? Nay, what is there that was his own? Was it the adding the Completorium? so some say, but others shew plainly he had that from the Rule of S. Basil: was it,S. Basil. inter. 37. the first adding To Deum to the Mattins? or the placing the Antiphona's between the Psalms, whereas the Egyptians had them before them?Gabr. …. M…olng. Bened. l. 3. Hugo Menard. Concord. Reg. p. 355. These are things insisted on, and gloried in, as the proper inventions of S. Benedict; great things I confess; but such as I hope meer human wit may reach to without divine inspiration. But beyond all these the Benedictins say, the order of Reading the Psalter was his own: very well: and was this it which came to him by inspiration? when himself saith,C. 18. that if his disposition of the Psalms doth not please, they may make use of another, so they hold to the main point, viz. going through the Psalter once a week; which I perceive he laid great weight upon, but yet he never pretends to have had it by divine Inspiration. For he seems by his Rule to have been more humble and modest, and I am thereby enclined to believe those stories of his Visions and Revelations to have been made by some idle Monks after his death, who hoped by this p. 149means to recommend their Order more effectually to the World; especially, after they had imposed upon the credulity of a well-meaning Pope, and made him their instrument to publish them to the World.

§. 3. But if the pretence of Divine Inspiration must be submitted to in these Directors of Religious Orders; why might not one serve for them all? why not that, which was more ancient than any of these pretences in the Roman Church, viz. that of S. Pachomius? For, not only Palladius, and Sozomen, Pallad. hist. … de Tabean…ns. Sozom. l. 3. C. 14.and Nicephorus Nic…ph l. 9. c. 14.and others among the Greeks do affirm that he received the Monastick Rules in a Table of Brass from an Angel, but Gennadi…s, Vincentius, Ge…ad. de Script. E…cl… s. i… Pachom. Vincent. S…ec. l. 18. c. 82.and others among the Latins, and which is far more, the Roman Martyrologie Martyrolog. Rom. Maii 14.confesses it, and Rosweyd Rosweyd. No…. in vit. Patr. p. 141.from thence calls him a second Moses. Who could imagine otherwise, after such acknowledgements as these, than to have seen Pachomius his Table in as much veneration among the Monks, as those of Moses were among the People of Israel? But no such matter; although the latter Monks love to practise by some of his Rules, yet it would not cover their hypocrisie enough, to pretend to live by them. For the first of them is, to give the p. 150Monks free liberty to eat or drink, or work or fast as they pleased; only they that eat most were to do …ost work, and they that fast, to have less imposed upon them. It is to no purpose to mention the rest of hisCassian. l. 4. c. … Rules, since no sort of Monks except the Tabenn…sians, …who increased to several thousands, thought themselves obliged to observe them; and yet all Authors that I have met with of the Roman Church, that mention this Rule of Pach…us, do allow it to have been received from an Angel. What do they mean by these things? can they have better rules than what an Angel from Heaven hath given? or do they think the Angel only intended them for the Monks of Tabennesus? The Angel, as Sozomen saith, appeared on purpose to Pachomius in his cave to draw him out from his retirement, and commanded him to gather Monks and to take that brass Table for their Rule? Could anything be mo…e solemn than this? But, if after such confessions, they think it lawful not to believe the truth of this story; I hope we have much more reason to question the pretence to Inspiration either in S. Benedict, S. Francis, or Ignatius Loyola. For this is averred by much more credible Authors, and received by the consent of both Eastern and Western historians, p. 151and the Roman Church allows it in her Martyrology: And yet, after all this, if there be no reason to believe it, what becomes of the credit of all the Visions and Revelations of the Egyptian Monks, which are not near so well attested as this is? And if there be any reason to believe it, how comes that rule not to be universally embraced? do they think S. Benedict, or S. Francis, or Ignatius wi…er than an Angel from Heaven? Nay, how came so many other Rules to be received in Egypt after this rule of Pachomius was known? as the Rule translated by S. Hierome composed by Pachomius, Theodorus, and Orsiesius; which is said likewise to be received from an Angel; which Gazaeus Gazae▪ in Regul. Pachom.would have to be only an enlargement of the former; but they were bold men that durst mend the defects of an Angel; another Rule of Orsiesius, out of which Benedictus of Anian hath taken several passages; the Rules of the two Macarii both famous Egyptian Monks, and of Serapion and Paphnutius; the fragments of which are extant in the Concordia Regularum. What do all these things mean? But it seems the pretence of Inspiration among these Founders of Religious Orders, is just contrary to what the Apostle saith of Miracles, for this is not for those that believe not, but for those that believe.

p. 152§. 4. But to return to the Rule of S. Benedict; the other thing Mr. Cressy magnifies it for, is, the Rules of Government and Discipline; which, he saith, are so excellent that Cosmo de Medicis collected instructions from thence for the Government of his People. …pistle Apologet. n. 35.Great men love to be singular; and take a pride in seeming to find that which no body else can. I dare say, if it be true, he was the only Prince in the World ever learnt to govern his People by Monastick Rules. This is so great a discovery, that it is pitty we have no more of it; for who can tell what maximes of policy might be drawn from thence by a subtle head? What use the chapter of the choice of the Abbot might be of in choosing Ministers of State, or it may be, the Officers of an Army? And what influence it might have upon a Prince to do nothing without the advice of his wise Council, because the Abbot was to call the Monks together in all matters of Importance? Reg. Be…ed. C. 1.The Monks lying in their cloaths all night, C. 2.girt up, and the measure of their wine, and the pound of bread a day, C. 22.and the two Messes for all the Monks, are seasonable Items for Souldiers: C. 39.The burning of the Candle all night in the Dortor, C. 40.a good Memento for p. 153Centinels: The Monks laying aside their Knives when they sleep, C. 22.a Caveat against Self-murder: Every Monk's being obliged to be Cook in his turn, affords that useful instruction,C. 35. that no man is born only for himself; but that every man ought to serve his Countrey: C. 32.The Abbots care in looking to the Utensils and Habits, to take an account of them and to trust them in safe hands, will easily put a Prince in mind of looking after his Revenues. But I am afraid so subtle a Prince as Cosmo de Medicis, would like no chapter so well, as that which saith, the Monks are to have no propriety in any thing; no, not so much as in their own Wills. C. 33.And I confess that would be the very height of Policy, for a Prince to get away the very Wills of his Subjects from them. I am a little to seek what instructions he could gather from the Monks Cowles, C. 55.and Scapular, and Boots, and Breeches when they travel, which are to be safely delivered back at their return; with several other useful Rules for the choice of the Cellerar, Porter, and such Officers of State; but although these things are above my reach; yet who knows what use so wise a Prince as Cosmo de Medicis might make of them? nay, who can tell whether Machiavil himself did not take his Politicks out of the Benedictin p. 154Rules? I see Mr. Cressy himself is grown a Politician by being a Benedictin; for if he could perswade men to believe the Benedictin Rule to be so useful for governing of people, it were the only way to make Persons of Honour to love their Rules, and to bring Monks to the Council Table.

But to leave this pleasant passage, and to return to what is more grave and serious: there is not any thing of moment in the Benedictin Rule about the Government or Discipline of the Monastery, which is not likewise taken out of former Rules: Reg B…ed. c. 65.as will appear about the Praepositus or Prior, if we compare it with what the Oriental Rule, and the Rules of Pachomius, and Orsiesus do say upon the same subject:C. 21. the choice of the Decani out of Cassian, and the Regula Orientalis; about excommunication of the refractory, C. 23.from the Rules of Pachomius, S. Basil, and the Oriental and Cassian and Macarius: about the Cellerar from S. Basil, C. 31.and the Oriental rule: C. 32.about the Utensils, out of the Regula Patrum, Pachomius, and S. Basil; about having all things in common, C. 33.out of Orsiesus, Pachomius, C. 35.S. Basil, and others; about serving their turns for a week in the Kitchin, C. 36.out of Cassian; about the Infirmary, out of Pachomius and S. Basil; C. 38.about the Weekly Reader while they sit at Table out p. 155of Cassian; and the silence to be used at meals, out of him and the Oriental Rule, and Pachomius. It would be too tedious to insist upon the rest, about their work, hospitality, gifts, artificers, travellers, novices, garments, nay the very Porters; but whosoever will take the pains to compare the Benedictin Rule with the former, as to all these, will easily be convinced, that there needed no di…ine Inspiration for the Writing of his Rule: unless the Apostles wanted as much the assistance of the Holy Ghost to gather up the fragments and put them into a basket, as when they were to preach on the day of Pentec…st.

§. 5. But although this takes off from the Divinity of their Rule, doth it not add as much to it another way, by shewing the greater antiquity of it; in that it was taken out of the Eastern and Egyptian Rules? I do not deny, that the Monastick state came into the Western parts out of the East, and began much later, and was entertained much colder a long time here, than it was there. For after that Antony the Eremite had gained a mighty reputation by the severity and solitariness of his life, not only with the Emperour Constantine, but with the Governours of Provinces, Sozo…. l. 1. c. 13.it is hardly p. 156conceivable what numbers, from all parts, the Novelty and Fame of this way, drew to be his disciples; and how many were encouraged by his example to set up this new way of Christian Philosophy, as the Greeks call it;C. 12. which although it were advanced with a contempt of humane learning, yet the p…etence of greater severity of life and a more easie way of subduing the passions of humane nature by withdrawing the occasions of them, made many understan…ing men, at first, to cry it up as a most divine and perfect state of life. C. 14.From h…nce in Egypt, Ammon began the same way in the desert of Scetis and upon mount Nitria; …. l. 4. c. 23.which in a little time were filled with the mu…tudes of his disciples, among whom the most famous were Didymus, Arsenius, …r, Isidorus, Pambos and others. Then Pac…mius went a way by himself in Tabennesus, Soz. l. 3. c. 14.and had in a little time 7000. Disciples,… which spread themselves over The bais and Egypt: besides these there were Apollonius, Pitherus, Anuphi; and after them, many others mentioned by Cassian, Palladius, Ru…finus, Sozomen and others.Soz. l. 6. c. 28, 29, 30, 31. v. Rosw…d. vi…. Patr. Hi… vit. …. The fame of these persons was spread so far in the Roman Empire, that multitudes flocked to them, to see their way of living, and to hear their discourses; thence we p. 157read of Melania and Ru…finus going on purpose into Egypt, S. Gregory Nazianzen, and Evagrius, Cassian and Germanus; and the same curiosity in others made the Desarts become no great places of retirement to them. From hence Hilarion one of Antonies disciples, impatient of so much company as flocked continually to him, withdraws into Palestine, carrying some Monks with him, and settles himself in a Desart, not far from Gaza, where he in time gathered great numbers of Disciples: and S. Hierom expresly saith, that before the time of Hilarion there was neither Monk, nor Monastery known in Syria; by which it is plain he doth not speak of the Eremitical life only, but of the Coenobitical too: whatever some pretend of the constant succession of the Coenobitical state from the Apostles times, which it seems S. Hierome was utterly anacquainted with; and he was not so little a Friend to the Monastick state, to have concealed it, if he had thought otherwise. In the further parts of Syria, Aones brought the same way of living into request, which was unknown there before; and Iulianus at Edessa; and Eutychianus upon Mount Olympus; Soz. l. 6. C. 33, 34.and Eustathius Sebastenus in Armenia, Pontus, and Paphlagonia. So far was this Monastick life spread p. 158in the East, while the same Ecclesiastical Historians tell us it was not known in Thracia, L. 3. c. 14.Illyricum, or the parts of Europe; although they were not wholly destitute of men that did affect that way, for which Sozomen only instances in Martin and Hilary. It seems by S. Hierome that when the first notice of this way of living was brought to Rome, Hiero…. ad Princi…i…m.it met with no kind acception there, because of the novelty of it; but when the Bishops of Alexandria, Athanasius and Peter, fled thither upon their banishment, they recommended it so effectually to some of the devout women; that first Marcella, then Paula, then Sophronia, then Eustochium, were all for embra…ing this kind of life; and by degrees brought it into reputation at Rome; after this, Ruffinus … S. Basils Rule for the direction of the Western Christians, who had a mind to embrace the Monastick state, with such additions and alterations as he thought fit; and the Egyptian Rules were brought (if not by Eusebius of Vercelles as some think) yet it was certainly by Cassian, and Monasteries settled both in Italy, and Gaul, and Brittain, before S. Benedict went into his Cave.

p. 159§. 6. But, the Monastick state had lost very much of its first reputation in the Eastern parts, before it began to spread considerably in these Western. That which first brought it into so great an esteem, was the mighty opinion of the extraordinary sanctity of the beginners of it, the severity of their lives, the strictness of their discipline, the frequency of their devotions, the diligence of their labours, and a retirement in good earnest from the world. But this hear was too great to continue long; S. Hi…rom in his time complains very much of the declension of the Monks; Hieron. ad ….of those who made it only an art of living and a holy cheat; of their fasting for wagers, and victory; and their living without order and discipline; these were those who were called Sarabaitae, and by S. Hierom Remoboth; and although they are commonly thought to be only a few degenerate Monks, yet the Abbot Piammon in Cassian hath this severe passage,Cassian. collat. 18. c. 7 that scarce any others were to be found out of Egypt, as, he saith, he found by experience, when he was banished with his Brethren in the time of the Emperour Valens. S. Basil did his endeavour to bring them into better order by the making of his p. 160Rule; for his design was, not to found any new Order of Monks, Greg. Na…ia…z. i… Mo…od.but to bring those who were scattered up and down without rule and Government, under some kind of Discipline, which was well designed by him, but was far from being effectual for the end he aimed at. For by bringing them nearer to Cities, they soon grew so troublesome in them, that the Emperour Theodosius was forced to publish an Edict,Cod. Th…od. 16. tit. 6. commanding all that had taken upon them the profession of Monks to retire from the Cities into Desart places, Baron. A. D. 390. n. 48.and to inhabit there (which Baronius, without any reason in the world, would have to be understood only of the Manichees, and Iovinian, and Apostate Monks) but by the Favour they obtained in the Emperours Court, this Edict was repealed within two years after; but his son Arcadius found them so busie, that he published another Edict against their rescuing Persons from the Tribunals of Iustice; Cod. Th…od. 9. tit. 40, 16.which it seems was a common practice with them: and S. Chrysostom mentions their coming down in Troops to Antioch to rescue those who were seized upon for palling down the Empresses statue: Chrys or. 17. ad pop. A… och.for which although he highly applauds them, yet he found the ill effect of their busie and factious humour in his own case at Constantinople: p. 161for by reproving them for gadding up and down the streets, as unsuitable to their profession, Sozom. l. 8. c. 9.he made most of the Monks his implacable enemies, who thereupon endeavoured to bring him into disgrace among the people: and when Chrysostom fell into disgrace with the Emperour, they kept possession of the Church, and would not suffer the people to come in to prayers, upon which they were so enraged that they killed all the Monks they could meet with.Zosin. l. 5…. p. 800.

