The Peoples Right to Defend Themselves and their Covenanted Religion, Religious tract · Chapter 10

The Peoples Right to Defend Themselves and their Covenanted Religion · Religious tract · Chapter 10

p. 216CAP. X.

Arguments taken from the hazard of becoming guilty of the ſin of others, and of partaking of their Judgments. And from the duty of relieving the oppreſſed, &c.

IT is not neceſſary for our purpoſe to dip much into that queſtion concerning Gods imputing of the ſin of one unto others; and therefore we shal shortly hint at ſome few particulars from Scripture, and after we have conſidered what this Surveyer ſayeth, we shall apply them to our purpoſe.

That God doth punish ſome, and that moſt juſtly, for the ſinnes of others, the Scripture doth abundantly verifie: Not to inſiſt on the inſtances of his punishing of whole families, for the ſinnes of the Head of the family: as the family of Pharaoh, Gen. 12: v. 17. of Abimelech, Gen. 20: v. 17, 18. of Corah and his companions, Num. 16: v. 27, 32, 33. of Achan, Ioſ. 7: v. 24, 25. of Ieroboam, 1 King. 14: v. 10, 11. & Cap. 15: 29. of Ahab, 1 King. 21: v. 21, 22, 24. 2 King. 9: v. 8. of Baasha, 1 King. 16: 3, 4. of Iehoram, 2 Chron. 21: 14. Nor on the inſtances of his punishing of Servants for the ſinnes of their Maſters, or the Children and Poſterity for the ſinnes of their Parents, as in the 2 Command, where he threatneth to viſite the iniquities of the Fathers upon the Children, unto the 3 and 4 generation. So alſo Levit. 26: ver. 38, 39. Deut. 28: v. 18, 32, 45, 46. So the Children of ſuch as were drowned in the flood, Gen. 6, & 7. The poſterity of Canaan, Gen. 9: v. 24, 25, 26, 27. The children of the Egyptians, Exod. 11: v. 5, 6. of the Iſraelites, Num. 14: v. 33. Pſal. 106: v. 27. of Dathan and Abiram, Num. 16. of the Canaanites, Deut. 3, & Cap. 20. of the Amalekites, 1 Sam. 15. of Saul, 1 Sam. 21. of Cehazie, 2 King. 5: ver. 27. of the Babilonians, Eſai. 14: ver. 21, 22. of Semaia, Ier. 24. v. 32. Hence true penitents acknowledge & are humbled for not only their owne ſinnes, but the ſinnes of their Fathers, Ezra 9. Dan. 9. Job ſayes Cap. 21: v. 19. God layeth up his iniquity (or the punishment of his iniquity, p. 217as it is in the margine) for his children. But to paſſe theſe we finde moreover.

1. That People have been punished for the ſinnes of their Paſtors, or in hazard to be punished therefore. When Nadab and Abihu had provoked the Lord with their ſtrange fire, Moſes ſpoke unto Aaron and to his other two Sones, and ſayd, Levit. 10: v. 6. Vncover not your heads, neither rend your cloathes, leſt you die, (N. B.) and left wrath come upon all the People. So that their ſin would not only have brought wrath upon themſelves, but alſo upon all the People. So the wickedneſſe of Hophny and Phinehas was part of the cauſe of that ſad diſcomfiture, that the People of Iſrael did meet with, 1 Sam. 2: ver. 12. comp: with Cap. 3: ver. 11. and with Cap. 4: ver. 10, 11. So Eſai. 43: ver. 27, 28. becauſe the Teachers had tranſgreſſed againſt the Lord. Therefore was Iacob given to the curſe and Iſrael to reproaches. So Lam. 4: v. 13. among other provocations, the ſinnes of her Prophets are mentioned, and the iniquities of her Prieſts. So Micah. 3: v. 11, 12. Becauſe the Heads did judge for reward, and the Prieſts did teach for hire, and the Prophets did divine for money, Therefore Zion was to be plowed as a field and Ieruſalem to become heaps, and the mountaine of the houſe, as the high places of the forest.

2. That the ſinnes of a few have procured judgments unto the whole multitude, or put them in hazard thereof. So Deut. 13: v. 12, 17. the Apoſtate city would kindle the fierceneſſe of God's anger againſt the whole People: For it is ſaid, The Lord would not turne from the fierceneſſe of his anger, and shew them mercy and compaſſion, and multiply them, until it were deſtroyed, and all that was within it. So Num. 25. for the ſinne of theſe who joyned with Baal peor the anger of the Lord was kindled againſt the whole congregation. So when Moſes was ſpeaking unto the two Tribes and halfe, Num. 32: 14, 15. he ſayeth, And behold yee are riſen up in your Fathers ſtead—to augment yet the fierce anger of the Lord toward Iſrael, for if yee turne away from after him, he will yet againe leave them in the wilderneſse, and yee shall destroy all this People. So Ioſ. 7: ver. 5. for one Ahan's ſin, all Iſrael was troubled, and Ios. 22: v. 17. 18. p. 218ſay the commiſſioners of the whole congregation, unto the two Tribes and half, And it will be▪ ſeing, ye-rebel to day againſt the Lord, that to morrow, he will be wroth, with the whole congregation of Iſrael. And it was this which moved all the Tribes to goe againſt Benjamin, Iudg. 20

3. That the Subjects have ſuffered ſad and dreadful judgments for the ſinnes of their Rulers: As Micah 3: 9, 10, 11, 12. formerly cited: Abimelech's ſin, Gen. 20. was like to hazard himſelf, and all his Kingdome, ver. 7, 9. For Pharaoh's refuſing to let Iſrael goe, not only he and his Princes, but his Subjects through all his coaſts, did ſmarte, Exod. 6, and 7: & 8, and 9. and 10 Cap. Neh. 9: v. 10. So Saul's ſin in ſeeking to deſtroy the Gibeonites, brought on three yeers famine on the land in the dayes of David, 2 Sam. 21: v. 1. So David's ſin of numbering the people coſt the lives of three ſcore and Ten thouſand, 2 Sam. 24: v. 1, 2, 15. 1 Chron. 21: 1, 2, 14. So the Lord threatned by the Prophet, 1 King, 14: ver. 16. that for the ſins of Ieroboam, who did ſin, and who made Iſrael to ſin, he would give up Iſrael, And for Ahab's ſin of letting Benhadad goe, the Man of God told Ahab, 1 King. 20: ver. 42. Becauſe thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom I appoynted to utter destruction, therefore thy life shall goe for his life, and thy People for his People. So for Manaſſeh's ſin, Ier. 15: ver. 4. The Lord ſayes I will cauſe them to be removed into all King domes of the Earth, becauſe of Manaſſeh the ſon of Hezekiah King of Iudah for that which he did in Ieruſaelem. So it is alſo ſpoken, 2 King. 21: ver. 11, 12, 13. Becauſe Manaſſeh King of Iudah hath done theſe abhominations—therefore thus ſayeth the Lord God of Iſrael, behold I am bringing ſuch evil upon Ieruſalem and Iudah that whoſoever heareth of it, both his eares shall tingle, &c. And notwithſtanding of the reformation that was in the dayes of Ioſiah. Yet this judgement came to be accomplished, and the Lord ſent the bands of the Caldees and of the Syrians: ſurely, (ſo it is ſaid, 2 King. 24: v. 3, 4.) at the commandement of the Lord came this upon Iudah to remove them out of his ſight, for the ſinnes of Manaſſeh, according to all that he did, and alſo for the innocent blood that he shed, which the Lord would not pardon. And 2 King. 23, 26. Though there was a great work of reformation p. 219done in the dayes of that non-ſuch King (v. 25,) Ioſiah, yet it is ſayd notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fierceneſſe of his great wrath, wherewith his anger was kindled against Iudah, becauſe of all the provocations that Manaſſeh had provoked him with all. Yea, ſo did this ſin of Manaſſeh provoke the Lord againſt the land, that how beit Manaſſeh himſelf repented, and found mercy, 2 Chron. 33: v. 12. and queſtionleſſe many of the People turned with him, yet theſe ſame ſinnes of Manaſſeh are mainly taken notice of as the procureing cauſe of that final ſtroke.

