The Peoples Right to Defend Themselves and their Covenanted Religion, Religious tract · Chapter 4
CAP. IV.
Our Argument from other approved inſtances, and authorities, both abroad, and at home.
THis practice, hovvever it be novv condemned by a generation of perfidious Prelates, and Malignants, enemies to the glorious vvork of Reformation, from the beginning, & a company of baſe Sycophants and Court flatterers, as an unparallelable act of rebellion and ſedition; yet, as it as abundantly confirmed by precedents in ſcripture, as vve have ſeen, ſo is it by the practice of others; vvhom none, but men of the ſame ſtampe, vvil condemne; and by authorities of Divines abroad and at home, as vve shall novv shevv. And,
1. The hiſtory of the Maccabees, mentioned in that ſtory, is a cleare example of private perſons reſiſting and defending themſelves frm the iniquous aſſaults of the Soveraigne, or his Emiſſaries; for when Antiochus Epiphanes was compelling them to forſake God, and tyrannizing over them, Matthias a prieſt, and his ſones made open reſiſtence; and afterward Mattathias & thoſe with him, hearing how Matthias, out of an overnice ſuperſtition, would not fight in their owne defence, on the Sabbath day, reſolving upon all occaſions to defend themſelves, their Lives, and Lawes, and to take all advantages of the Enemy, did accordingly aſſault them, and recovered their Cityes Lawes and Libertyes, fighting many battels with good ſucceſſe. And Oſiander Enchirid. controv. c. 9. de mag. pol. teſtifieth that this was done by the encouragement and aſſiſtance of the Spirit of God. And if any should reject this inſtance as impertinent, becauſe they ſuppoſe Antiochus was not their lawful Supream Magiſtrate, but only a Tyrant without title, let them heare what Grotius de jure belli & pacis lib. 1. c. 4. n. 7. ſayeth to this? Like unto this appeareth that deed of the Maccabees; for whereas ſome think to defend theſe armes, upon this gronnd, that Antiochus was not King but an invader, it ſeemeth foolish to me, ſeing in all the hiſtory of the Maccabees, and of ſuch as took their part, they never name Antiochus any thing elſe, but their King, and that not without ground; for long before this, the Iewes had acknowledged the authority of the Macedonians, unto whoſe power and place Antiochus did ſucceed. & as to that that the law forbiddeth that any ſtranger should be ſet over them, that is to be underſtood of a voluntary election and not of what the people might through neceſſity be forced to do. And, whereas others ſay that the Maccabees uſed only the right of the people cui foreign deberetur. Neither is that ſolide, for the jewes being at firſt overcome by Nebuchadnezar, and ſubjected to him, by the law of warre, by the ſame law they did obey the Medes and Perſians, who ſucceeded unto the Caldeans, and all this Impire came at length into the hands of the Macedonians: hence it is, that Tacitus reckoneth the jewes amongſt baſeſt of ſuch as ſerved theſe Aſſyrians, Medes and Perſians: Nor did they require any thing by ſtipulation from Alexander and his ſucceſſours, but without any condition gave themſelves up unto their power, as formerly they had been under the command of Darius. And if at any time the jewes were permitted to uſe their owne rites, and lawes, that was but a begged right, which they had through the indulgence of the Kings, but not through any imperial law. So that there is nothing that can defend the Maccabees but most imminent and certane danger] thus he.
2. The conſtant practice of the Waldenſian proteſtants in Piedmont, doth shew that this late practice is not ſo ſtrange & uncouth, as adverſaryes would give it out to be; for, they never had a Repreſentative to be a ſcreen betwixt them, and the tyranny of their princes, and yet how oftintimes have they valiently with ſtood ſuch, as came to oppreſſe them, in goods and lives, though cloathed with commiſſion from the princes? In the yeer 1580. being perſecuted by the Lord of Trinity, and their popish Soveraignes, they aſſembled ſolemnely together, to conſult how to prevent the imminent dangers, and after prayer and calling upon God for his grace, and ſpirit of counſel and direction, they reſolved to enter into a ſolemne mutual Covenant, and to joyn in a League together, for defence of Themſelves and their Religion and ſo accordingly did aſſiſt one another, in their defence, which they did with good ſucceſſe; And that alwayes ſince whenever they were aſſaulted by the bloody Emiſſaries of the Duk of Savoy, as any may ſee fully in their hiſtory. So that whoſoever will condemne the late defence, muſt alſo condemne theſe poor oppreſſed proteſtants, who have no other meane to keen them from utter extirpation, but this innocent meane of felf defence, and of repelling unjuſt violence with violence; for Bonds, Promiſes & Covenants binde their Prince, as ſuch obligations uſe to binde ſome others viz. no longer then they ſee it for their advantage. Neither have they any Repreſentative, Prince, or Noble man, among them, to head their matters; but meer neceſſity puts them to uſe the beſt expendient they can, and forcibly to reſiſt their oppreſſing Superiours, when they ſend to ſpoile them of their goods, lives and libertyes.
3. Some particular cityes in Germany did defend themſelves againſt the Emperour unjuſtly invadeing their libertyes, and aſſaulting them, as may be ſeen in the hiſtory of Germany, particularly the Cities of Madenburgh and Breme.