For now the first heat of their zeal was over, they began to interest themselves in Ecclesiastical affairs, and to make parties, and Factions in the Church. And he that had a mind to set up for a new opinion, and to make a party, went a great way in his business, if he could get the Monks of his side: upon this occasion they were first brought to Constantinople, by the interest of Macedonius, who with the help of Marathonius a great friend of his, erected Monasteries for them there, and by the assistance of the Monks he very much strengthned his party.Sozom. l. …4… c. 2. c. 27. The Eutychian heresie as well as the Pelagian and Macedonian had its beginning and support from the faction of the Monks; for Eutyches himself was the Abbot at Constantinople, and with him joyned Barsumas a famous Syrian Abbot, who was p. 162the occasion of the death of Flavianus, as Diogenes Cyzicenus charges him in the Council of Chalcedon; Concil. Chalced. act. 4. p. 524.and upon his return home he and his Monks of Syria persecuted the Bishops of the other party, having a thousand Monks with him, and almost ruined the Syrian Churches. Leo 1. charges the Monks of Palestin (upon their great zeal, some for Nestorius, and others for Eutyches) that they caused many seditions in Cities, and great disturbances in Churches, and had been the murderers of many Bishops and Priests; and through their rage and cruelty had quite forgot their Profession. Leo …p. 83.These were the men that had renounced the world, and had mortified their passions, by the rigours and severities of a Monastick life. But here the Reader must take notice that in the late Edition of Leo by Theophilus Raynaudus the Iesuit, the Title of this Epistle is, ad Palaestinos Episcopos, instead of Monachos: So much more are the Iesuits concerned for the honour of Monks than of the Bishops; and care not what reproaches are cast upon them, so the other escape: but it …alls out happily that Baronius hath fully proved, that all those disturbances were made by the Monks; Ba…o…. ad A. 452. n. 10. ad. 15.and that this Epistle was written to them: by which we see what trust is to be given to their correct p. 163Editions of Fathers. And notwithstanding the great strictness and discipline of the Egyptian Monks we do not find them, after the first fervour was spent, much freer from faction and disturbance of the Churches peace; for they very early joyned with Meletius against the Bishop of Alexandria, E…iph. haer. 68. s. 3.as Epiphanius confesseth; they complotted the business of Arsenius against Athanasius, and gave out he was killed by Athanasius when they had concealed him; and one Iohn a Monk was employed to accuse Athanasius for killing Arsenius who lay hid with Prines a Monk of Thebais. In the time of Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, the illiterate Monks of Egypt were such zealous Anthropomorphites, So…r. l. 6. c. 7. Soz. l. 8. c. 11.that upon Theophilus his opposing their opinion in his Paschal Epistle, they forsook their Monasteries, and came in Troops to Alexandria with a resolution to destroy him; but Theophilus knowing their simplicity, avoided their fury by a subtle answer, telling them he beheld their face as the face of God: with which they were very well satisfied, only desiring him to condemn Origens Books: which he told them he was ready to do. Upon this occasion a mighty quarrel happened among the Monks themselves, the more learned among them opposed the Anthropomorphites, but p. 164the more ignorant and zealous were furious defenders of their doctrine, and charged all that opposed them with being Origenists; Theophilus finding out this, and having a particular pique at four learned Monks, Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius and Euthymius, who were called the Long Brothers, he sends letters to the Monks, to bid them have a care of them, for they believed God to be incorporeal, and therein were Origenists; for they did not believe that God had either eyes, or ears, or hands or feet: notwithstanding this, a very few, who had more learning, discerning the malice and craft of this suggestion adhered still to them; but the far greater number who were very simple and furious, most vehemently opposed them, by which means an irreconcileable war brake forth among them; and things, by Theophilus his means, were inflamed to that height, that Dioscorus and his Brethren had much ado to escape with their lives, and fled to Constantinople, where being receceived by S. Chrysostom, this widened the breach between Theophilus and him, and proved one occasion of his following troubles.

The Monks of Egypt having been thus heated, it was a hard matter to keep them quiet afterwards, for in the time of Cyril p. 165of Alexandria, So…r. l. 7. c. 14.who was Theophilus his Sisters Son, and immediate Successor, the Monks of Nitria, hearing of the difference between Cyril and Orestes the Governour, came to Alexandria, 500. in a body, with a resolution to kill the Governour, and one of them called Ammonius, wounded him in the head with a stone, so that he hardly escaped with his life.Soz. l. 2. c. 23. After this, Timotheus Aelurus, who had been one of the Egyptian Monks, was the occasion of the death of Proterius Bishop of Alexandria, Evag…. l. 2. c. 28.and caused himself to be chosen in his place.T…eod. Lect. l. 1. Theodorus Lector saith, that he disguised himself in the night and went about the several Cells of the Monks, and called every one by his name, and when they asked who called them, he told them he was an Angel sent to them to tell them they ought not to communicate with Proterius, but they should choose Timotheus for their Bishop. By which story we have a true account some of the Monkish Revelations: and some Historians report another as good as this at Rome, …viz. of Boniface suborning one to speak under the appearance of an Angel to that Monkish Pope Celestin 5. that he ought to leave the Papacy, and retire again to the Wilderness; which succeeded so well with the credulous Pope, that he soon p. 166made way for Boniface to succeed him; who afterwards secured him from giving any further disturbance to his Popedom.

§. 7. By this we may see what mighty advantage the Christian Church received in the Infancy of the Monastick state, in those very places where it began, by the greatest pretence of piety and retirement from the world in those that embraced it. I do not wonder so many great men of the Church should magnifie it so highly, before they had seen the tryal and experience of it; for extraordinary things in the way of piety and abstraction of the world, are very apt to move men of devout minds at the first appearance; but the best judgement of things is to be made by their continuance. And therefore it is observable that although the Apostles began at first with a community of goods, while the Christians were few; yet this did not last among them; nor was it required in the Churches planted by them; because it could not be convenient for all; and for some to do it and others not, would be apt to beget breaches and mutual suspicions among them. And I do not find but that the Church of Corinth, 1 Cor. 16. 2.1 Cor 16:2where every one was to lay aside of his own for relief of the Church of Hierusalem, p. 167was in that respect as pleasing to Christ, as that state of the Church of Hierusalem, wherein they had all things in common. And in matters of this nature, where the first appearance is very fair and plausible, (as it was in the pretended devotion and retirement from the world in the Egyptian Monks) we are not so much to regard the judgement of those persons concerning it, who lived in the first heat and beginnings of it, which was the case of S. Athanasius, S. Hierome, S. Basil, and others; as of those who lived to see the effects of it, after it came into a settlement. For they found after the first running so much of the lees still remaining, as put them into frequent and vehement fermentations, which plainly discovered notwithstanding all the pretences they made, they were …ar from being clearly drawn off from the World.

Synesius was a man of excellent learning, and great judgement, an… Bishop of Ptolemais in Egypt (who lived between the Monks of Scetis and Nitria, and those of Thebais and Tabennesus, and in a time when they flourished most as to numberSyn…s. D…on. p. 45, &c. and zeal) in his Dion he gives an account of their way of living, of their hymns and prayers, and separate Cells, and abstinence, and force they offer to nature, and the very kinds of their works, which cannot be understood p. 168of any other than the Egyptian Monks; Petav. not. in Sy…. …and so Petavius and Holstenius confess. And after he hath thus described them, he gives this character of their way, that it was barbarous and contrary to human nature; for, saith he, we are not pure and unmixed minds, but joyned together with bodies, so that we cannot be wholly imployed in contemplation of divine things, but our minds must divert themselves to other matters; and this, saith he, they confess themselves, by the great necessity of working which they lay upon all: I could wish that we were so framed that we could live wholly in contemplation; but since that is impossible, I wish then, saith he, sometimes to be taken up with the best things, and at other times to partake something of the delight and pleasure of life. For I know my self to be a man; and not a God to be wholly above these pleasures, nor a beast to be under the power of them; and therefore that state of life which is between these, … most agreeable to human nature. And then falls upon them, for preferring manual labour, before the exercise and improvement of the mind in knowledge and useful Learning: which is both an imployment and pleasure to the mind. But in their adamantin way, as he calls it, there is no order, no gradual improvement, but all depends p. 169upon motions and impulses, and strange heats and transports, whereby they hope for the end without the means, and aim at things above reason without the exercise of it. How do these things agree, to be now above the Heavens, and presently to be twisting Reeds and making Baskets? But mans excellency lyes in his Reason, which they take the least care about: and those will attain mans end the soonest that act most agreeably to his nature. He doth not deny that there have been some extraordinary minds, which without arts or improvements can do as much as others with them; but these are as rare as the Phoenix in Egypt; but the common sort of mankind are uncapable of this; and all their labour and pains is to no purpose that think to attain to the perfection of the mind by any other way than by improvement of the mind it self. And it is not safe or lawful for us to think, that God should dwell in any other part of us, than in our mind, which is his proper Seat. They mightily cry up temperance and continence, and admire themselves for those things which in themselves are the least; any further than they serve to higher ends. And afterwards he takes notice of their confident pretences to the knowledge of divine things; they, saith p. 170he, are Divines, like Cadmus his souldiers, sprung out of the earth; and in good earnest, condemns them at last not only for their barbarous way of living, but for a strange mixture of Pride and Ignorance; having very absurd opinions, and yet very arrogantly assuming to themselves a greater measure of divine knowledge than others had; for they had a particular way of improving their minds by ignorance; which was a sort of Mystical Divinity among them too.…. 153. By this, and his Epistle to Hyp…tia (wherein he describes them again by those peculiar vertues of their ignorance and confidence) we may see, what opinion this great man had of the Monastick way, when it was in its greatest height, and it was not a meer matter of hypocrisie, as it hath been for the greatest part in the Western Church; but men did truly and honestly live in poverty, and real abstinence, and continual labour, with Psalms and prayers, hoping by those means to come to the greatest perfection of our Souls; but he saw through all this, and found that when they labour'd only, or chiefly, to keep down the inclinations of the body, spiritual pride and self-opinion were like to get the better of their Souls. And S. Hierome who had some experience p. 171of this way,Hi…r. ad …stic. p. 45. describes the temptation of spiritual Pride, as the most common and dangerous snare, which the most severe and mortified men were apt to fall into; nay, he saith,Vi… Paul. …. p. 238. that Antony himself fell into this, by reflecting on the perfection of his life, and that he was cured by an Angel, which revealed to him the greater perfection of Paul the Eremite. One would wonder to meet with so many combats with Devils as we find in the History of the old Monks; either it was as S. Hierome intimates concerning some,Hi…. a… Rustic. p. 45. that they feigned them for greater reputation among the people, or that state could not be so much per…cter than others, wherein the Devils were allowed to converse so much more freely with men than in other places.Hieron. ad Eu…toch. And if any one will read but S. Ieroms description of his own temptations in the Desarts, or his life of Hilarion, he will easily find, it is not running away from the world will make men more perfect, unless they could leave their passions behind them; and that a constant care of our mind, and actions in the midst of our imployments, is not only more pleasing to God, but a more likely way to subdue all disorderly passions, than the severest life of a Monk or an Eremite. We have no reason then to believe, that either the Monastick state p. 172at first, or the Benedictin Rule did come from any divine inspiration; but as this was borrowed from the former Rules, so the former was taken up out of an unreasonable opinion that God is better pleased by our running from the World than by serving him in it.