Out of theſe particulars, theſe few things are very obvious to any.

1. That People combined into a ſociety have great cauſe, not only to look to their owne carriage, but alſo unto the carriage of others; Since the carriage of others will bring them in hazard of God's judgments, and haſten downe vengeance & wrath from God on all, ſure they have need to look about them.

2. Eſpecially, they have reaſon to take notice of the publick carriage and deportment of Princes and Paſtors: ſeing in a ſpecial manner thoſe highten the wrath & haſten the judgments of God, as hath been shewed.

3. If theſe ſinnes in Princes, Paſtors and others were not committed, thoſe plagues and judgments which are threatned, and at length executed upon that account, would have been prevented.

4. If People, conſidering their hazard by reaſon of theſe publick tranſgreſſions, had actively beſtirred themſelves, & interpoſed, as that theſe iniquities had not been committed, they had not ſmarted ſo for as they did, not had they felt the weight of the hand of Gods anger, as they were made to do.

5. It was not enough for them, to have keeped themſelves free of theſe actual tranſgreſſions, whereof others were really guilty: for we finde ſome punished, for that iniquity of others, which could not be laid to their charge, as actors.

p. 2206. How ever ſuch as were ſo punished, were not free of inherent tranſgreſſions, and other ſinnes, which deſerved judgment at the hands of the Lord; yet when the Spirit of the Lord is pleaſed to make no mention of theſe, as the Procureing cauſe of theſe plagues, but ſeemeth to lay the whole or maine ſtreſſe of the buſineſſe, upon that ſin committed by others, we muſt thinke that that hath had no ſmall influence, but rather a mine cauſality in the procureing of theſe plagues, and it becometh us to be ſober in inquireing after other cauſes hid from us, and reſt ſatisfied with what the Spirit of the Lord is pleaſed particularly and evidently to poynt forth unto us, and pitch upon, as the peccant and procureing cauſe

7. Though we could not ſatisfy wrangling wits, touching the equity of this, (which yet the common and ordinary practice of men, forfaulting a whole poſterity, for one mans tranſgreſſion, will not ſuffer us to account inſolent) yet we ought to reſt ſatisfyed with what is clearly and undenyably held forth in the word, and beleeve that for theſe cauſes, ſuch and ſuch plagues were inflicted upon diſtinct and different perſones, becauſe the ſpirit of truth ſayeth ſo.

8. As all Scripture was given by the inſpiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for inſtruction in righteouſneſſe, that the Man of God, may be perfect, thorowly furnished, unto all good works, 2 Tim, 3: v. 16, 17. So theſe particular paſſages, ſo particularly deſcribed are written for our learning, Rom. 15: ver. 4. and are out examples, that we should not do as they did, 1 Cor. 10: v. 6. and are written for our admonition, 1 Cor. 10: ver. 11. And therefore we muſt not look ſlightly upon them, but ponder then narrowly, as ſo many documents given us for our uſe and inſtruction, and particularly, that we may take warning to prevent ſuch evils.

Now let us hear what the Surveyer ſayeth Pag. 51. He layes downe two aſſertions [1. That no man is involved in divine judgments and punishments, for the ſinnes of others, (as the deſerving cauſe of his punishment) if he be no way acceſſory to theſe ſinnes of others 2. That no private Subject is acceſſory to the ſins of Rulers, p. 221nor involved in the punishments of the ſame, meerly upon the accouut of his tolerating the ſinnes, or not violent reſisting the Magiſtrate in his ſinful courſes.] Anſw. Not to enlairge on theſe now, becauſe of what he is to ſay in explication of theſe, & we are then to ſpeak, I would only at preſent enquire. 1. What acceſſion had the army of Iſrael which was defate by the Men of Ai (a ſtroke, which made Ioſua rent his cloaths, and fall upon his face to the Earth, until the even tyde, he and the elders of Iſrael, and put duſt upon their heads) unto the ſin of Achan? And why doth the Spirit of the Lord ſay, Ios. 7: v. 1. That the Children of Iſrael had committed a treſpaſſe in the accurſedthing. And againe ver. 10, 11, 12. [And the Lord ſaid unto Ioſua, Get thee up, wherefore lyest thou thus upon thy face? Iſrael hath ſinned, and they have alſo tranſgreſſed my Covenant-for they have taken of the accurſed thing-and they have put it even amongst their owne ſtuff. Therefore the Children of Iſrael could not ſtand becauſe they were accurſed, neither will I be with you any more, except yee destroy the accurſed from amongſt you.] Though we can learne of no acceſſion which they had, unto this particular fact, yet we ſee the whole body is punished as guilty, and muſt be legally purified, and ſanctified, and purged from that contagion. 2. What acceſſion had all theſe who ſuffered in these three yeers famine, which was in David's dayes, unto that bloody act of Saul and his houſe, which was committed many yeers before thouſands of theſe who ſuffered therefore knew the right hand from the left, or were borne poſſibly? 3. What acceſſion had the children unborne to the third and fourth generation, unto the ſinnes of their forefathers? and yet the holy Lord thinks good to viſite their iniquities on them. 4. What acceſſion had the People unto David's ſin of numbering, the people doth not David himſelf ſay, 2. Sam, 24: ver. 17. But theſe sheep, what have they done? But let us heare how he explaineth this, [A certane thing it is (ſayes he) that God doth not properly punish any man but in reference to his owne perſonal ſins (as the deſerving cauſe of the punishment) albeit he may and often taketh occaſion, in his wiſe providence, to punish men for their owne ſinnes, from the ſinnes of others, (and in that only ſenſe, they may be ſaid to be punished for the ſins of p. 222others.) But every ſoul ſuffers for his owne ſin. Divine juſtice finding cauſes of punishment, in every one that is punished, either their perſonal acceſſion to the ſinnes of others (which is their owne ſin) or elſe ſome other ſinnes, for which he may in juſtice inflict the punishment upon them, albeit the impulſive cauſe, or occaſion rather, for punishing in ſuch a manner and time &c, be from the ſinnes of others.] Anſ. 1. Though vve deſire to be vviſe unto ſobriety in this matter, and not to meddle vvith matters beyond our reach, yet vve think it ſaifer to ſpeak in the language of the Holy Ghoſt, then in the vvords of this Surveyer, vvho giveth us no Scripture for vvhat he ſayes. The expreſſions of Scripture hold forth ſome thing more then a meer occaſion: It ſemeth ſtrange to ſay that Ahan's ſin should have been only an occaſion of that diſcomfiture: when the Spirit of the Lord ſayes, that Iſrael had ſinned, and therefore could not ſtand before their Enemies, becauſe they were accurſed, and that till this accurſed were taken from amongst them he would not be with them any more. 2. He vvould do vvell to explaine to us, vvhat he meaneth by a proper punishment, and vvhat is the oppoſite tearme thereunto? 3. We grant divine juſtice findeth deſerving cauſes of punishment in all, in whom is original ſin, but vve ſuppoſe that vvhen that is not mentioned as the procureing cauſe of ſuch a ſtroke, but the ſin committed by another, vve ought to look on that mainly, as having a procureing cauſality in that affliction. 4. How ever, we ſee he granteth one may be punished for the ſin of another (or upon occaſion of the ſin of another, as he loveth to ſpeak.) to which he hath no perſonal acceſſion. 5. If theſe ſinnes of others, were only the occaſion of punishing in ſuch a manner or time, how cometh it that the very punishment it ſelf is removed, upon the taking away of that ſin, according to God's appoyntment, and God is pacified toward the whole, as he was vvith Iſrael vvhen Ahan vvas killed, and Seven of Saul's ſones hanged up? 6. But whether vve take theſe ſinnes of others, as impulſive cauſes, or occaſions of ſuch punishments. This is cleare. That, if theſe ſinnes had been prevented, theſe punishments had been prevented alſo: ſo that if Saul had not gotten liberty to have ſtaine the Gibeonites, in his bloody rage, contrare to oath and Covenant, theſe three p. 223yeers famine had not come: And if David had been hindered from numbering of the people, and had not gotten his vvill, theſe Seventy thouſand had not died then as they did: And ſeing no other cauſe or occaſion is rendered of this, it vvould clearly warne all in a Community and Society, to labour, by all meanes, according to their power and places, to hinder the Committing (or removing when committed) of theſe ſinnes, which bring heavy plagues on the Community. The Dutch. Aunot. on 2 Sam. 21: 1. ſay that ſo for this offence, all the land was punished becauſe at leaſt (as it oft hapneth) the people had not hindered it.