4, So in France, the Cities of Montobane and Rochel and the Iſle of Ree with ſtood the King, when he was ſeeking to oppreſſe them. And no man will condemne theſe for acts of rebellion and ſedition, unleſſe they will alſo condemne our Kings, who, at leaſt undertook, and offered to help and aſſiſt them.
5. It was this oppoſition and reſiſtence of privat perſons when tyrannized over, by Superiours, that hath brought the Cantons of Helvetia unto that ſtate of freedome and liberty, which they have enjoyed for many yeers, and do enjoy this day; being now a free Republick, as Simlerus showeth in his hiſtory of that Republick.
6. But that we may come home, we finde ſome remarkeable inſtances of this nature, which no man in reaſon, who shall condemne this late defence, shall be able to defend: and to beginne with what may be moſt recent in our memories. In the year 1648. There are two ſignal Inſtances. The one was that violent reſiſtence uſed againſt the Parliaments forces at Mauchlin moor. Here was not only a reſiſtence, in defence of the truth and cauſe of God, then ſought to be borne downe and oppreſſed, by a prevalent Malignant faction in Parliament, without the concurrence of conduct of the Repreſentatives of the land, but directly againſt them: Here was a defence uſed by way of reſiſtence, by meer privat perſons without the company or concurrence of one Noble man; And yet a reſiſtence that never was condemned by any, to this day, expect ingrained Malignants; but was approved and commended highly, by the Parliament anno 1649. the beſt Parliaments Scotland did ſee for many yeers. Againe thereafter in that ſame yeer 1648, The forces of the weſt Countrey aroſe in defence of the Cauſe and Covenant of God; and that not only without the conduct of a Parliament, but againſt their reſolutions. It is true, there were ſome Nobles & Parliament-men among them, and countenancers of them; but theſe acted not, nor could act, by vertue of any Parliamentary power; but only as privat ſubjects, having, by reason of their greater intereſt in the land, a greater obligation to lay out themſelves, and to improve their authority and influence in the countrey, for the good thereof, and for the cauſe of God. They had it is true, by their places and ſtations, greater influence upon the Countrey, and a greater backing, and ſo being leading men, were in a greater capacity to defend the oppreſſed truth; but all this gave them no publick Magiſtratical power, nor put them in the capacity of a real and formal Repreſentative: and yet all this was afterward approved, ratified and confirmed by Parliament, as good and neceſſary ſervice to the countrey, and to the cauſe of God, A third notable inſtance is that Anno 1639. There was then no publicke civil judicatory carrying on that defence, but Nobles and others, each in their capacity, and according to their power, concurred, for the promoveing of that neceſſary work of defence. They did not acte under the notion of any ſuch judicature, nor did they aſſume to themſelves any ſuch power and authority. It is true, there were then a great number of Noble Patriots, and renowned Nobles, who laid the work of reformation to heart, and laid out themſelves to the utmoſt of their power for the ſame, and becauſe of their concurrence, the vvork vvas the more feazible and eaſy to be carryed on; but I think the ſtreſſe of the lawfulneſſe of that defenſive warre, did not lye wholly upon their shoulders; ſo that if they had with drawne, all the reſt of the body of the land, had been bound in conſcience, to have deſerted the ſame alſo. It is true, it was of great advantage unto the cauſe, that God ſtirred up the ſpirit of the Nobles to owne the ſame (and is ſo alwayes) upon many accounts, and their concurrence had its owne auxiliary force, to juſtify the interpriſe, for abundans cautela non nocet: But I remember not that the lavvfulneſſe of that defenſive war, was ſtated only or mainely on that particular. It is true, They are Primores Regni be vertue of their particular places and ſtations, and be vertue of their eminency over others, and power by reaſon of their eminency; and ſo are engaged beyond others, to ſee to the good of the Land, and of Religion, for the good of the ſouls of ſuch as are under them, and on whom they have or may have influence; And, be reaſon of this, may authoritatively even as ſuch, do many things, when there is no other conſtitution of a Supreme Repreſentative: But when a conſtitution of a Supreme Publick Repreſentative is condeſcended upon and ſetled, it is certane, they cannot ſeparatly, yea nor joyntly act in the power and capacity of a formal Supreme Repreſentative, but when they are, with others, conſtituent members of that Repreſentative; and out of that Repreſentative (unleſſe by power and commiſſion from it) they cannot act judicially, or authoritatively, nor in any other capacity formally, then as private perſones, though as perſons of greater intereſt, and share in the Commonwealth, and ſo under greater obligations, both by the Lavv of God and of nature, to beſtirre themſelves more effectually for the good of the ſame; and as perſons of greater influence and conduct; yet ſtill under the notion of private perſons, private perſons I meane, as oppoſite to perſons cloathed vvith publick authority and Parliamentary povver. I grant they are borne-Heads and Magiſtrats of the Countrey, as being in eminency above others, and as being by birth, conforme to our conſtitution, borne-Members of Parliament, and ſo in potentiâ proximâ, and in a nearer capacity then others