§. 8. 2. That the Benedictin Rule hath manifest signs of human Weakness in it, and therefore cannot be supposed to come from divine inspiration. Of which the first is, misapplication of Scripture. To this purpose the Person of Honour mentions the bringing of that place, …. p. 42. R…g. S. Ben…d. c. 2.We have not received the spirit of Bondage again to fear; but the spirit of Adoption whereby we cry Abba Father, to prove that the Abbot doth supply the Room of Christ in the Monastery, Christ himself being the supream Abbot. To which Mr. Cr. Epistl… Apolog…t. n. 30.answers, by expressing his wonder how he could find the least defect, incongruity, or want of prudence in that passage: and he spends very needless pains to prove, that Abbots being lawful Superiours for the direction of Souls, the most proper title that can be given them is that of Father, and that Abba signifies Father. Very well! but what is this to the producing that place for it? methinks Our p. 173Father which art in Heaven had been altogether as proper; for that would have shewed the title of the Abbot as well; and withall that the Abbot was Gods Vicar upon earth; God himself being their Abbot in Heaven. And if S. Benedict had thought upon this place, all that Mr. Cr. saith, would have held as well to prove there was not the least incongruity in producing it; and it would have afforded altogether as useful an admonition to the Abbots to govern as Fathers, and not to Tyrannize as Lords. But there is yet farther incongruity in it, for as the Person of Honour observes, S. Benedict brings this in, to prove that the Abbot supplies the Room of Christ in the Monastery (Christienim agere vices in Monasterio creditur, quando ipsius vocatur praenomine) whereas there is no such thing in the Text, Christ is not called there by the name Abba, but God the Father, for after they are said, by the spirit of Adoption to cry Abba Father; it is said,Rom. 8. 15, 17.Rom 8:15Rom 8:17 And if Children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joynt-heirs with Christ. So that Christ here is not represented under the notion of Abba, but rather as a Son and heir to him that is called Abba: therefore he that sustains the Person of Christ, can only be the eldest Son, i. e. the Prior and not the p. 174Abbot; so that it is impossible to clear S. Bennet from an impertinent allegation of this place of Scripture. But this is far from being the only place so impertinently produced by him; for in the preface of his Rule we have a whole Cluster of them, wherein he puts together many places of Scripture expressing the earnestness and sincerity of Gods calling men to repentance and sincere obedience, to the Monastick life and observing the Rules of it. As though it were impossible for men to repent and to do Gods will, unless they did presently renounce their estates▪ and submit to the Monastick Rules. This, if he speaks to the purpose, he must account, awakening out of sleep: not hardening our hearts at Gods call; hearing what the spirit saith unto the Churches; running while we have light; entering into Gods Tabernacle; and what not? As though all Religion were confined within the walls of Monasteries; and the strait gate were no other, than that which gives men admission into them. This indeed was the great and fundamental cheat of the Monastick Orders in the Roman Church; they would be called the Religious Orders, and would have men believe, that all piety and devotion was kept warm only under a Monks Cowle; and that, if p. 175there were any such thing in the world (as they called all out of their own precincts) it grew very cold, by taking too much aire abroad. But although they durst not openly defend this, for fear of giving too great offence both to Clergy and Laity; yet their insinuations tended this way; for they only were the Religious, and the rest were but the World. Which was a horrible abuse of mankind, as well as of the Christian Religion; which doth never suppose men to be a jot nearer to Heaven for their nastiness, and lying in their cloaths, for abstaining certain days from flesh, for eating and drinking upon a common stock, for having their garments of such a shape and colour, or whatever other observances were peculiar to the Monastick state. The Christian Religion requires sincere humility, and not a Monkish affectation of it; inward purity, and a chastity within the bounds which God hath set us, and not binding our selves by perpetual vows to abstain from what he hath allowed us; heavenly mindedness, and a mighty regard to the rewards of another life, and not a needless renouncing what the bounty of Heaven, and the care of our Ancestors have provided for us, as to the conveniences of this life: The Obedience necessary to salvation is that to the p. 176commands of Christ, and not of an Abbot. But this they would fain make people believe, that doing only what their Superiours command them, is the self-denyal and renouncing their own wills, which the Gospel makes so necessary to salvation; which is a notorious misapplication of our Saviours commands; but these things are common to other Monastick Rules; Reg. S. Bened. C. 7.S. Benedict hath other faults of this kind peculiar to his own Rule: as when he brings these places for the Monks confessing their sins to the Abbot, Revela Domino viam tuam, & spera in illo: It is great pitty the word Abba was not there for Dominus; for then it had been a plain case: but as it stands, it is somewhat hard to conceive how the Abbot comes to be concerned in our making known (if that were the meaning) of our ways to the Lord; and to as little purpose are the other places that follow, confitemini Domino, and several others that speak of confessing our sins to God, but not one word of the Abbot, no nor of Priest in them: yet this is not all, for in the same chapter he brings something for Scripture, which was never there, as when he makes the Publican to say Domine, non sum dignus ego peccator levare oculos meos ad coelum; Menard. in conc. Regul. P. 312.which makes Menardus cry out p. 177miror sanè, quia nunquam in toto Evangelio repereris haec verba dicta à publicano: he justly wond▪ ed at this quotation, there being no such words to be found in the whole Gospel as spoken by the Publican; but the fairest excuse he hath to bring him off, is by saying that he qu…ted the words without Book, by the help of his memory; which if it be allowed will be certainly an argument to them, that he was not infallibly assisted by the H…ly Ghost. But besides these, we have other arguments sufficient of humane weakness in this Rule, if I should undertake to rifle and examine the several constitutions of this Rule, R…g S. Ben. …. 68.particularly that, when the Abbot requires impossibilities, not meerly moral as they would now soften it, but things utterly impossible, or unlawful to be done; C…ss. l. 4. c. 26, 27.as when the Senior in Cassian required Iohn the Egyptian Monk to remove a stone, which multitudes of men could not stir, and another commanded Mucius to take his Son and throw him into the river; which they thought themselves obliged by vertue of Monastick obedience to perform; and in the case of such impossibilities S. Bennet bids them, if the Abbot persist in them, to trust to Gods help and obey. C. ….But the reason given for this, is, that they must look on the commands of their Superiours, as if they p. 178were the commands of God himself: which is a most senseless and unreasonable thing: but it seems by this, they give the Abbot the Title belonging to God, not meerly for name sake: but in case a man were required as Mucius was, to destroy his own Child, they must say, they are bound as much to obey as Abraham was, upon Gods command to sacrifice his Son. Nay we read in Cassian, that God revealed to the Abbot that C. 28.Mucius had perform…d the obedience of Abraham; and so they say of another,… who threw his Child into a fiery furnace upon the Abbots command in imitation of Abraham. But to justifie this blind obedience, to the commands of Superiours S. Benedict brings other very impertinent places of Scripture; such as obauditu auris, obedivit mihi; …on veni facere voluntatem meam, sed ejus qui misit me, &c. But I am sick of such idle and impertinent stuff, which yet must be cryed up, as the effects of divine inspiration. And although Mr. Cressy and his Brethren, may admire and cry up the perfection of their Rule, it is plain by the conclusion, their Founder himself had no such opinion of it, for he calls it minimam inchoationis Regulam; a Rule for meer beginners; and Menardus confesseth,…. i… Co…ord. R…g. p. 8…. there are much more perfect rules to be found in Palladius, Cassian, p. 179Serverus Sulpicius, S. Pachomius and others: but S. Benedict thought these high enough for the lazy Monks of his time, as he expresses it: so that it is plain, he followed no inspiration in the dictating of his Rule, but the old Rule of humane prudence, when he gave them, not the best Rules he could give them, but the best which they could bear. Which, I suppose, was S. Gregories meaning when he commended it, not for the perf…ction, or Divinity, but the discretion of it. Yet as gentle, and easie, and discreet as this Rule was, it was hardly ever observed in the Benedictin Order, according to the Letter of it; but they have found so many evasions, and distinctions, and dispensations, that we are not to judge of this, or any other Order among them, by their Rules, but by their practices. For they have so many distinctions of the essentials and accidentals of their Rules; of being sworn to observe their Rules, and to obey the Abbot according to the Rule; about Rules that have custom going along with them, and those which have not; about simple Rules of obedience, and purely penal and mixt; about the wayes of interpreting Rules and their obligation, f…om the intrinsick natures of the things, from the extrinsick probability of opinions, and the Power of the Pope to p. 180dispense, and their Superiours to interpret; that it is a very hard case if by vertue of one, or other of these, they cannot find some excuse for the neglect or violation of any of their common Rules. And notwithstanding the great discretion of this Rule, so little hath it been observed by the Monks of this Order, …that Caramuel cites this remarkable expression of Cardinal Turrecremata, that if S. Benedict intended to oblige the consciences of the Monks by all his Rules, as so many moral precepts; he would not have given them directions to Heaven, but have laid so many sn…res for them to send them to Hell.

§. 9. 3. If this Rule had been received in the Roman Church, as of divine inspiration; how comes it to pass, that so many other Rules did come up after this, and receive approbation and allowance in the same Church, and upo… as great and as high pretences, as ever this was received? If this were believed to have come from God, surely it would have been universally received as such, and embraced, assoon as it was made known to them? How came this v…ry Rule to be altered and improved so many times? How came very different Rules from this to receive as publick approbation? p. 181And it may be easily made out,

1. That this Rule was not generally received, where it was known In the confirmation of the …bot of Cassino we read,…. 15. that the Pope … S. Benedicts's Rule to him, use these words, Accipe Regulam Spiritu Sancto inspirante dictatam. Receive the Rule which was dictated by the Holy Ghost; what could have been said more if he had delivered the Bible to him? Who could imagine any thing less by this, than that the Roman Church did universally believe, that God had raised up S. Benedict as a Prophet in his Age, and had sent him on purpose to settle a new sort of life under certain Rules to be delivered by him? So that as Moses gave Laws by divine app…intment to the People of Israel, and Christ to all persons that live in the World, so S. Benedict was to give Laws to such as did retire from the World, for whom Christ had left no Rules at all; and taken no manner of notice of any such persons, although there were such among the Iews then. But if this were S. Benedicts Commission, where did he open it, what way did he take to satisfie the world about it? how came all the Persons of that time and age who were for the Monastick way, not immediately p. 182to yield themselves up to his Government? But we find nothing like this, in the history of that Age wherein he lived; Arnold. Wion de antiq. F. … iii.i Anicià V…n. 1595.no great notice was taken of him or his Rule then; there was one Benedict of Nursi…, an obscure person (for even the wiser sort of the Roman Church laugh at Arnoldus Wion. who hath taken great pains to prove the Austrian Family and S. Benedict to be descended from the same stock of the Anician Family) who after some retirement from the conversation of the World gathered some Disciples to him, who lived together after a Monastick way. And what was there extraordinary in all this? Had not many others done the same before him? and even in that Age more considerable persons than himse…f: among the rest, was Cassiodore, who had been Consul and Minister of State to Theodoric; Cassiod de inst…tut. divi… lic…in his declining Age he founded a Monastery wherein he lived himself, and gave directions to those under his care, and lived twenty years after S. Benedict, but he takes not the least notice either of him or his Rule: which surely he would have done, if they had been either of them thought of any consideration in his time. In the same time S. Equitius in S. Gregory, …is called the Father of many Monasteries in the Province Valeria, without p. 183any notice of S. Benedicts Commission or Rule? I▪ 1. c. 3.and S. Honoratus had two hundred Monks under him, and was so far from being S. Benedicts Disciple, that Gregory affirms he had no Master at all but God. Adeodatus had Monks under his Government,L. 2. c. 1. when Benedict went into his Cave, for his good friend S. Romanus was one of them▪ Many othe…s we find mention'd in Gregories Dialogues; it being a common thing in those distracted times for persons weary of the world to withdraw into some solitary place with some …ew companions, and there to live hardly, rather than be continually exposed to the merciless fury of their enemies; which first brought the Monastick life into any great reputation among the more conside…able persons of these Western parts. Baronius confesseth, A…. tom. 7. A. D. 519.that at that time the Monastick profession had lost its reputation in the East, through the heresie and licentiousness of the Monks, when it began to spread it self in Italy and the adjacent parts: but there was no certain Rule among them; every one who was the chief governed the rest according to his own discretion, and in general made use of S. Basils Rule translated by Ruffinus, or the Egyptian Rules translated by S. Hierom, or the Conferences of the Fathers by Cassian as p. 184they thought fit themselves. And after the same way Benedict himself governed those that were under him, disposing them into twelve Cells,… l. 1. c. 1. and placing in every one of them twelve Monks with a Superiour over them; which Gregory mentions long before he takes notice of any Rule made by him, and Ang…lus de N…ce the present, or late Abb…t of Cassino, A…gelus de Nuce ad Chro…. Cassi…. l. 3. c. 29. n. 13. 84.consesies, that he did not make his Rule, till a little before his death; and that at the beginning he had not the least thought of making any Rules for the Order of Monks: but being grown old, by l…ng experience, and observation, and comparing of former Rules, he drew up those which go under his name; which received no Authority from him that made them, but depended upon the free consent of those who submitted themselves unto them: and therefore he compares them to the La…s of Solon or the Decemviri; than which nothing can be said more d…structive to the pictence of divine inspiration; for supposing these Rules were dictated by the Holy Ghost, their obligatory power would not depend upon the consent of persons, but the Divine Authority of him that delivered them.… c. 3. Holsienius thinks that S. Benedict made his Rule only for his own Monastery at Cass…o, never intending it for any universal p. 185Rule; but whether he did or no, it was very little known for some time, after his death: for in an antient Copy of it in the Vatican Library, … p. 50.there is a short preface before it, wherein we find that it is called latens …pus, a work that lay hid, and that it was first brought to light by Simplicius; which is said likewise by Sigebert: Simplicius discipulus ejus latens Magistri opus publicavit; … c. 31.If this Rule came by divine inspiration as the Pope and Mr. Cr…ssy say (what they believe I know not) how came it to be concealed by Ben…dict himself? was that a thing befitting an inspi…ed person to wrap up such a divine Talent in a napkin, and to hide it under ground? Angelus de Nuce, a man much concerned to find out the truth in these things, saith, that S. Benedict delivered his Rul… but a few Months before his death to S. Maurus then going into France, and that before this, there is not a word said of it; and that there were no copies then extant at all of it, that being the Original given to S. Maurus written with his own hand. This Simplicius accompanied Maurus into France, and there stayed till his death, and two years after, (which was in all forty three years) and then he together with Faustus returned to their Brethren in Italy: …nd then he made known p. 186the Benedictin Rule, which had been hitherto concealed. So that in the space of forty three years after Benedicts death, there was nothing like an acknowledgement made even in the parts of Italy, of any such Rule at all as the B…nedictin, much less, that it came by divine inspiration.

§. 10. But to shew the universal reception of this Rule Mr. Cressy produces the confirmation of it extant in the Monastery of Sublac by Gregory,E…ist. Apo… ▪ n. 31. wherein he mentions not only his reading, but confirming it in a holy Synod, and commands the observation of it through several parts of Italy, and wheresoever the Latin Tongue is spoken; and that whosoever shall come to the Grace of co…version should most diligently observe it even to the end of the World. This I confess is to the purpose, and so much that I think all that are not of the Benedictin Order in the Roman Church are concerned to answer it. But we need not take much pains to discover the fraud of this,… ad Mo…ch. …. p. 103. for Gallonius in his Vindication of Baronius against the Bendictins, hath given several proofs of the forgery of it; not only by the falseness of the date by comparing it with Gregories Epistles, but because therein Iohannes Albanensis Episcopus subscribes, whereas p. 187in the true Copies of the Roman Synod at that time, it is Homobonus Albanensis; and because the custom of publishing decrees by the Bishop who was the Bibliothecarius was much later than that time; for Gregory made Use only of his Notary for for that purpose. And this is so much more probable to be a meer forgery of the Monks, since that hath been alwayes their particular knack in what concerns the honour of their Order, as the same A…thor hath shewed in many examples relating to our present purpose. For he hath fully proved several of the pretended priviledges of the Ben… dictins to be gross forgeries, … & Re…p. p. 54, 57, 91, 94, 99, 100, 110.as likewise the ample Donations of Gordianus and Tertullus, and the confirmation of the Letter by Iustinian; the Bull of Pope Zacharie, and his Epistle to Petronax; the Epistle of Gregory to Bonitus; and that they had rased several words out of a Bull of B…niface the fourth on purpose that Gregory the Great might appear to have been of the Benedictin Order, P. 64.as he makes it evident by comparing several Copies of the said Bull. Have we not then great reason to trust these men in what concerns the honour of their Order, who make no conscience of forging donations, or priviledges, or decrees that make for them, or of rasing p. 188out what makes against them? and this con…e…ed by men of their own Church; and the …acts so notorious, that Gallonius saith. Cardinal Baronius was ashamed of them… they were such gross impostures; and he ad…s himself, that had it not been for their vehement provocations, he would not have e…posed such things to the World. The like impostures to these have been discovered by others of the Roman Church, who were men of more integrity, than either to de…end or des…emble the shameless forgeries of the Monks; as any one may easily satisfie himself by the very many Discourses published by Ioh. Launoy to that purpose. But I need not go from my present business; the same Gall…nius hath proved the Epistle of the Abb…t of S. H…noratus to Simplicius A…bot of Cassinum to be of the same stamp:P. 32. where…n it is said, that all the Monasteries of I…ly had then embraced the Benedictin Rule; of which whosoever was the Author, Gall…nius saith he, deserved to be punished as one Ci…arellus at Rome was, who was hanged and his body burned for forging old Writings; it is pitty that all who have been equally guilty there, have not suffered in the same kind. We do not find then any evidence great enough to shew that the Benedictin Rule was either delivered at first p. 189as from divine Inspiration, or believed to be so, in those parts of Italy where it was first known, or that those of the Monastick Order did think themselves obliged to embrace it.