Then Pag. 52. he cometh to explaine his other aſſertion (It is no leſſe certane (ſayes he) to us that if the Magiſtrate do not connive at the ſinnes of Subjects, nor neglect to curb and punish them, the ſins of the people shall no way be imputed to him (he not being thereunto acceſſory in any way) nor shall be punished for their ſinnes, which in his place and calling he is wreſtling againſt] Anſw. Yet we know, that for the tranſgreſſion of a land, many are the princes thereof Prov. 8. v. 2. And that for a punishment to people, God may even cut the dayes of a good prince, and though we should grant, that it were no proper punishment unto the good Prince, yet materially and in it ſelf it is a ſtroke. But he addeth. [Also it is alike certane. That private perſons shall not have the ſinnes of Magiſtrates, or of the body of the people imputed unto them, nor be punished for the ſame, if ſo be they honeſtly endeavour to do all things againſt theſe ſins, which in their privat calling they are bound to do.] Anſw. Be this granted, The main queſtion will be if people can be ſaid to have honeſtly endeavoured to do all things againſt theſe ſinnes, which in their privat callings they are bound to do, if having power to withſtand the committing of theſe evills, or to remove them after they are committed, yet they forbeare, and ſuffer theſe things to be done, and labour not to remove them. He addeth [If they keep themſelves without any degree of acting theſe ſins, or any way of acceſſion to them. if they mourne and ſigh for evils that are done; if they be earneſt in prayer▪ p. 124that God may convert others from their evil way, if they (as they can have opportunity) faithfully admonish and ſtudy to reclaime thoſe who are out of the way, and do ſuch like Chriſtian dutyes. God will never enter in judgment vvith them for not doing violence to the authorityes that are above them.] Anſw, If the Surveyer would do no more then this, he ought neither to be accounted a good Chriſtian, nor a loyal ſubject: For, if he ſaw the King about to cut his owne throat with a knife, or about to do as Saul did, fall upon his owne ſword, or runing doun a precipice to break his neck, would any think he had had done his duty, and exonered his conſcience; if he should not lead his hand unto that miſchief, nor thruſt him doune the principice, but should roare and cry God ſave the King, and admonish and ſtudy, with faire words, to reclaime the King from that cruel deed? would any think but he might have done more, even if he had had ſtrength enough have holden his hands, and keeped him back from breaking his neck, and yet never have been in any hazard or ſinfully touching the Lord's anoynted, or doing violence to the authority that God had ſet over him. 2. And if Kings may be-reſiſted, and with violence hindered from putting hands in themſelves, or from drinking a cup of poyſon, or doing ſome ſuch deed, which will or may prove deſtructive to their life and poſterity, without doing violence to the authority appoynted of God; vvhy may they not alſo be hindered from doing that which will ruine their ſouls, and prove deſtructive to their Kingdomes, and bring on the curſe and vengeance of God upon young and old, without doing any ſinful violence unto the authority? And as in the former caſe, a man could not but be guilty of the King's death, who knew that it was a cup of poyſon which he was to drink, and did not, having power to do it, hinder him from drinking it: So in this caſe, they that have power to hinder the Magiſtrate from drinking poyſon, or doing what may be deadly to thouſands of his innocent ſubjects, and bring downe the curſe of God upon him and his poſterity, and do it not, cannot but be guilty of that ſin before God, and ſo cannot expect to be free of the punishment which God will p. 225inflict becauſe of that ſin, as not having done, even in their private callings, what they were bound to do, viz. not having uſed their power for the glory of God, the good of the Soveraigne and his poſterity, nor for the good of the Commonwealth, which they were bound to do.

He tells us moreover concerning that inſtance of Manaſſeh, Ier. 15: v. 4. [That the people were punished, becauſe they were shares of the guiltineſſe (not by not violent reſisting, which they were never exhorted to) but by direct or indirect acceſſion otherwayes, Hoſ. 5: ver. 11. Ier. 5: v. 31.] Anſ. 1. How could young children be acceſſory, either by conſent or any otherwayes to theſe courſes of Manaſseh? 2. It were hard to ſay that even all who were come to the uſe of reaſon, were guilty of acceſſion unto theſe wickedneſſes, who yet were carryed away captive, ſuch as Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azaria, and others. 3. That there were many, yea the far greateſt part of the People who were guilty, of hainous ſinnes, when the final ſtroke came, cannot be denyed; but, that they were at that ſame hight of wickedneſſe, which they were at, in Manaſseh's dayes is doubted, 4. We shalll grant with Calvin on the place. That Manaſseh alone was not in that tranſgreſſion, but had many of the People conſenting; Yet, as Manaſſeh himſelf was dead, long ere the ſtroke came, ſo were they; and yet for that ſin of theirs, the poſterity ſuffered: Yea even notwitſtanding that there interveened a National repentance and mourning for that National ſin, and National Reformation of theſe idolatrous courſes, in the dayes of Ioſiah, 5. Though it be true that the People after Ioſiah's dayes, returned to their vomite, and had wickedneſſe enough of their owne, for which God might have punished them; yet it is very remarkable, how that ſin of Manaſseh is particularly mentioned, as if there had not been another, to procure that ſtroke: and certanely all who read the places cited before, will eaſily obſerve that there is ſomething more in them, then an occaſion taken to remember that dreadful time of Manaſſeh, when the wickedneſſe began, as the Surveyer ſayeth in the following words. 6. It was their ſin, I grant, that they did conſent; and that ſayeth that they should not p. 226have conſented, but have refuſed obedience unto the King idolatrous mandats, and have hindered in their places, an according to their power, the ſetting up of theſe abhominations, and should have adhered to the truth and worship of God, as it was practiſed in the dayes of good Hezekiah his Father. 7. He needs not ſay, they were not exhorted to this violent reſiſting; for it was but folly to ſpeak of reſiſtence, to theſe, who ſo willingly walked after the commandement, and would not do ſo much as diſobey. 8. That place of Hoſeah ſpeaking of Ephraim's willingly walking after the commandment, proves not what the people of Iudah's carriage was in the dayes of Manaſſeh; albeit we grant the thing was too true of the greateſt part, even of them, then: Neither doth the place, Ier, 5: v. 31. ſpeak of the dayes of Manaſſeh: for Ieremiah was not then a Prophet; for he began to prophecy in the 13 year of Ioſiah, Ier. 1: 2.