are, to vote and acte in Parliament: but ſtill I ſay, conſidered out of Parliament, or vvhen there is no Parliament, they cannot exerce any Parliamentary povver, conclude or determine any thing of that nature, more then others: It is a truth alſo, that they have, by reaſon of our law and conſtitution, a Magiſtratical power, limited to ſuch and ſuch cauſes over ſuch and ſuch particular places; but that is only and inferiour, and ſubordinat civil power, and cannot extend beyond that limited bounds, more then the power of Magiſtrates in Broughs, or Sheriffs in Shires, or Baylies in Baylieryes, or the like, and is no part of that Magiſtratical power which is commonly called the power of warre. I grant, that they and all other inferiour Magiſtrates, are to ſeek to promove the good of the vvhole land, and to concurre, according to their povver, for the ſame, even becauſe of their intereſt and share of that ſubordinat povver: But they cannot act under that notion, nor do any thing be vertue of that particular povver, nor exerce any acts thereof, out of the bounds of their ſeveral juriſdictions; But all they do, is by vertue of that fundamental power belonging to all the members of the Commonvvealth, according to their ſeveral places and relations. Hence therefore it it cleare, that our vvorthyes then acted not, as a publick judicatory, or as publick perſons cloathed with publick authority. So that vvhoſoever shall condemne this late act of defence, upon the account, that it vvas managed by meer private preſons, muſt alſo, in reaſon, condemne that which theſe worthies did; and ſo conſpire with the Malitious Malignants, ingrained in wickedneſſe, and enmity to the way and work of God. A fourth and laſt inſtance, is that of our firſt reformers in the dayes of Mr. Knox: for, at the beginning of the reformation, there were but very few Nobles, who concured, as Mr. Knox teſtifyed in his ſermon Nov. 7. 1559. in theſe words [when we were a few in number, in compariſon of our Enemies, when we had neither Earle nor Lord (a few excepted) to comfort us, we called upon God, and took him for our protector, defence and only refuge.] And, in the following words, he sheweth that it fared rather better with them, then worſe, when they wanted the concurrence of Nobles: For, ſayeth he, [amongſt us was heard no bragging of Multitude, nor of our ſtrength and policy, we did only ſob to God, to have reſpect to the equity of our cauſe, and to the cruel purſute of the tyrannical enemy; but ſince that our number hath been thus multiplyed, and chiefly ſince the Duke with his friends hath been joyned with us, there was nothing heard, but this Lord will bring theſe many hundered ſpears, This man can perſwade this countrey, if this Earle be ours, no man in ſuch bounds will trouble us: And thus the best of us all, that before felt God's potent hand to our defence, hath of late dayes put flesh to be our arme] And as Mr. Knox ſaid, ſo it was, much of their buſineſſe was carryed on without the concurrence of many Nobles. We hear of no nobles with the gentlemen of the weſt, when they came from the border to the Queen, and when Iames Chalmers of Gaitgirth ſaid to her (when they had heard. that she had cauſed ſummon the proteſtant preachers) (Madam, we know that this is the Malice of the jewells, and of that baſtard(meaning the Bishop of S. Andrews) that ſtandeth by yow, but we shall make a day of it. They oppreſſe …s, and our tennants, for feeding of their idle bellyes, they trouble our preachers, and would murther them and us, Shall we ſuffer this any longer; No Madam, it shall not be. Nor was there any of the Nobles preſent, when that abhomination of carrying an idol on S. Giles day, was oppoſed. There were buy foure Nobles that ſubſcribed the firſt bond at Edinburgh Decemb 3. 1557, Where the whole congregation reſolved, by the grace of God, to apply themſelves, their whole power, ſubſtance, and lives, to maintaine, ſet forward, and eſtablish the moſt bleſſed word of God, and his congregation &c. So foure of five only ſubſcribed the ſecond bond at Perth may laſt 1559. We finde not many Nobles with them, when they petitioned the parliament. And there proteſted [that they would worshipe God, according to the right manner: That none of them therefore should incurre any danger. That if upon this account any tumult should ariſe no crime might be imputed unto them, but unto ſuch as refuſed their just Demands.] And when they wrote that letter May 22. 1559. Wherein they ſaid [That except the cruelty were ſtayed, they would be compelled to take the ſword of just defence againſt all that should purſue them, for the matter of Religion, and that the cruel, unjuſt, and moſt tyrannical murther intended againſt Towns and Multitudes was and is the only cauſe of their r…v…le from their accuſtomed obedience.] And when they wrote that other unto the Nobility, where in they ſaid [By your fainting and extracting of your ſupport, the Enemies are encouraged, thinking that they shall finde no reſistence: in which poynt, God willing, they shall be deceived, for if they were Ten thouſand, and we but One thouſand, they shall not Murther the leaſt of our brethren.] From all which, and from the whole ſtory of theſe times, it is undenyably apparent, that they acted for the defence of the truth, and of their oppreſſed brethren, and for the carrying on of the work of reformation, for ſome conſiderable time, without the concurrence and conduct of a Parliamentary Repreſentative. From all which Inſtances of our predeceſſours, I would have theſe thing obſerved.