S. Benedict a little before his death sent Maurus and his companions into France to propagate his Rule there: and because Mr. Cressy quotes a Synod about A. D. 874. acknowledging S. Benedict to be inspired by the Holy Ghost, Epist. Apol. n. 32. Sy…od. Do…z. 2. c. 7.I …hall briefly give an account of the entertainment the Benedictin Rule met with in those parts. Before the coming of Maurus into France, there were several Monastick Rules …ell known there; the Rule of S. Basil and the Egyptian Rules are mentioned by their eldest Historians.Gr…g. T…ron. l. 10. c. 29. The Monks under Honoratus at Lerins, as appears by Cassian, Cassian. praef. ad Collat. 11. Eucher. de laud. Eremi▪followed the Egyptian Rule; and Eucherius Brother to Honoratus, saith, that those Monks brought the Egyptian Fathers among them. Those about Marseilles followed Cassian; the Monastery of Reomaus was under the Rule of Macarius, as appears by Clodoveus his Precept. Besides the…e, there was the Regula Tarnatensis mentioned in the Concordia Regularum, Annal. Eccl. Fra…c. A. 496. n. 111.which was observed at Agaunum or S. Maurice, built A. D. 515. and of S. Caesarius, which was observed in several parts of p. 190France; and all these before the Benedictins were heard of there: and A. D. 570. the Bishops of France in a Council at Tours commended the Rule of S.Gr…g. …. l 9 c. 39. Caesarius to Radegund…s; which they would hardly have done if the Benedictin had been in such esteem there, as Mr. Cressy suggests. Nay, a good while after the Benedictins coming into France, other Rules were embraced and followed much more than that, as the Rule of S. Columbanus, which was not received there till A. D. 590. yet though the other had so much the start, this gained ground very much of it, in the esteem of the people and numbers of Proselytes. For as the late French Annalist observes, most of the Monasterics in Fra…ce followed the Rule of Columbanus and very few the Benedictin; …. F…a…c A. D. 667. …. 20.which the Benedictins finding to take much off from the Antiquity and reputation of their Order in France, when they could not fairly expunge the name of Columbanus, they have added the Rule of Benedict to it; and so would incorporate both these Rules into one, without any pretence from Reason or Antiquity. For the French Benedictins themselves cannot but confess, that the Rule of Columbanus was at first very different from that of S. Benedict,Pro…at. ad S…c. s…cundum B…nedict. n. 14. (although before they say, that those of their Order had alwayes p. 191believed them to be the same) for in the Rule of Columbanus they cannot find any footsteps almost of the Benedictin, and withal they grant, that Columbanus came from the Monastery of Banchor into France, before the Benedictin Rule was brought into Britain; but they say that afterwards these two Rules were united together: (although in the Preface to the first Tome they had said,… they were united from the Beginning;) but they had as little reason for the latter assertion, as they had for the …ormer. For not only the Iesuits Henschenius and Papebrochius have plainly asserted and proved the continuance of the difference between these two Rules; …but the French Annalist Le Cointe hath fully answered all the Benedictins pretences, and charges those of their Order with frequent interpolations of antient Records on purpose to advance the credit of their Order,…. Eccl. F…an. A. D. 734. n. 32, &c▪ 751. n. 107, &c. 667. …. 20. and that no ill will to their Order, but meer love to Truth made him discover this to the World, and at large shews that other Rules continued to be observed to the eighth Century; in a…l which time the Benedictin Rule was in small reputation, till Boniface's going into Germany: after which it began to be setled by some Synods there; and so by degrees it was brought into those Monasteries which p. 192before had been under other Rules, and those such as had not only been embraced before the coming of Maurus; but several that were made after it, as those of Aurelianus, Ferreolus, and Donatus; which are all mentioned in the Concordia Regularum. I now leave the Reader to judge, whether there be the least probability, that either in Italy or France, the Benedictin Rule was looked upon as a Rule coming from Divine Inspiration; which met with so little acceptance in those Ages, when they might the best judge concerning it, and in those places where the Monastick State was in great esteem.

§. 11. 2. After it did come to be generally received if it were really thought to from God, how came so many alterations and improvements of it to be made, and new Rules to be set forth by the consent and approbation of the Roman Church? They could not certainly think that the Holy Ghost would raise up a Person on purpose, and yet deliver by him an imperfect Rule; if it were perfect, with what face or conscience coul… they think to amend it, or set up others besides it? Yet both these are manifestly done, by the multitude of additional or different Rules which came up p. 193afterwards. The only pretence for it, is the degeneracy of the Order by length of time and bad customs; but what then? must the Rule be amended, or the lives of men? must we have a new Bible, because this is not observed? Or can we hope that men will be reformed by another, if not by this? But this was so frequently practised in the Roman Church as to the Monastick Rules, that the most charitable opinion we can have of them, is that they looked on all of them only as humane constitutions which might be altered, or amended at pleasure.

The first amendment and alteration of the Benedictin Rule was in the Monastery of Clugny in Burgundy; the beginning of which is imputed to Odo the second Abbot, who dyed A. D. 943. saith Arnoldus Wion; A…old. Wio…. Lig… Vitae, l. 5. c. 3.944. saith the Chronicon Cluniacense; Bibliotheca C…niac. p. 1633.Flodoardus and Ademarus call him the restorer of the Rule, and so do most other Historians, who all agree in the universal decay of the Monastick Discipline in that age; saying, that all the fervor was quite spent, and nothing but the meer dregs of idleness and luxury were to be found among the Monks; V. Bibloth… Cl…nia…. p. 57, 58… &c.that Odo was singular in his endeavours to restore Discipline among them, and therefore was cryed up p. 194as a man of extraordinary sanctity. Petrus Cluniacensis who succeeded him in the Government of Clugny A. D. 1157. saith, that in almost all the parts of Europe there was nothing of a Monk left, P…tr. Clunia… E…ist. l. 6. …p. 17.besides the tonsure and the habit; which was little enough of all conscience: that Odo undertook the Reformation of it almost alone, and he calls him not only the Reformer of the Order, but of the Rule too: but I find no great alterations that he made in it, but only adding some Hymns of S. Martin, Bi…lioth. Cl…iac. p. 1354, &cto whom he had a particular devotion: but the greatest Reformer of the Rule was this Petrus Clu…iacensis, who first composed the Statutes of the Congregation of Clugny, published out of MS. by Marrier and Du Chesne, in seventy six Chapters: and it seems by a Bull of Innocent the second, bearing date A. D. 1136. (extant among their Records) that the Pope gave him power to correct and alter things for the good of the Order: …. Rom. Po…t. …. 85.and in his Preface he gives this reason of the alterations he made; because it is one thing what God hath appointed by an eternal Law, and another what is appointed by men for the benefit of others; the first can never be changed, but the latter may: and among these things which may be changed, he reckons fastings, Vigils, bodily exercise and p. 195labour, about which so many Chapters of the Benedictin Rule are spent: and in the Ecclesiastical Office which Mr. Cressy admires the Benedictin Rule for, he makes several considerable amendments and alterations; and the Reason he gives, why he would have the abstinence from flesh observed,Statut. Clu…iac. c. 12. is, because there was no reasonable Cause of changing it, as there was in other parts of the Rule; which is a manifest proof, that he did not at all look on the Rule as coming from God, but such as might be altered or amended, as they thought fit. After him Henry the 29. Abbot of Clugny made a large collection of all the alterations that had been made either by the Popes, Biblioth. C…niac. p. 1542, &c.or their own Superiours in the statutes of their Order; which are so many as are certainly enough to convince any man, they looked not on the Benedictin Rule, as coming at first from any divine Inspiration. And among the considerable alterations made by this Henry himself,Chron. Clunia…. p. 1670… the Chronicon Cluniacense takes notice of one very remarkable, viz. that he first appointed that Monks should be shaved by Secular Barbers; for which this very good Reason is given, that when they shaved each other, it was not rasure but excoriation; for which kindness, among many other good things which he p. 196did, the Author of the Chronicon saith of him, Anima ejus requiescat in pace. Amen.

These Reformations of the Benedictin Rule by the Monks of Clugny, were by no means pleasing to those who began the Cistertian Order; for as appears by an Epistle of Petrus Cluniacensis to S. Bernard the Cistertians objected to them, that they had made new Rules of their own, P…t. …. l. 1. …p. 28.and rejected the antient Rules for their own customs, notwithstanding in their vow they had promised to observe the Benedictin Rule; and they had made so great alterations and corruptions in the Monastick state, that they had little besides the name of Monks left: To this the Cluniacenses replyed, by calling the Cistertians a new race of Pharisees, that cry Touch me not, I am holier than thou: and how could they call themselves such strict observers of the Rule (for the Cistertian Order was begun upon this pretence of restoring the genuin Benedictin Rule by keeping to the letter of it) when the Rule commanded them to think better of others than of themselves; Exo…. Ord…. Cistere. c. 5. in Biblioth. Cisterci…. Sig…o. Chro…. ad A. D. 1098.and You, say they, are the Saints; You are the rare men; You are the only Monks in the world; You must have a new colour of your own; You must be the white Boys, when all the rest must Pass for black p. 197sheep. And no colour, say they, could have been worse chosen for such whining companions, since white is the colour of Ioy and Feasting, and Black of Mourning and Sadness. Thus the jolly Monks of Clugny replyed to the new and severe Order of Cistertians. And for the alterations of the Rule, Petrus Cluniacensis answers they had done nothing amiss in it; for he appeals to a higher Rule, viz. that of Scripture; and do you think, saith he, that when we promised to observe the Benedictin Rule, we renounced the Rule of Scripture? And from the practice of it in former Ages, he pleads for the change of former Rules. The Cistertians charged the Cluniacks with breaking their Rule in wearing of Furrs; the Cluniacks brought not only the example of Adam for it, but which was more to their purpose of S. Benedict too; For, say they, very subtilly; if he did not wear the Skins of Beasts, how came the Shepherds to take him for a Beast when they found him in the Cave? And do you think, say they, that your number of Coats, is not as bad as our Furrs? But the Cistertians were as angry with the Cluniacks, for their wearing Breeches; but they pleaded a jus Divinum of Breeches from Aarons Vestments, for although, they say, ceremonials do not oblige, p. 198yet the Apostle saith, those things happened to them in a figure; but they are somewhat troubled that Aarons were linnen drawers and represented the chastity of the Priests; yet at last they best resolve the point into the …postles prec…p… about decency and modesty. For the matter of their bedstraw and matts, which the Cistertians objected, Petrus … tells S. Bernard, they had plainly the Rule of their side, which left those things to the care of the Abbot. But they were somewhat more troubled about the pound of bread a day, which the Benedict…n Rule is to exact in, that a third part of it is prescribed to be reserved for supper; but suppose say they, it should be a little over or under the third part of a pound which was left at noon; must we presently go to hell for it? must men weigh their bread when they travel; and carry the Cellerar with them? for the Rule saith, it must be delivered into his hands. You indeed, say they, are the men that strain at gnats and swallow Camels; and make our Rule to lay traps and snares for us: and withall they call them the weighers of syllables, the hunters of butterflies, that prefer the letter of the Rule before discretion; and set up the Authority of that against the conveniency of alterations, which Petrus Cluniacensis p. 199at large pleads for towards th… end of that Epistle.S. B…nard. …p. 1. ad Rob. N…pot. Notwithstanding all this, S. Bernard laments the going of his Nephew Robert from the C…stertian Order to the Cluniack, as if he had turned out of the way to Heaven into that which leads directly to hell; and that, not barely, for the not performing his vow; but he calls the Cluniacks, Wolves in Sheeps cloathing; such as laughed at voluntary poverty, and fastting, and vigils, and silence, and labour, and accounted them madness; and called idl… ness contemplation; and eating, and talking, and all manner of jollity, discretion. How, say they, can God …e delighted by our tormenting our selves? where doth the Scripture command men to kill themselves? what Religion is it for men to dig the earth, to cut wood, to carry dung? Wherefore hath God made such provision if we may not taste it? wherefore hath be given us bodies if we may not preserve them? what wise man ever hated his own flesh? By these arguments, saith he, was the poor silly sheep drawn to Clugny, and there he was washed and shorn; and had rich vestments put on him instead of his former Raggs. By this we see, that these several Orders charge hypocrisie upon each other as freely, and as truly, as we can do upon them all.