Then the cometh, Pag. 53. and giveth ſome reaſons: But firſt we muſt take notice how he wordeth the principle which he accounteth ſo dangerous If it be once admitted (ſayes he) that the ſins of Rulers & Governours involve the People in ſin, & make them obnoxious to judgment, (albeit they be not acceſſory thereto directly only they toler at what they cannot amend abiding within the bounds of their calling) neither can the conſciences of people, nor the ſtate of the commonwealth have any true peace or quyetneſſe.] Anſ. We might grant him what he deſireth, & acknowledge, that this principle is not ſound: we do not ſay ſo, for we shall grant that (excepting the Lord's Soveraignity of doing as he did in the caſe of Ahan & such like,) that the People who are come to age muſt be directly or indirectly guilty of the ſin of Rulers, in which they are involved. But ſo they are guilty, when they tolerate what they might amend, abideing within the bounds of their calling. But here the difference betwixt him & us lyeth. That he thinketh it is beyond the bounds of the calling of private perſones, to hinder Princes from committing ſuch … which would ruine them & their ſubjects both, which we deny, and we have not yet ſeen him prove it: yea we have shewed the contrary above. But now we proceed to his two reaſones. [For 1. (ſayes he) Once grant this then what p. 227a continual puzle should tender hearted Chriſtians be in, anent the actions of their Rulers and Magiſtrates, and they behoved to meddle with and examine all their proceedings—matters of government not probably or morally poſſible for them to know.] Anſw. We do not, neither need we extend that principle to all the private or perſonal ſinnes of Magiſtrates, or to ſuch acts which are beyond the reach of the capacity of the vulgar, wherein their invincible ignorance, whether as to the jus or factum, may excuſe them from any acceſſion direct or indirect. If he will grant it to us, in ſinnes publick, hainous, and which People can well diſcerne both as to jus and factum, we deſire no more: and if it be limited to theſe, we will gaine our poynt (for our caſe is as clear as the Sun) and tender conſciences will be free of all puzle or perplexity. What is his 2. [Would not this (ſayes he) be a perpetual Seminary of unavoydable ſedition of the Commonwealth, and of expoſeing the Magiſtrate to violence, no leſſe when he is acting juſtly, then when unjuſtly.] Anſw. Then this loyal Subject, if he ſaw an houſe or a great milſtone falling upon the King's head, he would not pull him from under it, leſt others under pretence of that, should uſe violence to the Magiſtrate, when he is in no hazard. Or if he ſaw the King putting a cup of poiſon to his head, or a Knife to his throate, he would not hinder him, leſt others under that pretence should hinder him from taking wholſome food, & ſo ſtarve him; or should under pretence of ſaving the King, put hands in his Majeſty, and ſtob him under the fiftrib. But 2. doth he not know, that the beſt things may be abuſed, and will any, that is wiſe, ſay, that he pleadeth for the abuſe of a thing, who pleadeth only for its uſe? 4. By this ſame reaſon, he might plead againſt refuſeing to give obedience unto the King in all his moſt ſinful commands; for may not ſeditious and unquyet ſpirits eaſily pretend that his commands are unjuſt, and that if they obey theſe they are involved in ſin and judgment, and ſo diſobey him, even when he commandeth moſt juſt and neceſſary things. If he be not for univerſal obedience, let him anſwere this inconvenience in that caſe, and we shall make uſe of his anſwere in this caſe.

p. 228In the next place he cometh to ſpeak of theſe ſcriptures, which he allaigeth Naphtaly doth abuſe. The firſt is Ier. 26: v. 15. If yee put me to death shall ſurely bring innocent blood upon yourſelves, and upon this city, and upon the inhabitants thereof, concerning which two things (he ſayes) are to be remarked. [1. That Jeremiah is ſpeaking to the Princes and all the People, warning them not to meddle with his blood; The Princes that they should not unjustly condemne him, The People that they should not conſent to, nor co-operate with an unjust ſentence, as to the execution thereof (as the manner of execution was amongſt that People, ſtoning &c.) And 2. He certifieth both that if they conſented and co-operated to his death, they should bring innocent blood upon themſelves, and upon the City, and inhabitants thereof. He doth not at all incite the People to riſe up and reſcue him by violence out of the hands of Rulers, if they should give ſentence of death against him, (neither did ever any of the holy Prophets inſtigate People to uſe violent reſiſtance agàinſt their perverſe Magiſtrates, nor did they ever reprove directly or indirectly that ſin of non-violent reſiſtence to Magiſtrats, as ſome exceſſively bold do averr) but only warns Princes and People both, that they be not by conſent and concurrence acceſſory to his death] Anſw. 1. Here is enough for us: For 1. He granteth the People were not to conſent to, nor co-operate with an unjuſt ſentence; but if they should have refuſed to have co-operated, the ſentence had not been executed; and ſo Ieremiah had been really reſcued from the ſentence, and decree of the Magiſtrates; ſo that there needed no other reſiſtence to have been uſed, innocent blood would not have been shed, and this was ſufficient. 2. He needed not to have incited them furder unto a violent reſcueing of him, for though they should have given ſentence of death againſt him, yet if none would have executed it, he had been ſufficiently reſcued. But what needed more incitation, then to tell that by shedding of his blood they should bring innocent blood upon the whole city, and upon the inhabitants thereof. 3. It was little wonder that the Prophets did not inſtigate People to uſe violent reſiſtence unto perverſe Magistrates, ſeing it was uſually ſuch Prince ſuch People, and the People as forward unto wickedneſſe as the Princes, and p. 229yet we finde the duty of delivering the oppreſſed urged upon People conjunct with their Rulers: Becauſe both, in their places, should have concurred hereunto; which ſayes, that people, though they were not formally to execute Magiſtratical power, yet they were to concurre to have Juſtice, executed, and to have the oppreſſed delivered, out of the hands of oppreſſours. And theſe were judges as well as others, but more of this afterward. 4. This place doth abundantly cleare, That the shedding of innocent blood by Magiſtrates bringeth judgement on the Subjects: for Ieremiah ſayes, that if they should have killed him, they should have brought innocent blood not only to themſelves, who gave out the ſentence, and did execute it; but on the whole city, and on the inhabitants thereof. To this he hath many words Pag. 55. but little anſwere. The ſumme is this (for it were weariſome to tranſcribe all his needleſſe tautologies and repetitions, which if taken away, his pamphlet of a 120 pages, might be reduced to 20) [All who were defiled behoved to be acceſſory either by doing, or not hindering what they were called and capacitated to hinder, which was not by violent reſiſtence: nor doth the Prophet meane, that all the abſents should be guilty and properly deſerve Gods wrath upon that account, but only that the actors, and ſuch as were acceſſory, should be guilty, and others should, upon this occaſion, fall under wrath, though for other ſinnes: and yet the judgment on the People might be a punishment to the Rulers, for that ſame particular ſin; for God may punish Princes or Fathers, in the punishment of Subjects and Children; and yet theſe ſame Subjects and Children have no reaſon to quarrel with God, or to ſay as it is, Exech. 18. v. 2.] Anſw. We grant God may and doth punish Princes and Parents, in their Subjects and Children; and That theſe ſame Subjects and Children ſo punished, have no juſt cauſe to ſay that their Fathers have eaten ſowre grapes and that their teeth are ſet on edge, as if there were no ſin in themſelves. But that God may not viſite the iniquities of the Fathers upon the Children, who have not formally acted theſe evills, nor conſented thereto, we dar not peremptorily aſſert, againſt ſo many clear ſcriptures. 2. Sure this place ſeemeth to hint ſomething elſe, then that this ſin of shedding Ieremiahs blood p. 230should be an occaſion of God's viſiting the City, for their other ſinnes: For he ſayes you shall bring innocent blood upon this city: ſo that by this Murther, they should have brought innocent blood as well on the other inhabitants, as on themſelves, who were to be actors: the text maketh no difference. 3. If the People here had done all which in their calling and ſtation, they were capacitated to have done, for hindering of this sheding of blood, they would have hindered it effectually; and further violent reſiſtence was needleſſe. If a wicked Magiſtrat should condemne an innocent perſon, and make this his ſentence, that he should not have the benefite of a lodging within the land, The People need do no more to reſiſt the Magiſtrat's unjuſt ſentence, but, notvvithſtanding thereof, receive the innocent into their houſe, and intertaine him friendly. And ſtill vve ſay, the People vvere to do all that lay in their povver, to hinder innocent blood to be shed, that ſo innocent blood might not be laid to their charge: And in ſo far as they came short in this, they made themſelves guilty be acceſſion, notvvithſtanding of any thing he hath ſaid.