1. It is remarkeable That when God was to beginne any word of reformation in our Land, whether from Popery or Prelacy, the powers then in being, were ſtanding in a ſtated oppoſition thereunto. This is notoure both in the dayes of Mr Knox, & in the yeer 1639. King, or Queen, and Counciles were ſtated againſt it, and oppoſeing the ſame, what they could.
2. The only wiſe God, who is wonderful in counſel, and excellent in working, thought fit, not to beginne with the Spirits of the Powers in being, to cauſe them firſt appeare for the work; but thought it more to his honour and glory, to make uſe of foolish things to confound the wiſe; and of weak things, to confound the things that are mighty; and baſe things, and things which are deſpiſed, and things which are not, to bring to nought things which are. It ſeemed good in his eyes, who doth all things after the counſel of his owne will, to imploy the leaſt of the flock in that buſineſſe according to that word Ier. 49. 20. and 50. 45. and to raiſe up meane, and contemptible inſtruments, that the work might more conſpicuouſly appeare to be his, and the glory thereof redound to himſelf alone.
3. As they would have been glade, (had it ſo ſeemed good in the Lords eyes) if the ſtanding Repreſentatives, would have not only concurred and countenanced that work, but would have, according to their places, led on the vaune, and shewed themſelves powers appoynted for God and his glory, by exerceing the power which God had put into their hands, for God and his intereſt; So the want of their encouragement and conduct, did not, in the leaſt, brangle their confidence of the lawfulneſſe of their interprize, of ſo diſcourage them, as to give over their work, as deſperate and hopleſſe.
4. Nor did they ever aſſume to themſelves any authoritative and Magiſtratical power, to legitimate their actions; as if they had thought, that without that formality, their reſolutions and motions had been condemned as unlawful in the Court of God, and Nature: but walked upon the ground of that fundamental right, granted to all both higher and lower, to maintaine the Truth of God, upon all hazards, and to ſtand to the defence thereof, and of themſelves, when unjuſtly perſecuted, becauſe of their adherence thereunto, according to their power, and as God in his providence called them thereunto.
5. Nor did their adverſaries objecting, that their actions were treaſonable and ſeditious, as being contrare to authority and eſtablished lawes, ſcar them from their purpoſes, in the leaſt, having the teſtimony of a good conſcience with in them, that they had not the leaſt purpoſe or project, to caſt off lawful authority, or to diminish it's juſt right and power; and knowing that the Powers out of whatever principle, and upon whatſoever motives, relinquishing their duty, and oppoſeing that truth and way, which by their places and callings, they were obliged, before God, to maintaine, preſerve, and promove, did not looſe their obligation, and exeem them form that duty, which God and nature had laid upon them; but rather did preſſe them to proſecute their buſineſſe more vigurouſly, as ſeeing the neceſſity much more urgent, and the difficulty ſo much the greater: And knowing that whatever lawes are made, in a Chriſtian Common wealth, should be for the glory of God, and the good of the ſouls of the ſubjects mainly, and for their external welbeing only in ſubordination unto theſe great Ends; and when the obſervation of the ſtrick letter of the law, did croſſe the maine good, which principally de jure they aimed at, they were eo ipſo, in ſo far, null and voyd before God; becauſe it alwayes holdeth good. that it is better to obey God, then Man, and mens commands or lawes, unto which obedience cannot be yeelded, without contempt of, and treaſon committed againſt the Higheſt of all, who is King of Kings, are as no commands before God, and diſobedience unto theſe, is no diſobedience unto the lawful authority, but faithful allaigance unto the moſt Supream.
6. Theſe poor weak beginnings, how baſe and contemptible ſo ever they appeared, yet God was pleaſed, when the time to favour Zion was come, ſo to owne, countenance and proſpere, that the ſame work at length came to be owned, by Publick Repreſentatives, and Parliaments, yea and the Kings themſelves were brought to a publick owneing and approving of the ſame. And who knoweth, but, if God had thought good to bleſſe this late act with ſucceſſe, it might have been followed with the like conſequent? But his time was not come.
7. It is alſo obſervable, That whatever diſaſter, or diſappoyntment they did meet with, in proſecution of the Reformation, and in the preſervation and defence of themſelves, in the owneing of the truth of God; though it put them to mourne for their iniquities before God, and to acknowledge, among other ſinnes, their too much relying upon the arme of flesh, and not reſting with a pure faith on his power and protection; yet it never made them queſtion their call, or ſuſpect the lawfulneſſe of their work and buſineſſe, as to its ſubſtance, and end: for they knew well, that the work was the Lord's and that their call was divine, though for his owne holy ends, that they might be more humbled, and taught do depend with a ſingle heart, on his word and promiſe, and to purge out ſuch evills as provoked the eyes of God's jealouſy; he ſuffered them to fall.
8. When the work came at length to be owned by Parliaments and Higher Powers, what was formerly done by perſons not in that capacity, was not condemned either as unlawful or illegal, nor did the valient actors ſtand in need of any indempnity, as if they had been tranſgreſſours; but all was either virtually or expreſly approved: and the worthy actors praiſed and highly commended, as indeed they did deſerve.