p. 200§ 12. In Italy there was nothing of poverty left, to which they so much pretended who began the Monastick way, save only the bare name of the vow of Poverty. And what is this but great hypocrisie, to pretend their …erfection to lye in poverty, while they abound in Wealth? As though it were only possible for men to be rich by themselves; but in case they lived upon a common stock without any particular property, they must be poor and could not be otherwise: although they had above the third part of the Lands in the Kingdom in their hands, as it was the case here in England. Call you this poverty? Is this the keeping a vow of poverty, solemnly made to God? or rather is it not a plain mocking of God, and a horrible abuse of the Christian World? If such men did mean honestly, they would speak as others do; and declare that the Monastick state after the accession of so great riches, was quite another thing from what it was first designed; that it now became a more easie and pleasant way of living (only some kind of severities must be undergone to keep the world from seeing through their pretences) because that in it men were freed from all manner of cares of Families or estates, and they lived together, without any fear of p. 201the want of suitable company; and every one in hopes of having their condition bettered by the remove or death of their Superiours, and no one in fear of having it worse, as long as the riches of their community continue. If some Philosophers had been to set down the way of life with the greatest conveniency and freedom from trouble, they would have pitched upon a rich Monastery; where they were all rich in common, and yet no man had particular property; but I think they would have had more honesty than to call this a state of Poverty. But if ever any persons practi…ed Plato's Common-wealth, they were the wealthy Monks, who had plenty of all things in common; but surely never any Philosopher thought Plato meant to bring all men to Poverty by it; or that men could swear to be alwayes poor and yet enjoy an equal share with others of all conveniences of life. Epicurus himself, would have been for a temperate diet, and some healthful severities, and would have born a confinement within pleasant walks, and Gardens, with good company. I know nothing would have troubled him so much as to have been chosen Abbot; for the necessity of giving entertainments, and treating strangers, and looking after great revenues, might have p. 202robbed him something of his beloved tran…quillity. But to call these things the keeping a vow of poverty, Epicurus himself would have abhorred: Yet this was the way or none, which they had to observe it, assoon as the kindness of Princes and others to the Monastick Life had brought such mighty possessions to Monasteries. If we believe Arnoldus Wion, A…old. …. vit. l. 1. c. 2.who was himself of the Monastery of Cassino, that had under it 2 Principalities, 2 D…chies, 20 Earldoms, 36 Cities, 250 Castles, 440 Towns, 3…6 Mannors, 33 Sea-Ports, 33 Islands, 200 Mills, 300 Territories, 1…62 Churches; and were not the Monks here in a good condition to keep the Vow of Poverty? Volaterran might well say,Vo…at. Anthropo…og. …. 21. p. 47…. that S. Benedict left rather Kingdoms than Monasteries to his disciples; and instead of receptacles for men really poor, places of idleness and luxury; the same Arnoldus wion useth Volaterran's expression concerning the ancient Benedictin Monasteries in France, that they were rather Kingdoms than Monasteries; and that Charles 9.Lig…. V…tae l. 5. c. 1. said, that S. Maurus had gotten more riches by his Breviary, than his predecessors had done by their Swords. So that it is no wonder, to hear men complain so early of the general decay of the Monastick state; as Iacobus de V… triaco, p. 203and Petrus Damiani and others do,Iac. de V… tri…o hist. O…ident. c. 13.&c. and say plainly that there was a necessity of a Reformation. And since the Monastick state is accounted one of the most perfect in their Church, why may not the rest need a Reformation too? Petrus Damiani confesseth that there was nothing of a Monastick state left, P…tr. D… mia…. opu…. 13. de …erf…ct. …. c. 1.besides the meer habit; that their Rules were forgotten, and their discipline lost, and under the shew of Religion they lived like other men. From hence men that were in good earnest, forsook the Monasteries, and betook themselves to the Deserts; and began to institute Orders upon new Foundations.

So S. Romualdus, having been 3. years in the Monastery of Classe near Ravenna, was forced to withdraw from thence; for, taking upon him to correct his Brethren for breaking their Rule,P…t. Damia…. de …it. S. Ro… aldi. c. 3. they endeavoured to break his neck, when he was risen earlier than the rest to his prayers; but having discovered their design, away he goes into the Desart,…. 15. c. 15. …. 1. where he led a very severe life, and endeavoured to bring up others under him, in the old Egyptian Discipline, keeping them to fasting and hard lodging, and work, some making spoons, others spinning, others making nets and sackcloth; so that p. 204the Mountain Sytria,Pet. Da…. c. 26. C. 64. was, saith Damianus, become another Nitria. The same Author describing the Eremitical life which he and his Companions (about 20 in all) led in the place called Fons Avellani, P…t. Dam. de Ord. Er… mit. Fo…tis Av…llani.laments… the degeneracy of the Monastick Order, and sets down the Rules they were resolved to live by; which prescribed a far stricter course than the Benedictin Rule doth, both as to the Psalter, De vit. Dominici c. 5. &c.and Fasting, and Penance, and Silence. They who have a mind to read the perfection of their Discipline, may see it in the Life of Dominicus Loricatus, one of his Disciples; who did for many years wear armour next his skin; (from …ence he had his name of Loricatus) he lathed himself with both hands every day, while he said over the psalter twice, and thrice a day in Lent; in six dayes he performed the penance of a hundred years; which was thus reckoned, 3000 lashes went for a years penance; after which proportion every Psalter made up 5 years penance, 1000 lashes being accounted for every ten Psalms; and so 20 Psalters disciplin'd and set home with both hands would make up the penance of 100 years; one Lent, he saith, he went through a thousand years penance in this way. We must not expect to meet p. 205with many such examples; one such man by his works of supererogation might be enough to expiate for all the Monks in Italy. And I do not question they were glad to hear of such a stock coming in to the Churches Treasury, out of which they hoped for a plentiful share.

But there was one of Romualdus his Disciples,Aub. Mirae. Origin. Mo…ast. l. 2. c. 5. who endeavoured to restore the Coenobitical Life, viz. Iob. Gualbertus of Florence, A…nold. W… o…. l. 1. c. 33.to whom the Image bowed with so much kindness after the sparing the life of his Brothers Murderer,A…to…in. tit. 15. c. 17. that upon it he embraced the profession of a Monk near the Church where it was done: after which he went into the Desart of Camaldoli to Romualdus; but not liking the Eremitical way so well, he betakes himself to the Shady Valley, thence his Order is called, Ordo Vallis Umbrosae, and there adding some constitutions of his own to the Benedictin Rule, he begins a new Order which was approved by Alexander …. A. D. 1070. and he was Canonized saith Wion, by Greg. 7. by Celestine 3. saith Miraeus. He seemed to have a great zeal to restore their primitive poverty, which he shewed in destroying two Monasteries by a Miracle; the one by an inundation of water because it was too p. 206magnificently built, and the other by fire, because it had received the whole Patrimony of a Person who came into their Order; and out of his great zeal for holy Poverty, saith Antonine, he not only tore the writings asunder; but prayed God to be revenged on that Monastery, which he was no sooner almost gone from, but the greatest part of it was burnt to the Ground.

Long after these Ludovicus de Barbo, A. D. 1409. attempted the Reformation of the Benedictin Order in Italy, …. Wio…. l. 5. c. 6.by restoring poverty, chastity and obedience; and this was called the Congregation of S. Iustina de Padua, and since the Congregation of Cassino; wherein many new Constitutions were added to the Benedictin Rule; several other attempts of Reformations are mentioned by Antonine and others. But to how little purpose all the former Reformations of the Monastick state were, we need no other Testimony, than of S. Antonin, …. tit. 16. c. 23. …. 1, 2.who reckoning up the original Benedictins, the Camaldul…nses, Vallis Umbrosae, the Cluniacenses, Cistertians and Carthusians, he concludes with a passionate lamentation of their monstrous degeneracy, in the words of S. Bernard; and afterwards adds, that it was scarce possible at first to believe, that an Order begun with so p. 207much severity as that of Monks should fall into so great loosness; when the old Monks met together in S. Antony's time, their minds were so taken up with divine things that they forgot their bodily refreshments; but now, saith he, it is quite otherwise, nothing of the Scriptures, nothing that concerns mens souls, nothing but idle talk and laughing when the Monks do meet together; and S. Bernard complains of them, as though there were nothing but idleness, and luxury, and intemperance to be found among them. The Cistertians whom S. Bernard magnified so much in his time, were declined, saith S. Antonin, so far from the steps of their Fathers, that they were become unprofitable. The Cluniacenses he saith, were as black within as without: the Camaldule…ses were degenerated from the steps of Romualdus, and were all gone backward, a very few excepted. Among those of the Vallis Umbrosa there was scarce one to be found who did good: in a word, he saith, all the Monkish and Regular Orders, which began with so much fervour and zeal, had so far by degrees fallen off from the Rules of their Fathers, that they had nothing left among them but their meer vows; and how well those were kept in such a degeneracy is easie to imagine.

p. 208The only order which he allows to have preserved to his time its first vigour, was the Carthusian. Which began about the same time with the Cistertian: but Bruno the first institutor of it was far from thinking the Benedictin Rule to be perfect;Ioh▪ Brompton. ad A. 1103. n. 60. Robert. de Monte de Abbat. c. 11. and therefore he endeavoured as Romualdus had done in Italy, to revive the old Egyptian discipline and severity; and with his companions he began a kind of Eremitical life, living twelve together in distinct Cells, though within the same walls, under the inspection of a Prior, with 18 Lay Brethren and a few Mercenaries; their diet was the coursest bread, wine very much diluted with water; eating no flesh sick or well, buying no fish but eating them when given; Sundays and Thursdays they might eat cheese or eggs; Tuesdays and Saturdays pulse or boil'd herbs; the other days only bread and water; and they eat only once a day except the great holy-days, and then they eat together, and say Mass, and keep their Canonical hours in publick, which at other times, (excepting only Mattins and Vespers) they observe in their Cells; where they are obliged to perpetual silence and labour and reading and prayer. Their habit is a short and strait garment, rough and sordid even to frightfulness; and they wear sackcloth next p. 209their skin: This is the account given of their Order by Guibert,…. Iacobus de Vitriaco, and by Petrus Cluniacensis, who commends it for the sanctity and strictness of it; a very …ood Rule saith P…lydore V…rgil, if the passions of the mind could be confined within Cells, and the flesh be tamed by solitude and idleness; which S. Hierome sound it so hard to do with the greatest pains. A most certain way to Heaven! if only ea…ing fl…sh, and cleanly apparel, and conversing with our Friends, were the things that sent men to hell. H…mbert. serm. 25. a… Ca…thus.Humbertus complains that in his time A. D. 1264. a great deal of the severity of their first discipline was abated by dispensations and relaxations; but whatever agreeableness they may pretend in other things to the old Egyptian L…urae, they are as far beyond them in the point of riches as may be; for although they began at first with the pretence of great poverty and restraining their Goods and Cattel and Lands within certain bounds, yet for their number they have attained to as great riches as any Order whatsoever, whereas Cassian saith, Cassian l. 4. c. 4.The old Egyptian Monks had nothing at all to live up…n but the fruit of their own labour,Collat. 24. c. 1. and refu… to receive any thing to the advantage … Monastery, from any who came … p. 210Although the Carthusians had no Rule given them at first, yet they have been governed by certain customes of their own; among which one is,…. p. 952. that it is not lawful for them, to observe the Discipline, or Vigils, or Religious exercises, or Fasts of any other Religious Order; which had been a very profane custome among them, if they had believed that their Rules were from Divine Inspiration.

§. 13. When all the former Monastick Orders had lost their reputation in the world as to their pretence of Poverty, which they began with; then appeared another sort who would not be called Monks but Friers; and to satisfie the World as to their Poverty, they declared▪ they would have nothing appropriated to them as a community, but would live upon the charity and benevolence of others, and therefore would go under the name of Mendicant Friers; which grew so numerous at first that the Council of Lyons reduced them to four, viz. the Dominicans, Augustinian Eremites, Carmelites, and Franciscans. But among these the highest pretenders to poverty, were the last mentioned; who would be contented with nothing short of the perfection of poverty: For this above all things was p. 211S. Francis his Mistress, which he pretends almost to adore; and in one of his Collations he calls Poverty the Queen of Vertues, Opuscul. S. Franc. T…m. 3. Collat. 5.a special way to felicity, the root of perfection: the hidden treasure mentioned in the Gospel, for which a man parts with all that he hath; to attain the height of which, he saith, a man must not only renounce worldly prudence, but in some sort humane Learning too: for, saith he, that man doth not perfectly renounce the world that retains the bag of his own sense within his heart. Poverty, he calls, the Foundation of his Order upon which it would stand or fall; nay, such a true lover of poverty he was, that they say of him, he could never be reconciled to the Ants, because they provided for themselves so long before hand. But for those of his Order, he charges them (as Solomon did about Wisdom,) above all things, to follow Poverty; and especially in their buildings; and therefore bids them build poor and mean lodgings for themselves; which they ought not to dwell in as their own, but to lodge in them as Travellers. And he makes it one of the inviolable Rules of his Order, that they should have nothing appropriated to them, … c. 6.neither house, nor place, nor any thing.

p. 212And as the Carthusians zeal was against flesh, so S. Francis his was against Money; which he strictly enjoyns those of his Order never to touch; as though the soul were infected at the Fingers ends. As for working, he leaves it to those to whom God hath given the Grace of working; which he perceived to be not near so common a Grace with them, as that of Idleness; if they did chance to work hard, c. 5.they might receive necessaries for it for themselves and their Brethren, but by no means money; and the height of poverty, he tells his Disciples, would certainly bring them to Heaven. c. 6.This was to be their portion in this world, to which they must stick close. Which was a portion easily left, and which they were very willing to part with; although S. Francis took as much care to secure it to them as man could do: For the Rule concludes with a heavy imprecation of the indignation of God and his Saints against those who should presume to violate it. And in his Testament he earnestly recommends to them, the strict observation of his Rule; and forbids all Glosses upon it; and saith, that as he had written it simply and plainly, so he would have it understood by them without any Gloss. And to make this hard lesson to go down the easier, it is evident p. 213by the whole management of it, that S. Francis had a mind to have his Rule received as from divine Inspiration; which we do not find S. Benedict himself ever pretended to,Wad…i…g. …. A. 1223. n. 9, 10. for he concealed his own Rule, and ingenuously con…esseth at the end of it, whom he had profited by; but S. Francis very formally in imitation of Moses, goes up to a Mountain, and there in the cleft of a Rock abides for forty dayes together fasting, only with bread and water; there he pretends, to have his Rule dictated to him by the Holy Ghost; after the forty dayes, down he comes to Assisium and brings his Rule with him, and gives it to Br. Elias, to whom he delivered it to be kept. Elias did not like the severity of it, and pretended to have lost it; up goes S. Francis again to the Mountain, and brings it down new made. Elias and his Brethren were hugely troubled, but knew not how to help themselves, at last they agreed to go to him together, and tell him they could not keep it (for Elias knowing his Spirit and Selfwill, told them plainly he durst not go to him alone) S. Francis suspecting the matter, and seeing them coming towards him, assoon as they had got to the top of the Mountain leaps out of the Cleft of the Rock, and with a fierce countenance, asked p. 214Elias what the matter was? he very submissively tells him, he came to him in the name of them all to intreat some abatement of the severity of the Rule. S. Francis immediately expresses a mighty passion against them, and calls them in a …olemn appeal to God, an unbelieving and disobedient Generation. Forthwith, saith their Annalist, a bright Cloud appeared, and upon it, Christ himself (O horrible blasphemy!) saying, why art thou troubled Man, as though this were thy work? Art thou the Law-giver? Art thou the beginner of this Way? Are not all the Precepts prescribed by my self? were not the Tables formed by me? thou wert only the instrument and pen of the Writer. I know what I dictated, and what I would have observed; the strength of men is known to me, I know what they can do, and what assistance I can give them: I will have this Rule observed to a Tittle, to a tittle, to a tittle; without any Gloss, any Gloss, any Gloss. All this while S. Francis was kneeling and they trembling; then he tells them, Brethren, you see how you have resisted the will of God; if your ears do not tingle yet, I will make the same Voice to be heard again; at which they were confounded and affrigh…ed and fell upon their faces; and upon their p. 215promise of obedience be descended, saith Wadding, like another Moses carrying the Tables of the Law, N. 11.with his face fiery and shining; but according to the Vulgar Latin it should have been horned too. Notwithstanding all this, they were at it again, and and desired that at least they might have something in common, for their numbers increased so fast, it would be impossible to keep strict poverty. S. Franc…s goes up the Mountain once more,N. 13. and returns with a promise only that God would provide for them if they would keep to their Rule, then they all submitted to it. Wadding and De La Hay take great pains to prove, that this Rule was immediately given by Christ himself, not only from the Testimony of S.…. 16. Brigitt, but of several popes, viz. Gregory the ninth, Nicholas the third and fourth, Clement the fifth, Iulius the second. Upon this, away goes S. Francis begging to Rome, when he comes there, the pope told him his Rule was too strict; but upon his solemn affirmation, there was not a word in it of his own, but it was all dictated by Christ himself; it was confirmed by Pope Honorius, and he denounces a Curse on the breakers of it. Surely, if the pretence of Divine Inspiration for the Monastick Rules be received in the Roman Church, S. Francis p. 216bids much fairer for it than S. Ben…dict; for it is plain, he had a mind to have it believed not only by his B…eth…en, b…t by the Pope and Cardinals, who joyned in the confirmation; and by the…r whole Church.