The next place he ſpeaketh to, is Deut. 13. vvhichwhich vve have already vindicated, and muſt obſerve this further, That in all his long anſvvere he ſpeaketh nothing to that vvhichwhich novv vve are upon, viz. the hazard that People in ſuch a caſe are into, both of ſin, and of judgment, if effectuall courſe be not taken to ſuppreſſe idolatry, and apoſtaſy from God, and to put that crying evil avvay from amongſt them: For v. 17. it is clearly held forth, that till this city and all which was within it, was rooted out: the Lord would not turne from the fierceneſſe of his anger, nor shew them mercy, nor have compaſſion upon them, nor multiply them, as he ſwore unto their Fathers. So that their not doing their utmoſt to execute this ſentence of God, made them lyable to the conſtant abideing of the fierce anger of God upon them, and cloſed the door of Mercy and compaſſion, ſo that they could not expect the bleſſings promiſed and Covenanted.

Then Pag. 59. he cometh to ſpeak to Ioſ. 22: ver. 17, 18, 19. and tells us That they were not private perſones that tranſacted that p. 231buſineſse with the Children of Reuben: for the body of the People concurred with the Magistrates Supreame and Subordinate. What makes all this for the encroachment of meer private perſons upon the uſe of the Magiſtrates avenging ſword?] Anſw. It is true the Magiſtrates and major part of the People were here concurring; but why doth he not take notice of the words cited by Naphtaly (which clearly hold forth the end of his adduceing that paſſage) If yee rebel to day against the Lord, to morrow he will be worth with the whole congregation of Iſrael, which do clearly hold forth, that the defection of a part (though a minor part) will bring wrath upon the whole Nation aud Society. And may not any ſee hence; That each are to concurre in their places and ſtations, according to their povver, to prevent this defection, or to remove it, even when the major part is infected with it; yea even though Magiſtrates should be remiſſe, and should rather encourage then diſcountenance ſuch rebellion againſt God? Seeing the reaſon holdeth à fortiori, for it upon the defection of a minor part, wrath will come upon the whole, much more will wrath come upon the defection of a major part, and of the Magiſtrates too: And therefore if in the former caſe, private perſons be bound to concurre with Magiſtrates, for rooting out of that provoking ſin of a few, then it cannot be unlawful for private perſones, in this later caſe, to do what they can, to ſtirr up Magiſtrates to their duty, if it be poſſible; and to prevent their owne deſtruction from that wrath of God, kindled againſt all; and to remove the provokeing cauſe of that anger: And, as we have ſaid, they may take an effectual courſe for this, without encroaching upon the uſe of the Magiſtrate's avenging ſword, or exercing any formall Magiſtratical power.

The next place he ſpeaketh to, is Iudg. 20. where Iſrael warreth againſt Benjamin becauſe of a notorious crime acted there, and countenanced and defended by that whole Tribe, to the end that ſuch a crying abhomination might be purged out of the land, To which he anſwereth in short (to let paſſe his unchriſtian jibes) thus [Though this was when there was no King in Iſrael, yet it is likely they retained ſomewhat of their Sanhedrin appoynted Deut. 17. which in ſuch a horrid caſe might draw p. 232together in an extraordinary meeting: It was the body or the major part of the People, that uſeth the ſword againſt the leſſer; which maketh nothing for the minor parts uſing the ſword to punish Magiſtrates & the major part of the People alſo.] Anſw. Though I should grant that they retained yet ſomething of the Sanhedrin, yet in all this paſſage, there is no mention made thereof; but it is ſaid v. 1. That all the Children of Iſrael went out, & the Congregation was gathered together as one Man, to Mizpeh; and reſolved not to returne to their owne houſes, ver. 8. until theſe Children of Belial in Gibeah had been executed, and evil was put away from Iſrael, Cap. 13: v. 2. To ſay that this ſpeaks not to our caſe, is but to wrangle; for ſure if we ſhould ſuppoſe that Benjamin had been maintaining their integrity, and the true worshipe of God, againſt the generality of the People, who had turned idolaters, and had raiſed war againſt them, becauſe they would not depart from their profeſſion; would he have condemned the minor part for ſtanding to their defence in this caſe? Or if they should have joyned together to have hindered the defection of the major part, or removed the corruptious that were prevailing; would he have condemned them? Sure this is not improve Scripture a right, but rather to elude it; for there is not the leaſt shaddow, that the ſtreſſe of the matter is laid on this, that they vvere the major part.

Finally he cometh to Achan's caſe, Joſ. 7. and tells us, [That there is nothing in it, to juſtify private perſones riſing againſt the Magistrates, and plurality of the people, to avert the judgments of God; for what was done to Achan was done by the Supreame Magiſtrat Joſua.] Anſwer. But Naphtaly only maketh uſe of this place, to shew that our reformers had great reaſon to feare and tremble, leſt the manifeſt toleration of proud, cruel, flattering Prelats, and idolatrous Prieſts, whoſe wickedneſſe and idolatry, had corrupted the whole land; might involve the whole Nation in deſtroying indignation; ſince the wrath of God for the hidden and ſecret ſin of one poor Achan ſuddenly and fearfully overtook the whole People, and all the congregation of Iſrael, ſo that that man perished not alone in his iniquity. Now can any body deny this conſequence? p. 233But our Surveyer layeth downe againe his peremptory aſſertions without further proof, and we have ſpoken to them already, and need not repeat things ſo oft as he gives us occaſion ſo to do, otherwiſe we should follow this fool in his folly, and weary the reader as he doth, in repeating almoſt whole pages verbatim, let any look and he shall finde the whole 61 page, (except ſome groundleſſe jibes which do not help his cauſe) nothing almoſt but repetitions. We shall then goe on, and draw forth our arguments from what is ſaid, to shew that the late act ought rather to be praiſed then condemned.

For 1. Thereby they were endeavouring, according to their power and places, (as that exigent required) when all doores were cloſed from eſſaying any other meane, not only to defend themſelves againſt manifeſt and intolerable injury and oppreſſion, but to ſave themſelves, their poſterity, and the whole land (ſo far as lay in their power) from the wrath and vengeance of God, and the dreadful plagues and judgments that were and are to be expected, for the dreadful and unparallelable apoſtaſy and defection of a corrupt miniſtry. Did God threaten that Zion should be plowed as a field, and Ieruſalem become as a heape, That Iacob should be given to the curſe, and Iſrael to reproaches, for the ſinnes of a corrupt miniſtry; and when our eyes did never ſee a more corrupt company, who have partly apoſtatized from their ſworne profeſſion, and partly are thruſt in over flocks, to the ruineing of their ſouls, the corrupting of the truthes of God, and to be a ſtanding occaſion of dreadful perſecution unto them; and when, for this cauſe, nothing could or can be looked for, from the hands of a juſt and jealous God, but wrath without remedy, and judgment after judgment, till we become as plowed fields, and as heaps: Can or ought theſe to be blamed, who ſtanding to their ſworne profeſſion, were labouring in the integrity of their hearts, to purge the land of theſe plagues and locuſts, that we might become a holy and pure Church unto the Lord, and that the Lord might delight to dwell among us; and for this end, tooke their lives in their hands, and eſſayed that now ſole remedy, p. 234ſeing there was no other meane left unto them, whereby to attaine this noble End.