9. None ever condemned theſe actions as treaſonable and rebellious, but ſuch as were knowne to be real and heart-enemies to the work it felf; no tongues were ever looſed againſt them, except the imbittered tongues of ſworne adverſaries, ingrained Malignants, Enemies to God and godlineſſe, & haters of the power of it. Theſe and none but theſe who are of their father the devil, durſt condemne the ſame. And many hollow hearted profeſſours (among whom this Surveyer deſerveth to be rekoned) were forced againſt their hearts, to approve of the ſame & joyne in with the favourers & maintainers of that noble cauſe, ſo forceable was the light, and the power of that Sprit that acted the worthies in theſe dayes, who now have turned open Apoſtates from that truth and cauſe, & have adjoyned themſelves unto that ever accurſed, Popish, Prelatical, and Malignant faction. Yea remarkeable it is that God did ſo overpower the pen of that Arch-Enemy Spotſwood, that though he would have ſaid all which Hell it ſelf could have prompted him unto; yet durſt ſay no more of theſe firſt courſes and practices, but that they were Violent and diſorderly. And this Rabshaketh the Surveyer, who, in the end of his book (having reſerved the dregs of what he had to exſcreate againſt the work of God and his worthyes, until then Pag. 118. &c. would out-ſtripe his predeceſſours, and ſpevv out his venome, like another adder of the ſame ſpavvne; yet the overruleing providence of God, hath ſo curbed him, that he gote not liberty to run the full length he vvould, and therefore he ſayes [We cannot juſtify all courſes that were uſed then for carrying on the work of reformation] and againe [if ſome inſtruments thereof were guilty of ſedition, or ſacrilege, or ſelf ſeeking] and againe [if ſinful courſes were then uſed by men] and againe Pag. 119. [Let us not ſtand ſuperſtitiouſly upon the juſtifying of all their deeds] Who ſees not this wicked mans Mouth bridled, by the reſtraineing power of God, ſo that he cannot, he dar not, plainely and expreſly call theſe courſes ſeditious or rebellious; but cometh on with his Ifs and if ſome inſtruments, and all their courſes cannot be juſtified: as if, in the moſt laudable work, to which men might have a moſt cleare call, ſome accidental or circumſtantial actions, might not abide the teſt: and as if among a company, ſome might not have by-ends, while a good work was laudably and lawfully, as to the maine, carryed on. Ay, but this good man, you will ſay, is mighly in love with the work of reformation, and bleſſeth God for it Pag. 118. 119. True, we finde him ſay ſo in words, but God knoweth his heart: But is it not ſtrange, that fince, he ſayeth, he approveth the work, he will be more blinde then was that poor man in the goſpel whom he mentioneth, who had his eyes opened Ioh. 9. for that blinde man, did ſee a divine power in the work wrought and ſaid v. 33. If this man were not of God he could do nothing, and will not only, not ſee the mighty hand of God in the inſtruments, but tells us, he is not much concerned to enquire. But what needeth him much doubt of a divine call, conſidering the work it ſelf, it's end & the direct tendency of the meanes unto this end, & the real & chriſtian intentions of the inſtruments, which he will not ſee in the inſtances he bringeth viz. of the wicked hands crucifying Chriſt, of prophane and unfaithful Miniſters preaching, of a leprous hand ſoweing ſeed, of acts of fornication and adultery? Why then doth he adduce ſuch Inſtances ſo impertinent? Wil he proclame himſelf a fool of the firſt magnitude in ſo doing? Ay, but he would have us following the practices of the primitive chriſtians, who never uſed any undutyful reſiſtence to, or violence upon the Magiſtrats, rather then the precedents in theſe dregs of time. But why will he not follow their practices himſelf? Was it their practice to abjure a lawful Covenant ſworne for the maintainance of the Truth? Was it their practice to renunce their former profeſſion, and turne Apoſtates from the truth, which once they avowed? Was it their practice to turne their back on Chriſt and his intereſt, for the will of creatures, and for a meaſe of pottage? Was it their practice to change their Religion with the court? Concerning the practice of the primitive chriſtians, in this poynt, and how imitable we shall ſpeak afterward. If theſe were the dregs of time, wherein there was ſo much faithfulneſſe, Zeal, conſtancy, piety, ſingleneſſe of heart, contempt of the world, what dregs of dregs of time are we novv fallen in, vvherein there is ſo much infidelity, atheiſme, perjury, falshood, lukwarmneſſe, inconſtancy, imbraceing of this preſent vvorld, and all ſort of wickedneſſe and prophanity? [But (ſayes he, Pag. 119.) let it be ſo that much of the way of theſe, who were at first inſtrumentall in the reformation in this Land, were justifiable upon the account of purging the Church, from the horrid groſſneſſe of idolatry, corruption of doctrine, tyranny and uſurpation over poor ſoulls wherewith the man of ſin, had for many ages defiled and burdened the poor Church; and upon the account of the open hostility to the truth, wherein Magiſtrats then ſtood, together with the inbringing of forraigne furious forces upon us, even to the heart of our Land; How unlike was the caſe then, to what it is now? and how