§. 14. Let us now see what this per…ection of Poverty soon came to, and whether any such respect hath been shewn to this Rule, as if they did believe it to have been from God: Not long after S. Francis his death, Elias being made their General, … A, 1230. …. 8.…btains priviledges from the Pope for receiving of money by a third Person; directly against the letter of the Rule; and soon after he lived splendidly and fared well, kept Horses and a retinue, and told them, all this was necessary for the support of his Government. But this was too gross, and would presently have spoiled the Reputation of their Order, and therefore upon the complaint made of it at Rome, he was discharged, and another chosen. Who was no sooner in, but disputes arose among them about the sense of their Rule; and they appeal to the Pope (although S. Francis had declared there should be no Glosses made upon it; …. 14.and that they should not obtain Letters from the Pope) upon which Pop… Gregery the ninth published p. 217a Bull, declaring, that they were not bound to admit of no Glosses (What! although Christ himself in person declared that none should be made! From whence it is plain, that either the Pope in terms contrad…cts Christ, or he must look on all that pretence of Christs appearance, as an idle story only made to amuse the Friers) and withal adds several Glosses for explication of the said Rule. And the kind Pope adds, That, although he believed S. Francis to have had a pious intention in his former command; yet, without the least regard to any divine Inspiration, he declares that they were not at all bound by it; and gives these substantial reasons for it, because his Testament could not oblige, without the consent of the Superiours and Brethren of the Order; neither had he power to oblige his Successor. What becomes of the Divine Revelation all this while? But the main thing which troubled the Franciscans was, that they found their Order could not subsist without having some things belonging to them, as Utensils, Books and other moveables, and some among them said, the property of these things belonged to the Order in common; the subtle Pope found out an excellent Gloss for this, viz. that they should keep to their Rule, to have p. 218no property either in special or incommon; but they should have the use of them; only the dominion and property should be reserved to those to whom it did belong; and that nothing should be sold, exchanged, or alienated without the Authority and Consent of the Cardinal Protector of the Order. By which, the Pope (supposing the Donors not to reserve the property to themselves) entitles himself and all his Successors to the Dominion and property of all Houses and Goods belonging to the whole Order; which was not only a Salvo for their consciences, but a su…e way to keep them alwayes in subjection to the Papal See. And from hence the Popes have taken upon them the management of their affairs, by Syndics and Procurators impowred by them,…. Relig. p. 174 as appears by several Bulls of Martin the fourth, and fifth, Eugenius the fourth, Sixtus the fourth, and others. And this same Pope Gregory the ninth takes to the Apostolical See the Right and property of the Church of Assisium, Regest. Pontif…cium ap…d … …ing. p. 5.which was magnificently built by the contributions procured by Elias while he was General of the Order; and by vertue of his Apostolical Power declares the Church to be wholly Free and subject immediately to the Roman See. This Favour of the Popes, and sudden multiplication p. 219of this Order, and the manner of their living, gave a very great Jealousie to the Secular Clergy in all parts; for notwithstanding this high pretence to Poverty, they knew that so many men must be maintained out of the Church, one way or other, and although it were under the pretence of an Eleemosynarie maintenance, yet they undertaking the Office of preaching, and hearing Confessions, and having no Titles, could not subsist without manifest encroaching on the rights of the Clergy. And so it was found and complained of in all parts, but to little purpose; the Popes for good ends of their own, resolving to carry them through in spight of the Bishops and Clergy. For this pu…pose they were forced to be still writing Bulls in their behalf; ninety seven Bulls are printed together of this one Pope by their Annalist with a respect to their Order, (besides many extant in the Annals themselves) of which several of them are to the Bishops of Italy, Spain, France, and other parts, not to molest this new Order. For as their Annalist saith, about this time their Fame spreading abroad, … Mi…orum A D. 1231. n. 55.the People gave liberally to them, Martyrolog. Franc. …n addit. Sect. 190.and built them houses and stately Churches with rich …rnaments (Only to shew the perfection of their poverty) and finished them with all p. 220manner of conveniences for their subsistence; which drew the envy and hatred of the Bishops and Parochial Clergy upon them: and the whole controversie between them was, whether these independent Friers should gather congregations to themselves or no, and therein perform all divine offices, and receive the oblations of the people without any subjection to the Bishops? And in this dispute, the Pope took part with the Friers, and published two Bulls in their behalf to all Bishops, D…cr…tal. Greg. l. 5. tit. 31. c. 16, 17.extant in the Decretals, enjoyning them to forbear giving any disturbance to the Friers in those matters. And now the sublimity of their Poverty began to shew it self in the height and stateliness of their Fabricks; if any one would see the habitation of Poverty, he may read the description their Annalist gives of their Convent at Paris and the Church belonging to it;…. A. D. 1234. a…. 19. ad …. 29. and he will imagine (so much is the World altered) that Poverty did vye with Solomon himself, as to the glory both of his Temple and Palace. There were some in those days who were not subtle enough to reconcile these things with perfect poverty, and thought a lower degree of it might have served the Francisca…s as it did other Friers; but notwithstanding these glorious Fabricks did not look very like the poor Cottages S. Francis p. 221enjoyned them, nothing would content these men but the very sublimity of Poverty. Richardus Armachanus in his Sermons at Pauls Cross against the Friers, Ric. A…mac. s…rm. 4. fol. 163.saith, they were so far from the Poverty they pretended to, that he thought them bound in Con…cience to give in charity to others out of their superfluiti…s. For, saith he, these men who call themselves Beggers, have houses like Kings Palaces, Fishponds larger than Earles have, Churches more costly than Cathedrals, more rich and noble Ornaments than all the Bishops of the World; his Holiness only excepted. But it cost him dear …or not being able to reconcile these things with perfect poverty: for after many years trouble occasioned by the Friers he died at Avignon. The plain Country-man in Chaucer asks the Frier a great many untoward Questions concerning their Order, which I doubt the wisest of their Order will not easily answer; as

Freer, how many Orders be on earth,Cha…cer. …. 348. last Edit. and which is the perfectest Order? Is there any perfecter Rule than Christ himself made? If Christs Rule be most perfect, why rulest thou thée not thereafter? Why shall a Fréer be more punished for breaking the Rule that his Patron made, than if he break the hests that God himself made?

p. 222If your Order be perfect why get you your Dispensations to make it easie? Certes, either it séemeth, that ye be unperfect, or he that made it so hard that he may not hold it. And siker if ye hold not the Rule of your Patrons, ye be not then their Fréers, and so ye lye upon your selves.

Why make you as dede men when ye be professed, and yet be not dead but more quick beggers than you were before? and it séemeth evil a Dede man to go about and beg.

Why make yée you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so, and dede men should have but Graves, as falleth it to dede men, and yet ye have more Courts than many Lords of England: for ye now wenden through the Realm, and ech night will lig in your own Courts, and so mow but few right Lords do.

Why be not under your Bishops visitation, and léege men to our King?

Why make yée men believe that your golden Trental sung of you to take therefore ten shillings, or at least five shillings, woll bring souls out of Hell or out of Purgatory? if this be sooth, certes yée might bring all the souls out p. 223of paine, and that woll ye nought, and then yée be out of charity.

Why make ye men believe, that he that is buried in your habit, shall never come in Hell, and ye wéet not of your self whether ye shall to Hell or no? if this were sooth ye should sell your high houses to make many habits for to save many mens souls.

Why covet ye shrift and burying of other mens Parishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Christian folk?

Why busie ye not to hear to shrift of poor folk as well as of Lords and Ladies, sith they may have more plenty of shrift fathers than poor folk mow?

Why covet you not to bury poor folk among you? sith they béen most holy, (as ye sayn that ye béen for your poverty.)

Fréer, when thou receivest a penie for to say a Mass, whether sellest thou Gods body for that penie, or thy prayer, or else thy travel? If thou saiest thou wilt not travel for to say the Mass, but for the penie, that certes if this be sooth, then thou lovest too little méed for thy soul: and if thou sellest Gods body, other thy prayer, then it is very simonie, p. 224and art become a chapman worse than Judas, that sold it for thirty pence.

Why bearest thou God in hand and slanderst him that he begged for his meat? sith he was Lord over all, for then had he béen unwise to have begged, and have no néed thereto.

Fréer, after what Law rulest thou thée? where findest thou in Gods Law, that thou shouldst thus beg? what manner men néedeth for to beg? for whom oweth such men to beg? Why beggest thou so for thy Brethren? If thou saiest, for they have néed, then thou dost it for the more perfection, or else for the least, or else for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all, then should all thy Brethren do so, and then no man néeded to beg but for himself, for so should no man beg but him néeded And if it be the least perfection, why lovest thou then other men more than thy self? For so thou art not well in charity, sith thou shouldst séek the more perfection after thy power living thy self most after God. And thus leaving that imperfection thou shouldst not so beg for them. And if it is a good mean thus to …eg as thou dost, then should no man do so, but they béen p. 225this good mean, and yet such a mean granted by you can never be grounded on Gods Law, for then both lerid and leard that ben in mean degrée of this world should go about and beg as you do. And if all should do, certes well nigh all the world should go about and heg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one Yever.

Why wilt thou not beg for poor bedred men, that ben poorer than any of your Sect, that liggen and mow not go about to help himselfes, sith we be all Brethren in God, and that Bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any man could make, and where most néed were, there were most perfection, either else ye hold them not your pure Brethren, but worse, but then ye he unperfect in your begging? Whose ben all your rich Courts that ye han, and all your rich Iewels? sith ye séen that ye han nought ne in proper, ne in common. If ye sain they ben the Popes, why gather ye then of poor men and Lords and so much out of the Kings hand to make your Pope rich? And sith ye sain that it is great perfection to have nought in proper ne in common, why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is p. 226your Father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye saine that your goods ben all his, and ye should by reason be the most perfect man, it séemeth openlich that ye ben cursid Children so to slander your Father and make him imperfect. And if ye sain that the goods be yours then do ye ayenst your rule; and if it be not ayenst your Rule, then might ye have both plow and cart and labour as other good men done, and not so beg by Cosengery and idle as ye done. If ye say that it is more perfection to beg, than to travel or to work with your hand, why preach ye not openly and teach all men to do so? sith it is the best and most perfect life to the help of their fouls, as ye make Children to beg that might have béen rich heirs.

Why hold ye not S. Francis his Rule and his Testament? sith Francis saith, that God shewed him this living & this Rule; & certes if it were Gods Will, the Pope might not fore do it; or else Francis was a lier that said in this wise.

Why will ye not touch no coined money with the Cross, ne with the Kings head, as ye done other Iewels both of Gold and Silver? certes, if ye despise the Cross of the Kings head, then ye be p. 227worthy to be despised of God and the King: and sith ye will receive money in your hearts and not with your hands, it séemeth that ye hold more holiness in your hands than in your hearts, and then be false to God.

Why have yée exempt you from our King's Laws, and visiting of our Bishops, more than other Christian men that liven in this Realm, if ye be not guilty of traitorie to our Realm, or trespas…es to your Bishops?

Fréer, what charity is this, to the people to lie, and say that ye follow Christ in poverty more than other men done? and yet in curious and costly housing, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking féeding, and in treasure and jewels, and rich ornaments, Fréers passen Lords, and other rich worldly men, and soonest they should bring their cause about (be it never so costly) though Gods Law be put a back.

Fréer, what charity is this to prease upon a rich man, and to entice him to be buried among you from his parish Church, and to such rich men give letters of Fraternity confirmed by your general Seal, and thereby to bear him p. 228in hand that he shall have part of all your Masses, Mattens, Preachings, Fastings, Wakings, and all other good déeds done by your Brethren of your Order (both whilest he liveth and after that he is dead) and yet ye witten never whether your déeds be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter, be able by good living to receive any part of your déeds; and yet a poor man (that ye wite well or supposen in certain to have no good of) ye ne given to such letters, though he be a better man to God than such a rich man; nevertheless this poor man doth not retch thereof. For as men supposen, such letters and many others that Fréers behoten to men, be full false deceits of Freers out of all reason, and Gods Law and Christian mens faith.

Freer, what charity is this, to be Confessors of Lords and Ladies, and to other mighty men and not amend hem in their living? but rather as it seemeth to be bolder to pill their poor tenants and to live in lechery; and there to dwell in your office of Confessor for winning of worldly goods, and to be bold great by colour of such ghostly offices? this seemeth rather p. 229pride of Freers, than charitie of God.