2. When one Apoſtat city not taken courſe with, according to the command of God, would provoke God to anger againſt the whole aſſembly of God's People, ſo that till it was deſtroyed, he would not have mercy or compaſſion upon them; was there not much more reaſon to feare, that God's anger should burne againſt Scotland his covenanted People, and that he should have no more mercy on us, ſince there was ſuch a dreadful defection in it, whereof not only one city, but many cities were in an eminent manner guilty, having ſo foulely departed from their ſworne truth and profeſſion, and openly and avowedly revolted from God and his wayes, and ſince there was no other way imaginable to prevent this heavy indignation of God? Shall any condemne theſe, who our of Zeal to God's Glory, and for the good of the poor land, whereof they were members, took their lives in their hands, and did what lay in their power, to have that corruption and apoſtaſy removed, and God reſtored to his honour, and the land to its Covenanted integrity?

3. Since the backſlideing and defection of a few members of a Society, joyned together in a Covenant to God as his People, brings vvrath upon the vvhole; if timeous remedy be not uſed, as the forecited places shevv: Shall any condemne theſe vvho endeavoured according to their povver, to prevent the deſtruction that vvas and is to be feared, for the defection not of a fevv, not of one poor Achan, but of multitudes, and that of all ranks and conditions?

4. Did the people of Iſrael goe out as one man, to prevent apoſtaſy, when they heard ſome rumore thereof in a part of their number; and to take courſe with, and purge the land of a crying evil that was committed in one of their cities: & who shall condemne theſe who lately went out with one heart and ſpirit, to do what in them lay, to remove the farcarryed-on defection, and the dreadful evil of perjury and many other hainous crimes, that did & yet do abound, whereof Many of all rankes were guilty, even ſuch as should have been, by their publick places and ſtations, eminently appearing p. 235on the head of theſe worthyes, for the glory of God, and the good of the whole Church and Kingdome.

5. Seing the publick tranſgreſſions of Kings and Princes, do hazard the whole Realme and Commonwealth, as the inſtances formerly adduced do cleare; How much reaſon have People of all rankes, qualityes and conditions, to be doing what lyeth in their power, either to prevent and hinder that theſe iniquities be not committed, which prove deſtructive unto the Land, or labour by all meanes to have them done away when committed, before the fierce anger of the Lord break forth? And ſince it is not our and undenyable how our Kings and Nobles, and other judges have revolted from a ſworne Covenant, Truth and Profeſſion, and openly and avowedly, renunced the intereſt of Chriſt, and conſpired againſt his truth and cauſe; can any blame theſe worthies who endeavoured according to their power, to have theſe crying abhominations remedyed, that the wrath of God should not conſume us root and branch, and burne ſo as it should not be quenched?

What can be replyed to theſe reaſons, is ſufficiently anſwered already; and I would further propoſe this to be ſeriouſly conſidered by all: let us put the caſe, That King and Princes should conſpire together, to poyſon all the fountains of water in the Land, and lay downe a courſe, how they should be keeped ſo, and people should be forced to drink of theſe poyſoned waters; would not any rational man think, that when no meanes elſe could prevaile, People might lawfully with force, ſee to their owne lives, and to the lives of their little ones? And shall we be allowed to uſe violent reſiſtence, for the lives of our bodyes, and not alſo for the lives of our ſouls? shall people be allowed to run together, & with force, when they can no otherwayes, keep the ſprings of water cleare, for their owne lives or healths, and of their poſterity alſo; and shall they be condemned for runing together to keep their Religion as it was reformed, pure and uncorrupted? Who but Atheiſts will ſay this? Againe put the caſe. That the Magiſtrates of ſome Brugh or City were about to do, or had already done, ſome publick prohibited p. 236bited action, which would ſo irritate the Soveraigne or Prince, that he would come with an hudge army and cut off the city, man, wife and childe: would any in this caſe, condemne the private inhabitants of that Brough or City, if, when no other mean could be eſſayed effectually to hinder the ſame, they should with force, either hinder them from doing that irritating action, or if done, should endeavour to remedy the matter the beſt way they could, for the good of the City, to prevent its ruine and overthrow, and for their owne ſaifty, and for the ſaifty of their poſterity? And why then shall any condemne the late defenders, who, when the Magiſtrate, by their many ſinful and publick actions, had provoked the King of Kings to anger and jealouſy againſt the whole land, ſo that in juſtice they could expect nothing but the vvrath and vengence of God to root them out and their poſterity, laboured what they could, to have the wrath of the King of Kings pacified, and the wicked deeds provoking him remedied? Would the Soveraigne in the former caſe account theſe privat perſons traitours to their Magiſtrates, and not rather more loyal Subjects to him, then the Magiſtrates themſelves? And shall we think that the King of Kings shall account the late act, diſloyalty to the King and Magiſtrates, and not rather commendable loyalty to him, and faithful ſervice?