unable is the caſe now to beare the burthen of a concluſion for ſuch practices as then were uſed?] Anſw. But truely wiſe judicious Men will not ſee the caſe then, ſo far different from what it is now, as that the caſe now shall not be ſo able to beare the burthen of a concluſion for the ſame practices; Seing there is, this day, as much horrid groſſneſſe of idolatry in the Land, as hath been at any time, theſe hundereth yeers: And, as for corruption of doctrine, alas! Who doth not heare it, and ſee it, that heareth theſe locuſt-curates preach downe all piety and godlineſſe, and harden people in defection and apoſtaſy from God? It is as great a corruption in doctrine, as needs to be, to pervert therein the right wayes of the Lord, & to lead people into the broad way which leadeth unto deſtruction: againe, what greater tyranny and uſurpation over poor ſouls would he have, then is now exerciſed, ſince the perjured Prelates the kindely brood of the Man of ſinne, have defiled and burthened our poor Church. The Apology and Naphtaly have abundantly manifeſted and dayly experience confirmeth it, That the tyranny and uſurpation is inſupportable, and as grievous, as it was them. Moreover, is not the open hoſtility to the truth as manifeſt in the Magiſtrats, this day, & as legible by ſuch as run, on all their acts and actings, as it was then? who ſeeth not this, but he who can not ſee the wood for trees? And as for the inbringing of forraigne furious forces, into the heart of our Land, It were needleſſe, ſeing we had raiſed up in our owne boſome, as cruel, bloody mercyleſſe, furious and mad forces, as any forraigners could be, or theſe were: wherein lyeth the difference then? O (ſayeth he) [We can avow it, in the preſence of God, that we contend for that ſame Faith and Religion, that our predeceſſours ſtood for, against the Powers of that time: and will maintaine the ſame, againſt all Novators, who upon account of a piece of Church order (allowed by our Reformers) now re-eſtablished, inſtigate any private perſons, who have power enough, to deſtroy all Magiſtracy and order in the Land, becauſe of the owning thereof.] It is not much matter what ſuch men, ſay, they can avow in the preſence of God, who have openly and avowedly broken their vowes, and renunced that Covenant, which they ſwore oftiner then once, with hands lifted up to the Moſt High God. No wiſe Man will think that ſuch will ſtoutely contend for the Faith and Religion, who have renunced all faith and Religon, and abjured theſe Covenants, which were ſtrong bulwarks, to guaird and defend that Faith and Religion. Ay, but he will maintaine it againſt Novators, as he calleth them. That is indeed a new way of maintaining truth, to maintain it againſt ſuch as ſtand for the defence thereof, and all the bulwarks thereof againſt him and his fraternity, who are diſmantling the walls, undermining them opening the gates to adverſaries & intertaining them kindly in their boſome. He ſpeaks an untruth, when he ſayes, that the Reformers owned ſuch a Church order (rather Church-bane, and Church-confuſion) as theſe worthyes are now contending againſt, and is now re-eſtablished. So vvhen he ſayes, that theſe Novators, and that Naphtaly do inſtigate any private perſones, vvho have povver enough, to deſtroy all Magiſtracy and order in the Land, and to occupy their Roomes. We hope there shall be a Magiſtracy and good order, in the Land, vvhen that abjured Hierarchy, the bane of that Church and State, shall be utterly abolished, vvith all it is adherents, I muſt not let that paſſe vvhichwhich he hath Pag. 119. [Some (ſayes he) have ſaid, Religion would never have been reformed, if violence had not been uſed upon Magiſtrates: But why should men take on them to limite God? Hath he not shewed his power in ſeveral parts of the world in working on the hearts of the Supreame Magiſtrates, and cauſing them to goe befor others in reformation of abuſes?) Anſw. We know no violence… was uſed then upon Magiſtrats, only with violence the godly withſtood the unjuſt violence of Magiſtrates, ſo as they gote not their furious purpoſes executed: we shall be far from limiting the Holy Oe of Iſrael, & therefore dar not ſay, but he hath moe wayes then one, of bringing about his holy purpoſes: And, as at the firſt ſpreading of the Goſpel, it was not his way, to work on the hearts of the Supreame Magiſtrates, and cauſe them to goe before others, in the reformation; ſo a way may be his way, which is different from that way, whereunto he would limite the Lord. We do not deny but God may, vvhen he thinks good, ſtir up Magiſtrates to goe before others in that vvork; but it hath not been his way of recovering us from Popery, and we have not found the Supream Magiſtrates ever ſince ſo cordial, as vve could have vvished, for the vvork of Reformation; And yet God hath carryed on his ovvne vvork, vvhether they vvould or not: And he who wrought then is the ſame God yet, as mighty and povverfull as ever. I vvish he vvould take the follovving vvords to himſelf, and his party, for they quadrate vvell, [Men are too apt, to be bold in anteverting Gods vvay, and to follovv their ovvne carnal prudence and affections, in that vvhichwhich they are ſet upon, and thereupon (vvhen they proſper) to fancy a divine approbation of their vvay: So ſelf-loving are men Ordinarly.