Fréer, what charity is this, to sain that who so liveth after your Order liveth most perfectly, and next followeth the state of Apostles in povertie and penance, and yet the wisest and greatest Clerks of you wend or send, or procure to the Court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or Bishops, or the Popes Chapleins, and to be assoiled of the vow of poverty, and obedience to your Ministers, in which (as ye sain) standeth most perfection and merit of your Orders, and thus ye faren as Pharisées, that sain one and do another to the contrary.

Fréer, was S. Francis in making that Rule he set thine Order in, a fool and a liar or else wise and true? If ye sain that he was not a Fool but wise, ne a liar but true: why shew ye contrary to your doing, when by your suggestion to the Pope ye said, that Your Rule that Francis made was so hard, that ye mow not live to hold it without declaracion and dispensation of the Pope, and so by your déed? Ne let your Patron a Fool that made a rule so hard that no man may well kéep, and p. 230eke your déed proveth him a lier, where be saith in his rule that he took and learned it of the Holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope undo that the Holy Ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardness of your Order?

Fréer, is there any perfecter Rule of Religion than Christ Gods Son gave in his Gospel to his Brethren? Or than that Religion that S. James in his Epistle maketh mention, of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the Wisdom of God the Father) unkunning, unpower, or evil will. For then he could not make his Rule so good as another did his, and so he had be unkunning; or that he might not make his Rule so good as another man might, and so were he unmighty; or he would not make his Rule so perfect, as another did his, and so he had béen evil willed.

For if he might and could and would have made a Rule perfect without default and did not, he was not Gods Son almighty. For if any other Rule be perfecter than Christs, then must Christs Rule lack of that perfection, and so were default and Christ had p. 231failed in making of his Rule, but to put any default or failing in God is blasphemie. If thou say that Christs Rule and that Religion S. James maketh mention of, is perfectest; why holdest thou not thilk Rule without more? And why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis, or S. Dominicks Rule or Religion or Order, than of Christs Rule, or Christs Order?

Fréer, canst thou any default assigne in Christs Rule of the Gospell, with the which he taught all men sickerly to be saded, if they kept it to their ending? If thou say it was too hard, then saiest thou Christ lied, for he said of his Rule, My yoke is soft and my burden light. If thou say Christs Rule was too light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou saiest, there is no default in Christs Rule of the Gospel, sith Christ himself saith it is light and easie: what néed was it for Patrons of Friers to adde more thereto? and so make an harder Religion to save Fréers, than was the Religion of Christs Apostles and his Disciples helden and were saved by? But if they woulden that their Fréers saten above the Apostles p. 232in Heaven for the harder Religion that they kéepen here, so would they sitten in Heaven above Ch…ist himself for their more and strict observations, then so should they be better than Christ himself.

In these Questions, (besides several others extant in Chauctr) we have the hypocrisie and fraud of these Mendicant Friers fully set forth by a Person who lived among them in the time of their greatest flourishing here in England: which Hypocrisie of theirs in the pretence of Poverty is attested by our Historians. Walsingham saith, Walsingh. hist. p. 92. A. D. 1308.that they offered the Pope at one time, for a dispensation to break their Rule, as to the liberty of enjoying rents and Lands, 40000 florens of Gold and much more money. The Pope asked them, where their money was? they told him, in the Merchants hands; the cunning Pope pretended to take three dayes time to consider of it, In the mean time he sends for the Merchants, absolves them from their obligation to the Friers, and charges them under pain of an Anathema, to pay the money into his Treasury; and then tells the Friers, he would not have them to break their Rule; by which they were bound to touch no money. And so, saith he, what they had unjustly p. 233gotten, was justly taken away. I know no reason they could have to complain of any injustice in the Pope, since they declare the property and Dominion of what they enjoyed was in the Apostolical See. And it were pitty the Pope should have nothing but a meer name and title. Mat. …. A. 1299.Matthew Westminster, from whom Walsingham took not only the story but most of the very words of it, saith it was quadringenta millia and not quadraginta as it is in Walsingham, 400000 Florens of gold and much more, to have the liberty to receive lands and revenews; expresly against their Rule and Solemn Vow of perfect poverty.Mat. Paris ad A. D. 1235. Matthew Paris describes their Frauds as to the Parochial Priests and other Convents, their flatteries and insinuations into Great men; and adds, that they were so excellently skilled in the arts of getting money, that the Pope made choice of them above others to be his Collectors, both here and in other Countries; in so much, he saith, ad A. D. 1247.that the Pope made them instead of Fishers of men, Fishers of money. So much had they kept to their Rule in S. Francis his sense, i e. to the meer letter of it; for no men were more skilful in the getting of money, than they were; if they did but keep themselves from fingering of it, they thought, they observed p. 234that part of his Rule at least, whatever became of their perfect poverty. Which he sets forth, A. D. 12…3.when he saith, that within 24 years after their first coming into England, their Mansion houses were like Royal Palaces, wherein they had unvaluable Treasures, most impudently transgressing the Rules of Poverty, which was the Foundation of their Profession. And then describes their hanging about great and rich mens beds when they lay a dying, in hopes of a prey; their drawing people to confess to them, their obtaining private Testaments, their commending their own Order, and discommending all others to that degree, that the people commonly believed they could not be saved unless they were ruled by the Mendicant Friers. Nay they were so busie not only to get priviledges, but to insinuate themselves into Courts and great Families, that no businesses almost were managed without them, either relating to money or marriages: with much more to the same purpose in him; and if we believe the concurrent testimony of these Historians, there were never greater Hypocrites known, since the Pharisees, and before the Jesuits, than these pretenders to perfect Poverty: who hated that in their hearts to which they made the greatest shew of Love. We may perceive by p. 235chaucer what wayes they had of wheadling great persons into an opinion how much better it was to be buried among them, than any where else; the Bishops saw well enough what all this was designed for, viz. to have the profits of burials; and therefore in behalf of the Parochial Clergy they opposed it as long as they durst; A…nal…s Minor. ad A. 1252. n. 23.but Pope Innocent 4. declared, their Churches to be Conventual, and then to have liberty of burying in them; which they made good use of, both here and in other places, to their great advantage. So that, what by the Favour of great Persons, whom they flattered to become their Confessors; what by their Masses, and extraordinary Offices; what by Burials, and the charitable benevolence of well disposed persons to them; they made a good shift to keep themselves a good way out of the reach of the Perfection of Poverty; while in the mean time they pretended to nothing more than that. But they found more comfort in their own purse-opening way, than the Parochial Clergy did in their setled maintenance; they having found out the knack of pleasing those humours in persons that had the greatest command of their purses: but besides these wayes, when the charity of particular persons began to coole p. 236towards them, they had a certain rate upon houses which they lived upon, which Sancta Clara confesses, Histor. Minor. Provinc. Angliae. s. 24.and saith, it was easie for the people, and abundantly sufficient for them. So that laying all these wayes together, although they had sworn so much affection to perfect Poverty; and professed to love and admire it above all things; yet they endeavoured with all their care and diligence to keep it from coming within their Doors.

§. 15. But all this would not satisfie them, for the Conventual Friers were never quiet, till, for the greater height of their poverty, they procured leave from the Pope that they might enjoy Lands and possessions as well as others: so much is confessed by their Martyrologist, Martyrolo…. Fra…c. addit. s. 208. Nitela Fran…is…. Relig. p. 174. Bernard. Sen…ns. vit. c. 29.and the defender of their Order against Bzovius: upon this a new Reformation began among them, first by Paulutius▪ Fulginas, but very little regard was had to it, till Bernardinus Senensis appeared in the head of it, and then it spread very much; these were called Fratres de observantiâ from their strict observance of S. Francis his Rule; and many and great differences happened between them, which it hath cost the Papal See some trouble to compose: which were so high that Leo 10. p. 237in the Preface to the Bull of Union, Leo 10. Constit. 23.declares that almost all the Princes in Christendom had interceded with him to end the controversie between these two sorts of Beggers, viz. those who had good Lands and revenues; and others, that had rich houses and furniture and other conveniences, but had no endowments. For this same Pope declared,Leo 10. Constit. 6. that these strict Observantines might enjoy the most magnificent Houses and costly furniture without any diminution to the perfection of their poverty, because the right and property of them was not in themselves, but in the Papal See: but I cannot understand why the same reason should not hold for Lands too, supposing the same Right and property to be in the Popes; for it cannot enter into my head, that a man is a jot the poorer because his estate lyes in goods and Iewels, and not in Lands; or why this may not be in Trustees hands as well as the other. Indeed that was the solemn Cheat in all this affair, that how rich soever really this Order of Mendicants was; yet, forsooth they had nothing at all to live upon but the Alms of the people, for they had vowed the very height of poverty. Why, saith a plain Countrey man▪ that is not well skilled in Metaphysicks; the beggars in our Countrey do not live in such stately houses, p. 238and have no such rich Ornaments nor feed so well, nor are so well provided for as you are: we that have Land of our own, would be glad to have all things found us at so cheap a rate. Do you think that riches lyes only in trouble and care and hard labour? if that be it I confess you are poor enough: but in no other sense that I see.

Alas poor man, saith the good Frier, we are as poor as Iob for all this.

Now that cannot I understand for my heart, saith the other; surely you call things only by other names than we do: and make that poverty that we plain men call riches.

Well, saith the Frier, I will shew my charity to your understanding in helping of that, if you will shew yours to us poor Friers; therefore you must know that although we have the full use and possession for our benefit in the things you see, yet Pope Nicholas 3. in the Bull Exiit, and Pope Clement 5. in the Bull Exivi de Paradiso, hath declared that we have no propriety and Dominion in them, but that is reserved to the Papal See: So that we enjoy all things but have right to nothing.

Say you so, saith the Countrey man, Then I believe you come within the compass of the Statutes against Vagabonds and sturdy Beggars, for you live upon that which p. 239is none of your own, and refuse to Work.

Tush, saith the Frier, that is an heretical Statute, and we defie Q. Elizabeth and all her works; as long as the Pope hath declared us to be poor, we are so and will be so, although we had ten times as much as we have: For our holy Father the Pope can change not only the names but the natures of things; nay I will tell you farther, if we had as much wealth as the King of Spain in the Indies, if we had only the possession, and the supreme right or Dominion were declared to be in the Pope, we were in perfect poverty for all this.

I cry you mercy Sir, replyes the Countrey man; I beseech you intercede with his Holiness to make me one of his Beads-men; for I perceive poverty, as he makes it, is better than all my Lands that I have the Fee-simple of: but I pray think of a better way to keep me out of the reach of the Statute; for if I have no manner of right to what I enjoy, I may be endited next Sessions for all that I know; if I have any right to it, then I have a property; and if I have a property, how can I swear that I have none, and will have none, neither in my self, nor in common with others?

Come, come, saith the Frier, these are things too high for you; it is enough p. 240for us, that have had Scotus of our Order, to be able to explain these things.

And yet Pope Iohn 22. could understand these subtilties no more than a plain Countrey man; for he declares the distinction of property and use, as it was applyed by the Franciscans from the Bull of Nicolas 3. to be meer fraud and hypocrisie. For which we are to consider, that among the articles objected against one of the Beguini by the Dominican Inquisitor at Narbon,Extrav. ad Condit. de ver…. signif. A. D. 1321. this was one, that Christ and his Apostles following the way of perfection, had no right of property and dominion in any thing either in special or in common: which Berengarius a Franciscan being present, utterly denyed to contain any erroneous doctrine; but said, it was a very good Catholick opinion, and expresly grounded on Pope Nich. 3. his Bull Exiit: upon which an Appeal was made to the Pope and Cardinals; the Pope to proceed with the greater satisfaction in this weighty affair, sends abroad to Universities and Learned men to know their opinion herein; and because Nich. 3. had pronounced an Anathema against those that should take upon them to interpret or debate the Bull Exiit, he takes off this Anathema, and gives all men free leave to deliver their judgements. In p. 241the mean time, the Franciscans finding the Perfection of their Order called in Question▪ and suspecting the Popes ill-will towards them; they met together at Perusium; and published their sentence to all Christian People, that the foresaid article was sound and Catholick, because it had been approved be the Apostolical See. The Pope being throughly netled at this and other carriages of theirs in the controversie between him and the Emperour, and at the insolent behaviour of Frier Bonagratias, who was sent from the General Chapter to the Pope, declared their Letter to be heretical, and their Order to be founded in Heresie;…. A. D. 132….▪ …. 55. as Raynaldus shews from a Letter of Michael Caesenas then General of the Order, extant in the Vatican Library: and finding, saith Raynaldus, that the Franciscans under the pretence of Apostolical Poverty did heap up riches to themselves, which they would have the world to believe did not contradict their Vow and Rule, because the Dominion and property was reserved to the Papal See, he published the Bull, Ad Conditorem; in which he fully sets forth the hypocrisie of the Franciscans in pretending to the perfection of Poverty upon this reservation of the right of property and Dominion to the Apostolical See: For, saith he, the perfection p. 242of a Christian life, lyes principally in charity, which the Apostle calls the bond of Perfection; which the contempt of worldly things did only prepare men for, by taking off that solicitude which the care of Worldly affairs did carry along with it: but where the same solicitude continues, there expropriation, as he calls it, can add nothing to Perfection. But, saith he, it is notorious that the Franciscans, after the said Reservation of Property to the Popes, were rather more than less solicitous about the procuring and keeping of worldly things, both by suits at Law, and otherwise. And under the pretence of this reservation, they have unreasonably boasted of the perfection of their Poverty; because they have the bare Use of things without property or Dominion. But if they would attend to things rather than bare words, and submit to Truth; they would find, that they had much more than the bare Use, having the liberty to sell, exchange or give away. And in things consumed by Use, to separate the property from the use, is repugnant both to Law and Reason: and such a reserved Dominion is not real but verbal, and a meer fiction: but supposing there could be a bare use, yet it could not be given the property reserved; because there can be no difference, between such a bare Use, and p. 243the full dominion. This and much more is contained in the Popes Bull, which fully manifests that all this pretence of Poverty was a meer Iuggle; and fit only to deceive the simple. For in things necessary to life it is impossible to part with the property and Dominion of them; and in other things, it is great hypocrisie to pretend poverty under the greatest plenty, meerly because a titular Dominion is reserved to another Person. For as Augerius the Provincial of the Carmelites said truly upon this occasion, Raynald. …. 68.the perfection of Poverty doth not lye so much in the Title, as in the Use of things; viz. such as tends to abate the motions of the flesh and swellings of the mind; which he did not understand how it could be attained, by a plentiful Use, supposing it could be without property or Dominion.