There is another argument much of the Nature with the preceeding, taken from the grounds of Chriſtian love and affection, whereby each is bound to preſerve the life and welfare of another, as he would do his owne: and as each would have another helping him, in the day when he is unjuſtly wronged and oppreſſed, ſo he should be willing to helpe others when it is in the power of his hand to doe it according to that royal law of Chriſt's, Mat. 7: ver. 12. Luk. 6: ver. 31. Therefore all things whatſoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even ſo them, for this is the law and the prophets. It is unnaturall and unchriſtian both, to ſay am I my brother's keeper. Sure he who helps not his brother againſt a murderer, when he may do it, is before God, guilty of the man's blood. Meroz and the inhabitants thereof were to be curſed p. 237bitterly, becauſe they came not out to the help of the Lord and his People, againſt the mighty, Iudg. 5. Was not David helped thus againſt the Tyranny and wickedneſſe of King Saul? And honeſt Ionathan reſcued from the hands of his bloody Father? Prov. 24: ver. 11, and 12. If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawne unto death, and theſe that are ready to be ſlame: If thou ſayest behold we know it not, doth not he that pondereth the heart conſiderit? And he that keepeth thy ſoull, doih not he know it? And shall not herender to every man according to his work? Now the text maketh no difference whether they be drawne to death unjuſtly by private perſons or by Magiſtrates: They are (if they can do it) with force to reſcue ſuch; for ſo the word imports as I Sam. 30: 18. 2 King. 18: 34. 1 Sam. 17: 35. Hoſ. 5: 14. And this did famous Mr. Knox avow unto Lithingtoun, in his diſcourſe with him, regiſtrated in the hiſtory of reformation. Hence it is that Ieremiah Cap. 22: 23. cryeth to the People as well as to the King, execute judgment and righteouſneſſe and deliver the ſpoiled out of the hand of the oppreſſour: and though it be true, as Calvin on the place ſayeth, that this did chiefly belong to the judges and Magiſtrates; Yet, when their proceeding in this courſe of oppreſſing of the ſtranger, the fatherleſſe and the widow, and of shedding innocent blood, would provoke God to execute what he threateneth with an oath, ver 5. And make that houſe a deſolation, and prepare deſtroyers againſt it and the whole city ver. 7: 8. and when all this is ſpoken in the eares of the people, it would ſeem to import, that even they should have ſtood in the way of ſuch oppreſſion, and delivered the ſpoiled out of the hands of the oppreſſour; & not have ſuffered innocent blood to have been shed, eſpecially when inferiour as well as Superiour Magiſtrates were oppreſſing and tyrannizing, and were the only oppreſſours and wolves as we ſee Eſa. 1: 21. and. 3, 12, 14, 15. Micha. 3: 9, 10. Ezech. 22: 27. And many of the people conjoyned with them in the like, as encouraged by their practice ver. 29. ſee furder for this Iſa. 1: ver. 10, 17. Ier. 5: ver. 2, 5, 6. But ſayes our Surveyer Pag. 53. [That ſuch prophetical preachings uttered to the body of p. 238Rulers and People, are to be underſtood as reproveing what was amiſſe in every one, in their reſpective calling, and as injoying ſuch duties as might be done by every one, ſalvâ juſtitiâ, ſalvo ordine, & modulo vocationis—but to ſay that they minded to condemne in People, the grand ſin of non-reſiſtence to the oppreſsing Magiſtrates, or to incite private perſones to pull the ſword out of the Magiſtrat's hand, & relieve the oppreſſed, & execute judgment on the oppreſſours, even Magiſtrats (as Lex Rex doth ſay Pag. 367,) is not only a moſt fearful perverting of the moſt holy ſcripture—but a doctrine that tends directly to horrid confuſion & utter ſubverſion of humane ſocieties] Anſ. We shall eaſily grant, that in thoſe ſermons, every one was reproved for what was amiſſe in his reſpective calling, and all were enjoyned to do, what might be done by them according to their places and callings, and without wronging of juſtice: But we averre, that it vvas the duty of privat perſones, to hinder, ſo far as lay in their power, the shedding of innocent blood, the oppreſſing of the innocent, and wronging the vvidow and fatherleſſe. If a Magiſtrate in a rage run upon an innocent perſon going by, to kill him, It is the part of any private perſon that is next, to hinder the Magiſtrate from committing manifeſt murther, without breach of juſtice, order, or the extent of his calling: Bacauſe in that caſe he is not acting the part of a judge. So a judge perverting judgment, and manifeſtly oppreſſing the innocent, is no judge authorized of God for that; but a privat perſon, and may as juſtly be withheld from murthering or oppreſſing, as any other Man. 2. They might preſſe them to relieve the oppreſſed though they did not incite them to pul the ſvvord out of the Magiſtrat's hand: viz by hindering, according to their povver, oppreſſion to be committed; and this might be vvithout the leaſt violence done to the Magiſtrate's power and authority, as is shevved: So might they move them to execute judgment not formally but materially, by hindering juſtice according to their povver, or labouring to have the lavv executed according to God's vvord. 3. Lex Rex ſpeaketh no ſuch thing in that place, as any vvill ſee vvho read it. 4. It is but his ignorance to ſay, that in this vve fearfully pervert the holy ſcripture. 5. Hovv vvill he shovv p. 239that this doctrine tends to horrid confuſion? He tels us Pag. 50. [That ſuch pretences will not be wanting to the worſt of men, and the beſt Magiſtrate, proceeding moſt legally, shall never have ſecurity from ſeditious partyes] Anſw. But ſure his doctrine tendeth more to confuſion; for, by it every Magiſtrat of the land hath povver to kill and deſtroy vvhom he vvill: and thus Magiſtrates should be formally conſtituted wolves. 2. But how oft will he put us to tell him, that the beſt truth may be abuſed? 3. But let him ſpeak in earneſt, what would he do if he ſaw his wife carryed away by ſome drunken officers, before a judge drunk as a beaſt, ſo as he could neither hear nor ſpeak ſenſe, who yet without further proceſſe, would condemne her to be brunt as a witch, or executed as a harlot, would he not labour, if he had power, to relieve his innocent wife out of the hands of theſe bloody oppreſſours? What would he then do with his pretences? Would theſe ſcar his tender conſcience? I ſuppoſe not. And what if he ſaw the King, without ground, or colour of reaſon, poſſibly upon a miſtake, runing in a rage to kill his wife, or only ſon, would he not help the innocent in that caſe, and hold the King with force? Or would he only aſſiſt them by prayers to God for them, by conſolatory words, by giving counſel to them, or by ſupplications to the Magiſtrate with all dutiful reſpects, and if nothing could avail, ſit dovvne as having diſcharged his duty; and vvould not reſiſt more? (vvhichwhich he thinketh is all vvhichwhich is required of private perſones Pag. 49.) If ſo, many might think he vvere acceſſory to the death of his vvife or childe, and ſo poſſibly might the King, when he came to himſelf, and his rage was off him, and he convinced of his miſtake. And if he vvould hinder innocent blood to be shed (as rational people will eaſily think he might) hovv shall he ſalve the matter, for the vvorſt of men may reſiſt the beſt Magiſtrate, proceeding moſt legally, upon pretences, that the King is in a rage, he hath no shaddow of law or reaſon for him, he is miſtaken of the perſones &c. And would he think, that in this caſe, there were a neceſſary connexion betvvixt reſiſtence and revenge? and if he should have the upper hand in the matter of reſiſtence, could he not p. 240ſit dovvn ſatiſfied? If he could: then he may think that theſe tvvo, may be ſeperated in exerciſe and practice, in other caſes, as vvell as in his ovvne, unleſſe the fault be on the Magiſtrate's ſide. Thus is anſwered alſo vvhat he hath Pag. 49. for it is but the ſame thing which he hath in the place before conſidered, He is tedious in his repetitions, and therefore we Proceed to our arguments.

And. 1. If Humanity, Brotherly Affection, Chriſtian Love. Tenderneſſe and Compaſſion to a ſuffering injured brother, call for help and releef at the hands of others, according to their power and capacities: Then none can juſtly blame or condemne the late riſers for endeavouring in their places, & according to their power, the releife of their oppreſſed brethren, with violence, when no other meane was left feaſible or practicable. Their Solemne covenants did engadge them to account each injury done unto any Covenanter, upon that account, as done unto themſelves; And to vindicate and maintaine the libertyes of the Subjects, in all theſe things, which concerne their Conſciences, perſones, and Eſtates, and who can blame them for paying their vowes unto God▪

2. If this ſame duty was expreſly required of the people of God of old, that they should endeavour to relieve the oppreſſed, and to prevent the shedding of innocent blood: Then none can juſtly blame thoſe late valient vindicators of juſtice, and relievers of the oppreſſed. But the former is true, as the places above cited do show. Therefore &c.