From theſe particulars mentioned, and from vvhat vve have replyed unto this Surveyer, It is put beyond contradiction, That vvhoſoever shall condemne this late act of defence, in maintainance of Religion and Libertyes, muſt of neceſſity alſo condemne vvhat vvas done Anno 1648. and Anno 1638, 1639. Yea and what was done at the beginning of the Reformation in the dayes of Mr Knox, and ſtrick in with all the rabble of the ſworne Enemies of our Church and Reformation, and ſpeak the language of the Ashdodites, ingrained Malignants, our inveterate adverſaries; and ſpeak downe right, vvhat this bitter apoſtate, the Surveyer, dar not in plaine tearmes expreſſe; And ſo condemne all thoſe vvorthies vvho valiently ventured, and hazarded all for the truth, as Traitours and Rebels; and ſay, that ſuch of them as loſt their lives in that cauſe, died as fooles die, in rebellion, and under the crime of treaſon; and that all the blood of thoſe vvho valiently died in the bed of honour, in the maintenance of their Religion and Chriſtian Privileges, or vvho jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields, in defence and proſecution of that cauſe, is to be required at the hands of Mr Knox, and other noble reformers, vvho actively beſtirred themſelves in this matter, then, and of late: Yea they shall condemne all the Prayers, Teares, Sighs, Groanes, Faſtings, Supplictions, and other ſuch like meanes, as vvere uſed in theſe exigences: Which guilt, vviſe Men vvill vvell adviſe, ere they take unto themſelves.
The next thing is to adduce ſome authorities Pareus on the Rom. Cap. 13. dub. 4. Hath this fourth propoſition [It is lavvful for private ſubjects, if the Tyrant ſet upon them as a robber, or ravisher, and they can neither obtaine help of the ordinary povvers, nor shun the danger, in that preſent exigent, to defend themſelves and theirs, againſt the Tyrant, as againſt a privat Robber. 1. Becauſe, againſt whomſoever a defence is lavvfull by the help of Magiſtrates, againſt the ſame, privat defence, in caſe of neceſſity, is alſo lavvful, vvhen the defence by Magiſtrates cannot be had: becauſe in ſuch caſes, Kings themſelves do arme private perſons. But in the caſe of neceſſity, defence by the inferiour Magiſtrate againſt the Superiour, is lawful. Therefore alſo private defence is lawful 2, Becauſe if we take away both publik and private defence, againſt the cruel rage of Tyrants, the boundleſſe licentiouſneſſe of Tyrants should be ſtrengthenned, & hereby the civill ſociety should be openly deſtroyed, yea and chiefly the Church; bacauſe the moſt wicked part should deſtroy the better. But without doubt, the Law of God doth not ſo eſtablish the licentiouſneſſe of Tyrants, as that thereby, humane ſociety, should be deſtroyed. Therefore, God doth not forbid, in all caſes, reſiſtence to Tyrants oppreſſing people in their lives, and ſaifty, to ſatisfy their luſts.] Thus He. But it may, be, Out Surveyer will reckon him in amongſt his Pſeudomartyres, becauſe his book was confuted by a Hangman and a fiery fagot, at the command of King Iames: Yet, both the book, and the Author are in great eſteem with the reformed, and his praiſe is in all the Churches, and whatever come of the book his reaſons ſtand firme and valide. In the Hiſtory of our Reformation, Pag. 397, 398. (edit. in 4 to Edinb.) we finde that Iohn Knox had the Apology of Magdeburgh ſubſcribed by the Miniſters there, declareing the defence of the towne againſt the Emperour, to be moſt juſt and lawful, and offered it to Secretary Lithingtoun, who then was diſputeing againſt him, to read.
And having now made Mention of Mr. Knox, what was his judgment in this poynt, that hiſtory doth abundantly demonſtrate. His words to the Queen are remarkable (ſee hiſtory of Reformation, Pag. 317.) When she asked him if he thought, That ſubjects having power might reſiſt their princes: He anſwered If princes do exceed their bounds, and do againſt that, wherefore they should be obeyed, there is no doubt, but they may be reſiſted, even by power; for there is Neither greater honour; nor greater obedience to be given to Kings and Princes, then God hath commanded to be given to Father and Mother. But ſo it is That the father may be ſtricken with a phrenzie, in the which he would ſtay his owne children: Now if the children ariſe, joyne themſelves together, apprehend the father, take the ſword or other weapon from him, and finally, binde his hands, and keep him in priſone, till that his phrenzie be over-paſt, think ye Madame (ſaid he) that the children do any wrong, or vvill God be offended vvith them that have ſtayed their father from committing wickedneſſe? It is even ſo with princes that would murther the people of God, that are ſubject unto them: their blinde zeal is nothing but a very mad phrenzie, and therefore to take the ſvvord from them, to binde their hands, and to caſt them into priſone till that they be brought to a more ſober minde, is no diſobedience againſt princes, but juſt obedience, becauſe it agreeth vvith the vvord of God) thus he, vvho knevv not vvhat is vvas to feare the face of any breathing, in the defence of his Maſter's cauſe and intereſt: and vvas an eminent divine, a holy Man of God, living in near communion vvith God, and vvas far above the reproaches and calumnies of his adverſaryes. And it is conſiderable, that this vvas a particular vvhichwhich he had frequent occaſion to be thinking upon, and no doubt, this holy Man vvould be often reflecting upon the matter, and upon his ovvne judgment; and conſulting God and his vvord there