But notwithstanding this Bull of Iohn 22. and the great Truth and Reason contained in it, the Franciscans still went on with the same hypocrisie; and they obtained that Favour of following …opes to recall the Bull, Ad Conditorem, (which surely needed not to have been done in case Nichol. 3. and he had not differed,B…ll de Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 14. as Bellarmin and others would fain make the world believe) which was expresly done by Martin 5. in the Bull Amabilis Fructus, which was confirmed by p. 244Eugenius 4. Calixtus 3. Nicol. 5. Pius 2. Paul 2. Sixtus 4. Alexander 6. and Leo 10. Who all proceed upon the same solemn Foppery, Annales Minor. A. 1322. … 61, 62, &c.that the Franciscans had the perfection of Poverty, because the Dominion and Property of their Houses, Goods and Estates was not in themselves but in the Papal See. I might farther have shewn the hypocrisie of this pretence of Poverty, from the resolutions of their Casuists in this matter, and the frivolous subtilty of their distinctions to salve mens consciences; but this is sufficient to my present purpose, to shew how vain and foolish the pretence to perfection was in this Mendicant way, which is fully confuted (supposing it to have been what it preten…ed) by that one saying of our Saviour, Act. 20. 2… ▪Acts 20:2It is a more blessed thing to give, than to receive.

§. 16. Hitherto the Perfection of a Christian Life, was sup…osed to lye in abstraction from the World, and Poverty, and diligence in the publick performance of the Ecclesiastical office; but these latter Ages of the World have produced an Order of a very different nature from all before it, but yet pretending to Divine Inspiration in the settlement of it: and that is the Order of Iesuites. … the Monks having lost their p. 245reputation by laziness, and the Friers by their hypocrisie; and their Churches affairs requiring an Order busie and active: it was necessary that a new one should be advanced upon other pretences than the foregoing. And the Iesuits very well understanding, how much all the former pretences were seen through; and yet how necessary it was in some things to seem to comply with them, they pitched upon such a Model of their own, which took in what seemed most for their advantage; and yet proposed such an end of their Society as seemed to advance it above all before it. For as Ribadineira well argues in their behalf, the perfection of any Society is to be taken from the end of it; Vit. Ign…t. l. 3. c. 22.now the end of their Society they pretended to be Charity and Edification, which was in it self more excellent than any of the former Religious Orders. And that which other Orders accounted their perfection, they expressed very little regard to: which was either, 1. The constant performance of the Ecclesiastical Office. 2. Corporal Austerities. 3. A Contemplative Life. 4. The solemn Vows. As to every one of these the Iesuits have done our Work for us, and have shewed that the Perfection of a Christian state doth not …ye in any of them.

p. 2461. Not, in attendance on the performance of the Ecclesiastical Office; for by the Popes Bulls and Constitutions of their Society they are excused from having any Choire, Literae Apostol. Bull. Paul. 3. p. 8. Iul…i 3. p. 58. 67.or from saying their Canonical Office in publick, although they be Priests; and this is declared by the Popes at the same time, when they declare that this Order was begun by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost; as appears by the Bulls of Paul 3. and Iulius 3. And after the Council of Trent Gregory 13. confirmed the same priviledge to them,Greg. 13. p. 135. that they might the better attend to their studying, reading and preaching; which Ribadineira and Pallavacini shew to have more excellency and perfection in it,V…t. Ign. l. 3. c. 22. p. 347. Pallavac. vindi…. Soci…t. … 13. p. 65. than attendance on the Choire: which they not only prove from a Council under Gregory the Great, but from the practice of other Religious Orders, which excuse their Professors and Preachers, as being imployed about a nobler work. And Thomas Hurtado Thom. Hurtado R… olut. Morales p. 308.quotes an expression of a Iesuite, wherein he commends their Order above any other, because they have more regard to preaching and other duties, than the Office of the Choire, which saith he▪ is a publick affront to all Orders both of Monks and Friers: and another expression of Valentia, worse than the former, viz. Chorus ad ineptos; viz. that p. 247such a constant attendance on the Offices of the Choire so often day and night, wherein the Monastick Orders placed so much of the perfection of their lives, was for those that were good for nothing else: and Oliver Bonarte doth imply,De i…stit. horar. Cano …ic. l. 1. c. 13. n. 18. that the Canonical Offices were intended to keep the Monks from idleness. How very much different is this from the opinion of those who place the perfection of the Monastick Life in this constancy of their publick devotion?

2. Not, in corporal Austerities. For they have no rule at all by the Bulls and Constitutions of their Order, requiring any of these, as to Diet, or habit, or chastising themselves; but they are left to the private discretion of particular persons; yet Ribadineira saith, they do not despise those that use them; which I cannot easily believe, if any credit may be given to the Letter of the Jesuit Barisonius which hath been several times printed; bearing date from Bononia April 21. 1608. wherein among other things, which he highly commends their society for above any other Religious Order, this is one, that they do not require those severities in Diet, habit, or lodging, which not only afflict the body, but weaken mens spirits, and dull their understandings. p. 248And Card. Pallavacini in his Defence of the Society,S…o…t. Pallavac. Viadicat. Societ. …. c. 13. chiefly against the objections of other Orders, doth not only confess, that they do not require those rigours and severities either in Diet, or other wayes, which others pretend to, but that the moderate way they proceed in is much more convenient and agreeable to the design of a Religious Society. And because the chief employments of the Society require sharpness of wit, which according to Aristotle is joyned with a more delicate temper of body, which is easily put out of order with hard usage, therefore he looks upon the use of such hardships, as very contrary to their main intention, because they weaken both the body and mind together. All the office of vertue as to these things, he saith, is to retrench all extravagancies, and such things which rather provoke than satisfie the appetite; and an ability to endure hardships is rather an effect of Nature than Grace: and the Perfection of a Porter, and not of a Christian.

3. Not, in a contemplative Life. For they undertake to prove, that the Works of Charity, which their Society is chiefly designed for, viz. Preaching, administring Sacraments, Teaching Youth, &c. are more excellent than a life of contemplation. On p. 249this account Iulius Nigronus I…l. Nigro…. Comment in Regul. Commun. societ. Ies part. 3. s. 13, 14, &c.at large proves the greater excellency of their Order than of any other: which the Franciscan Martyrologist Martyrolog. Franc. addit. s. 221.will by no means allow to the Iesuits. And that, which the Iesuits boast the most of, viz. their fourth vo… of Obedience to the Pope, about Missions; he contends that their Order was under that Vow in a more eminent manner long before them, as he proves from Bonaventure, and others. Which is a thing I am willing to leave them to contend about.

4. Not, in the solemn Vows. For the Iesuits have found out a notable device of a simple Vow: by which they understand such a Vow as binds men no longer than the Society thinks fit. Gregory 13. in his Bull of Confirmation, Literae Apostol…c. p. 217.declares, that after the two years Novitiate are over, those who will remain in the society must take the three substantial vows, but only simple, and not solemn, after which they are incorporated into the Society; notwithstanding which the General of the Order upon a cause which he shall judge reasonable may dismiss them; and absolve them from all obligation of their Vows. Whereas before the perfection of the Monastick state was supposed to lye in the perpetual Obligation of the three vows; and none were accounted of a Religious Order, p. 250that had not taken upon them solemn vows, (notwithstanding which Gregory 13. immediately before this, mentions the divine instinct by which Ignatius did make these Constitutions of his Order) and after adds, that those who are only under these simple vows, are as much partakers of all the merits (which no doubt are very great) and priviledges of the Order, as those who are professed; and as truly Religious as they, and liable to the punishment of Apostates, if they depart without leave; P. 219, 220.Which the same Pope confirms by another Constitution (this simple vow not being so easily digested by other Orders, and being thought repugnant to the very constitution of a Religious Order) But there was a Mysterie in this simple vow, not so easily apprehended by such whose brains were too much mortified by Penances; For notwithstanding they had obtained so much favour from Pope Pius 5. to pass among the Mendicant Orders, (because their Domus professae have no endowments,Literae Aposto…. p. 116. though their Colleges have,) that they might enjoy the great priviledges belonging to them: yet they took as much care as could be taken to prevent any such scandal as that of Poverty falling upon their Society. But this was not to be done after the dull way of the hypocrisie of the Mendicant p. 251Friers; but they found out finer and subtiler devices of their own: To this end, they made the distinction of the Colleges and Domus Professae; the former were capable of the richest endowments, wherein they took care for the education of Youth; in the other were only Professed Iesuites who had taken the solemn vows; and were imployed in Preaching, Writing, Sacraments, &c. now these were to be without endowments to excite the freer Benevolence of the People; but yet supposing their Charity should cool, the endowments of the Colleges were to be in the hands of the Praepositus and the Society; who would be sure not to suffer their chief men to want. And they have so very few of these, that Card. Pallavacini saith,Pallavaci…. Vi…dicat. Societ. Iesu. c. 9 p 35. c. 13. p. 67. that there are but about thirty of them belonging to the whole Society: whereas he confesses, that there were about 18000 persons of their Society. But besides many other artifices made use of by them to draw the kindness of the Great ones to them (for they little regard any other; and Barisonius saith, some of the Mendicants had so exposed themselves by selling Masses at so low a rate, that there was a necessity of reforming if not of utterly destroying the p. 252whole Order) the Iesuits reserved this way of improving the stock of the Society, by the Mysterie of the simple Vows: viz. that those who are under them may possess estates, which they cannot under the solemn vows; (notwithstanding that one of these Vows is that of Poverty, and that in the first year of Novitiate, they are to renounce all temporal goods not only which they have at present, but may have hereafter) by this means, they can not only discharge themselves of unprofitable members without any burden to the Society; but in case any inheritance chance to fall to any under the simple vow, they put in a fair claim to it; for he is declared capable to inherit, and yet he hath parted with his right to the Society when he became a Member of it: and if it cannot be done any other way, they release him of his simple Vow, and leave the rest to his ingenuity. This is a fetch somewhat above the fat hearts of the Monks, or the more gross hypocrisie of the Friers; but I think is far enough from perswading any man that the constitutions of this Order came from the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost.

p. 253§. 17. The only Society remaining in the Roman Church, of any name, which puts in claim to Divine Inspiration in the Founders of it, is that of the Oratorians: so the Preface to the Constitutions of the Congregation of the Oratory, saith, that Philip Nerius was wont to say, that not he, but God himself was the Author of it. The beginning of this Congregation was laid by Nerius in Private Meetings in his Chamber A. D. 1551. which afterwards proving too little for his Company, Gallo…. vit. Phil. N…rii p 65.he removed to a Room over the Church of S. Hierom; where Caesar Baronius, Franciscus Taurusius, and others of his Disciples,Bar…abe. vit. Baron. c. 7. though not in Orders, did hold forth to the people: by which means, so great a number flocked to them, that Nerius was accused for keeping Conventicles before the Ecclesiastical Iudge;Gallot. p. 147. but notwithstanding the severe rebukes he received from him, they did not give over the Exercises of the Oratory; and at last obtained leave to continue them. He was so used to Ecstasies and Raptures, that Gallonius saith, P. 157.it was easier for him to fall into one of them, than for another person to think of worldly matters; and that to avoid them, he was forced to divert his mind from divine thoughts. A. D. …564. he laid the Foundation of his Congregation, and made p. 254some Orders for the Government of it; and besides the daily exercises at the Oratory, Baronius and Bordinus preached on Sundayes in the Florentines Church;P. 207. every day of the Week, Saturday only excepted, four of the Fathers in their course made plain Discourses to the people for half an hour a piece, the first two were Moral, and the latter relating to Ecclesiastical History and the Lives of the Saints; which part Nerius afterwards allotted to Baronius, from whence he took the occasion of writing his Annals;Barnabe. vit. Ba…o…. c. 18. but Barnabeus saith withal, that Nerius had much ado to keep Baronius from embracing one of the severest Religious Orders,c. 8. till Constantius Tassonus pretending divine inspiration, told him, God had not called him to it. A. D. 1575. Gregory the thirteenth gave them his Bull for settling the Congregation of the Oratory in the Church of S. Maria in Vall…cell…; with the Parochial Charge belonging to it; and in imitation of this, others were set up at Naples and several other places of Italy. Philip Nerius being made President of the Congregation sets himself to the framing the Constitutions of it; in the first place, he declared it to be his mind, that none who were, or should be of that Order should enter into any Vows at all;Gallon. vit. Nerii p▪ 313 and that if any had a mind to make solemn Vows, they p. 255should leave the Congregation, and betake themselves to some Religious Orders; for be designed those of his Society should be thought Religious only by the good example of their lives, and their diligence in preaching: and that the manner of living among them should be in a mean between the licentiousness of the World, and the Austerities of the Religious Orders. Among the Constitutions of the Oratory,Co…stitut. Congreg. O…atorii, c. 4. this is one, that in case the Major part should consent to the bringing Vows, Oaths, or Solemn Promises among them, they may have the liberty to go to what Religious Order they please, but the lesser part is to enjoy all the endowments of the Congregation, as long as they continue in that liberty wherein the Congregation was first setled: which Constitution was approved by Paul the fifth. And in his time in imitation of this at Rome a new Congregation of the Oratory was set up at Paris without any Vows,Congreg. Oratorii Iesu Christ. c. 2. and with a full liberty of the Members of it as to the disposal of their estates; so as they obtain no right▪ they lose none by being of the Congregation, and pretend to no priviledges or exemptions from the jurisdiction of the Bishops; but profess to live, as much as any other Clergy-men, in subjection to them; which Congregation by the encouragement p. 256of the Bishops hath spread very much in France in a little time, being brought in by Peter de Berulle A. D. 1611. and before his death A. D. 1628. the Sammarthani say,Gallia Christian. Tom. 4. p. 993. that the Congregation of the Oratory was diffused almost over all France: and I do not question it found the greater favour from the Bishops, because its constitution is so repugnant to that of the Religious Orders; which place their greatest perfection in those Solemn Vows,Aqu…n. 2. 2. q. 186. art. 7. which the Oratorians make nothing of. And thus we have brought the pretence of Divine Inspiration so far, that we have seen those things despised and rejected by it in the Roman Church, wherein the perfection of the Monastick State was placed by the first Founders of it; which is certainly sufficient to discover that this pretence must be counterfeit in some or other of these; and according to Cardinal Bona's Rule in such cases, we have reason enough from hence to suspect them all.