3. If their forebearing had made them guilty before God, of the oppreſſion and bloodshed committed, vvhen it vvas in their povver to help it: Then they could not forbeare to do what they did, without ſin. But the former is true. The very Egyptians knew ſo much by the light of nature, when by their law, ſuch as did not relieve the oppreſſed, when it was in their povver, vvere accuſed upon their head; and if they vvere not able to help, they vvere bound to accuſe the oppreſſour, or elſe they vvere to be vvhipped, & to endure three dayes hunger.

p. 241I shall cloſe this chapter, as I did the former, with a teſtimony of famous Mr. Knox, that it may be ſeen to be no nevv doctrine of ours. In his admonition to the Commonalty of Scotland he hath theſe words, neer the end, [Theſe vaine excuſes I ſay, will nothing availe you, in the preſence of God, who requireth no leſſe of the Subjects, then of their Rulers—and if yee think that ye are innocent, becauſe you are not the chief actors of ſuch iniquity, ye are utterly deceived, for God doth not only punish the chiefe offenders, but with them, doth he condemne the conſenters to ſuch iniquity, and all are judged to conſent, that knowing impiety committed give no teſtimony that the ſame diſpleaſeth them. To ſpeak this matter more plaine: As your Princes and Rulers are criminal with your Bishops, of all Idolatry committed, and of all the innocent blood that is shed, for the teſtimony of Chriſts truth: and that becauſe they maintaine them in their tyranny: So are yee (I meane ſo many of you, as give no plaine confeſſion to the contrary) criminal and guilty with your Princes and Rulers, in the ſame crimes; becauſe you aſſiſt and maintaine your Princes in their blind rage, and give no declaration that their tyranny diſpleaſeth you. This doctrine I know is ſtrange to the blinde world, but the verity thereof hath been declared in all notable punishments from the beginning; vvhen the Original vvorld perished by vvater; vvhen Sodome and Gomorah vvere punished by fire; and finally, vvhen Ieruſalem vvas horribly deſtroyed, doth any think that all vvere alike vvicked before the vvorld? Evident it is, that they vvere not, if they be judged according to their external facts; for ſome were young and could not be oppreſſours, nor could defile themſelves with unnatural, and beaſtly luſts; Some were pitiful and gentle of nature, and did not thirſt for the blood of Chriſt, and his Apoſtles: but did any eſcape the plagues and vengeance which did apprehend the multitude? let the ſcripture witneſſe, and the hiſtories be conſidered, which plainly do teſtify that by the vvaters, all flesh on…arth at that time, did perish, (Noah and his family reſerved) p. 242That none eſcaped in Sodome and in the other cities adjacent, except Lot and his tvvo daughters; And evident it is that in that famous city of Ieruſalem, in that laſt and horrible deſtruction, none eſcaped God's vengeance, except ſo many as before were diſperſed. And what is the cauſe of this ſeverity, ſeing that all were not alike offenders? let flesh ceaſe to diſput with God, and let all men by theſe examples learne betimes to flee and avoyd the ſociety and company of the proud contemners of God, if that they liſt not to be partakers of their plagues. The cauſe is evident, if we can be ſubject, without grudging, to God's judgments, which in themſelves are moſt holy and juſt; for in the original world none was found that either did reſiſt tyranny, nor yet that earneſtly reprehended the ſame. In Sodome was none found that did gain-ſtand that furious and beaſtly multitude that did compaſſe about and beſiege the houſe of Lot—and finally in Ieruſalem was found none that ſtudyed to reprepreſſe the tyranny of the prieſts vvho vvere conjured againſt Chriſt and his Evangel; but all fainted (I except ever ſuch as gave vvitneſſe vvith their blood, or flying, that ſuch impiety diſpleaſed them) all keeped ſilence, by the which all approved iniquity, and joyned hands with the Tyrants, and ſo were arrayed and ſet, as it were, in one battle againſt the almighty, and againſt his Son Chriſt Jeſus; for whoſoever gathereth not with Chriſt, in the day of his harveſt, is judged to ſcatter, and therefore of one vengeance temporal, were they all partakers,—will God in this behalf hold you as innocents, be not deceived dear Brethren, God hath punished not only the proud tyrants, filthy perſones, and cruel murtherers, but alſo ſuch as with them did draw the yoke of iniquity, vvas it by flattering their offences, obeying their unjuſt commands, or in winking at their manifeſt iniquity. All ſuch, I ſay, God once punished, vvith the chief offenders. Be ye aſſured brethren, That as he is immutable in nature, ſo will he not pardon you in that which he hath punished in others, and now the leſſe, becauſe he hath plainly admonished you of the dangers p. 243come, and hath offered you his mercy, before he poure forth his wrath and diſpleaſure upon the diſobedient.] So in his Exhortation to England, Pag. 107. [No other aſſurate will I require that your plagues are at hand, and that your deſtruction approacheth, then that I shall underſtand that yee do juſtify your ſelves in this your former iniquity: abſolve and flatter you who liſt, God the Father, His ſon Chriſt Jeſus, his holy Angels, the creatures ſenſible and inſenſible in heaven and earth, shall riſe in judgment and shall condemne you, if in time you repent not. The cauſe why I wrape you all in idolatry, all in murther, and all in one and the ſame iniquity, is, that none of you hath done his duty, none hath remembered his office and charge, which was to have reſiſted to the uttermoſt of your power, that impiety at the beginning, but you have all follovved the wicked commandement, and all have conſented to cruel murther; in ſo far as in your eyes, your Brethren have moſt unjuſtly ſuffered, and none opened his mouth to complaine of that injury, cruelty and Murther. I do ever except ſuch as either by their death, by abſtaining from Idolatry, or by avoiding the realme for iniquity in the ſame committed, and give teſtimony that ſuch an horrible falling from God did inwardly grieve them. But all the reſt even from the higheſt to the loweſt, I feare no more to accuſe of idolatry, of treaſon committed againſt God, and of cruel Murthering of their brethren, then did Zecharias the ſon of Iehojadah. 2 Chron. 24: ver. 20. feare to ſay to the King, Princes and People of Iudah. Why have yee tranſgreſſed the commandements of the Eternal God? it shall not proſperouſly ſucceed unto you, but even as ye have left the Lord, ſo shall he leave you] And, againe Pag. 109. [., But let his holy and bleſſed ordinances commanded by Jeſus Chriſt to his Kirk, be within the bounds ſo ſure and eſtablished, that if Prince King or Emperour would interpriſe to change or diſannul the ſame, that he be the reputed enemy of God, and therefore unworthy to reigne above his people? Yea that the ſame Man or Men that goe about to deſtroy God's true Religion once eſtablished, and to erect idolatry p. 244which God detaſteth, be adjudged to death, according to God's commandement: The negligence of which part, hath made you all (theſe only excepted which before I have expreſſed) murtherers of your Brethren, denyers of Chriſt Jeſus, and manifeſt traitours to God's Soveraigne Majeſty: Which horrible crimes if ye will avoyd in time comeing, then muſt yee (I meane the Princes Rulers and People of the realme) by ſolemne Covenant renew the oath betwixt God and you, in that forme and as Aſa King of Iudah did in the like caſe 2 Chron. 15.—This is thy duty, & this is the only remedy O England to ſtay God's vengeance, which thou haſt long deſerved, and shall not eſcape, if his Religion and Honour be ſubject to mutation and change, as oft as thy Rulers liſt.] The-reader may conſider alſo what he ſayes to this in his diſcourſe with Litingtoun, who was of this Surveyer's judgment, Hiſtory of Reformation, Lib. 4.

This is conſonant likewiſe unto our confeſſion of faith authorized by King Iames and Parliament Anno 1567. Act. 14. where among good works of the 2 table, theſe are mentioned To honour Father, Mother, Princes, Rulers, and Superiour powers; To love them, to ſupport them, yea to obey their charge (not repugning to the commandement of God) to ſave the lives of innocents, to repreſſe tyranny, to defend the oppreſſed, &c.] the contrary whereof is [To diſobey or reſist any that God hath placed in authority (while they paſſe not over the bounds of their office) to murther, or to conſent thereunto, to bear hatred, or to let innocent blood be shed if we may withſtand it, &c.] Citeing in the Margine, Ezech. 22:1, 2, 3, 4. &c. where the bloody City is to be judged, becauſe she relieved not the oppreſſed out of the hand of bloody Princes v. 6.

And to what Ambroſe ſayeth de office. Lib. 1. c. 36. ſaying qui non repellit a ſocio injuriam ſi potest, tam eſt in vitio quam ille qui facit. i. e. he who doth not repel an injury from his brother when he may, isas guilty as he who doth the injury: And this he cleareth by Moſes his deed, defending the Hebrew againſt the Egyptian.