anent, that he might knovv vvhether his grounds vvere ſuch, as he vvould not have cauſe to be ashamed of, vvhen he vvas to appeare before his judge, being oft called to shevv his judgment concerning that matter: And his conſtant practice being conſonant thereunto: And yet vve never finde that his heart reproached him, for maintaineing any ſuch opinion, vvhile living, or vvhile dying, nor did he ever change his judgement thereof; yea, not when the maintaineing thereof might have been a ſufficient ground of an accuſation: and doubtleſſe he vvould before hand examine, if he vvould lay dovvne his life upon ſuch a ground, yet conſtant vvas he in that, coſt him vvhat it vvould, or could; he vvas no changeling, nor had he ſo drunken in truth. Yea in the end of that conference vvith Lithingtoun he told them that he vvas not only fully reſolved inn conſcience, but alſo had heard the judgements of the moſt godly and learned that he knevv in Europe in that particular, and in all other things that he had affirmed [I came not(ſayes he) into this realme, without their reſolution, and for my aſſurance I have the hand-writeing of many▪ ] Neither was this his judgement alone, but alſo of Mr Georg Hay vvhom the Earle of Mortoun vvould have had diſputing againſt Mr Knox. But (ſayd he) I will not oppoſe my ſelf unto you, as one willing to impugne or confute that head of Doctrine, which not only yee, but many others; yea and my ſelf have affirmed; farre be it from me, for ſo should I be found contrarious to my ſelf.] And of Mr Craig, Mr Knox's collegue, vvho told vvhat a concluſion he heard defended at Bonnonia, Anno 1554. by Thomas de Finola Rector of the Univerſity, and approved by Vincentius de Placentia, as agreeable both to the lavv of God and man viz. [That all Rulers be they Supreame or inferiour, may & ought to be reformed, or bridled, by them, by whom they are choſen or admitted to their office, ſo oft as they break that promiſe made by oath to their ſubjects; becauſe that the prince is no leſſe bound by oath to the Subjects, then the Subjects to the Princes, & therefore ought it to be keeped & reformed equally according to law, and condition of the oath that is made of either party] and when ſome ſaid that Bonnonia was a Republick. He anſwered [My judgement is that every Kingdome is, or at least should be a Commonwealth, albeit that Every Commonwealth be not a Kingdome: and therefore I think that in a Kingdome, no leſſe diligence ought to be taken, that lawes be not violated, then in a Commonwealth; becauſe that the tyranny of Princes who continue in a Kingdome is more hurtful to the ſubjects, then is the miſgovernment of thoſe that from yeer to yeer are changed, in free Commonwealths; but to aſſure yow and all others, that head was diſputed to the utter-most; and then in the end, was concluded, That they ſpoke not of ſuch things as were done in diverſe Kingdomes and Nations, by Tyranny and negligence of people, but what ought to be done in all Kingdomes and Commonwealths, according to the law of God, and unto the juſt lawes of Man: and if by the negligence of the People, by the Tyranny of Princes, contrary lawes have been made, yet may that Same people, or their poſterity justly crave all things to be reformed according to the original inſtitution of Kings and Commonwealths; and ſuch as will not do ſo, deſerve to eate the frute of their owne foolisneſſe, thus he: ſee, Hiſt. of Reform. Pag. 399. 400. (Edit. in 4. Yea this was the judgement of all the reformed preachers at that time, as we ſee witneſſed by the Congregation, vindicating the doctrine of their preachers, concerning obedience to be given to Magiſtrats, in theſe words (ſee Hiſt of reform Pag. 184.) [In open audience they declare the authority of Princes and Magiſtrates to be of God, and therefore they affirme, that they ought to be honoured feared and obeyed, even for conſcience ſake, provided that they command, nor require nothing expreſly repugning to God's commandement, and plaine will revealed in his word. Moreover they affirme. That if wicked perſones abuſeing the authority eſtablished by God, move Princes to command things manifeſtly wicked, That ſuch as can & do bridle the inordinate appetites of miſled Princes, cannot be accuſed as reſiſters of the authority which is God's good ordinance. To bridle the rage and fury of miſled Princes, in free Kingdomes and Realmes, they affirme it appertaineth to the Nobility ſworne and borne Councellors of the ſame; And alſo (NB) to the Barons and People: whoſe votes and conſents are to be required in all great and weighty matters of the Commonwealth, which if they do not, they declare themſelves criminal with their miſled Princes, and ſo ſubject to the ſame vengeance of God which they deſerve, for that they pollute the ſeate of juſtice, and do, as it were, make God author of iniquity.]
Thus we ſee this late practice is not without laudable and approved procedents, nor vvanteth it the approbation of the valient vvorthyes of our land, vvho if they vvere living this day, vvould ſet to their ſeal to this truth, and be ready to ſeal it vvith their blood; and the teſtimony of one Mr. Knox, is more to be valued, then the contrare aſſertions, of all the perfidious Prelates in Britane, and of all their underlings, yea then of all the time-ſerving, and men-pleaſing court paraſites, vvho firſt have debauched their conſciences into a ſtupide ſilence, and their judgment into the atheiſts beleef that there is no God, and then devouted ſoul, body, religion and all, unto the luſt oſ a ſinful creature.