The Peoples Right to Defend Themselves and their Covenanted Religion, Religious tract · Chapter 16
CAP. XVI.
Three Principall Objections Anſwered.
THere are three grand objections which the Surveyer, here and there throw his pamphlet, maketh uſe of, and which ſeem to militate againſt ſome of our forementioned arguments; as. 1. That there were not (in the caſe now under debate) inferiour Magiſtrates, a Parliament, or the primores Regni, or the Epiori, and States of the Realme, concurring in that defence: and whatever may be ſaid in the defence of a warre carryed on by theſe, againſt the illegal violences and extreame oppreſſions of a prince, will not warrand the inſurrection of meer privat perſons. 2. That in the caſe now controvetted, it was not the Body of the land or the whole Community that made this oppoſition to Magiſtrates Superiour and inferiour; But only a ſmall inconſiderable company, in reſpect of the whole land: and ſo though it should be lawful for the whole body of a land to joyne together, to defend themſelves againſt the tyranny and oppreſſion of a Prince, without the conduct and concurrence of inferiour Magiſtrates; yet it will not hence follow, That it is lawful for any part thereof, to uſe ſuch reſiſtence. 3. That the party, which lately made oppoſition, had no ſufficient ground to take armes, ſuppoſe it had been lawful in its owne nature, there being no ſuch provocking cauſe or occaſion given by the Prince. And though it should not be thought very neceſſary to inſiſt on theſe now, ſeing this laſt was ſpoken to in the clearing of the queſtion, and the firſt was touched alſo formerly cap. 2. And all our arguments conclude for a People without their primores or Parliaments; and So do many both of our arguments and inſtances adduced, ſpeake clearly & undenyably, unto the caſe of a conſiderable part, though not the whole of the community, defending themſelves againſt manifeſt and unjuſt violence; yet that the matter in hand may be fully cleared, we shall ſpeak alittle further to theſe three objections here.
As to the firſt (though the ſurveyer be in malâ fide to make uſe of it, unleſſe relinquishing all his brethren the Royaliſts, he grant it lawful for people with a Parliament to reſiſt, which neither will he nor dar he do; And therefore we shall ſpeak to this objection, rather for the ſatisfaction of others.) We deſire theſe things may be conſidered.
1. That as neceſſity did put people at firſt, upon the conſtitution & election of a Parliament, to manage their affaires, which they could not ſo conveniently do themſelves, without confuſion, diſcords, and other inconveniences, which would necceſſarily attend a communities meeting together, for carrying of theſe matters: So it was the certane expectation of their profite and advantage, that did prompt them unto the ſetling of this frame and conſtitution.
2. Whatſoever power theſe Commiſſionated, according to that frame and model condeſcended upon, had or have, is not in and from themſelves, but from the People, no leſſe then the Prince hath his power from the People; as was shewed above: For no man can imagine any difference, as to the ſubordinate and inſtrumental riſe of the power, of the Prince and of the Ephors: So that as his power is from the People under God, ſo is the power which they have. [Theſe publick Miniſters of the Kingdome (ſayeth Althuſ. Pol. c. 18. n. 3.) are choſen by the united and conſoc…ated body of the People preſerve the whole aſſociated body, and her rights; and are inſtructed with neceſſary power and authority, which to performe they are obliged by oath.]
3. Hence, really the power of the People is greater then the power of any delegated or conſtituted by them; for the cauſe is more then the effect: and the Parliament doth repreſent the People, but the People do not repreſente the Parliament. Therefore the power of the People muſt be more. His povver who doth conſtitute another, or depute him as a guardian to ſome buſineſſe, or to overſee ſome of his matters, is greater then any povver, vvhichwhich that other deputed or conſtituted Curator hath. Parliaments then being but as Tutors and Curators unto the People, muſt have leſſe povver then the People have [mandans vero) ſayeth Althuſius pol: c. 18. n. 92.) vel injungens alii rerum ſuarum procurationem, eſt inſtar imperantis, rogantiſve, ſuſcipiens vero talem adminiſtraetionem, inſtar obtemperantis, inſervientis, & officium ſuum alteri praeſtantis.] So that the Parliament is but a ſervant to the People: and the povver of a Maſter is alvvayes ſuperiour to the povver of a Servant as ſuch.
4. It is irrational to think, that the People in chooſeing the Ephori or Parliament-members, and committing the adminiſtration of their weighty affaires unto them, did denude themſelves of all that innate and radical power, which they had to manage their owne matters; ſeing no urgent neceſſity could compel them to it, nor any foreſeen advantage or profite, which thereby could redound unto them, move them and perſwade them thereunto: but on the contrary, much hazard and diſadvantage might at the very firſt appeare upon ſuch a ſurrender as this. Much leſſe could they denude themſelves of that power of ſelf defence, which by no law of God or man they might law fully give away.
5. Whatever power Parliaments have, it is to be exerced and put in practice for the good and advantage of the People. Their power is for the profite, and not for the hurt of the People, and to this ſcope and end should they level all their labours, travails, paines, endeavours, cares, thoughts, conſultations, conferences, votes, deliberations and concluſions, L. Imperial. C. de nuptijs L. bene a Zenone C. de quadr. L. 8. C. de legibus. L. praecipimus 34. C. de appell. (See Althuſ. pol. c. 18. n. 7: 17.
6. Hence Their power is not abſolute, infinite, or unlimited; but hath its owne bounds and limites over which it cannot lawfully paſſe. They are to rule and do all, for God and the good of the Realme, whoſe ſervants they are. They are the Miniſters of God for the Peoples good Rom. 13. 4.
7. When they tranſgreſſe) their true limites (which no man will ſay is impoſſible) by commanding what God hath forbidden, or forbidding what God hath commanded in his holy law: or when they ſeek not the publick good of the Land, but their ovvne private advantage, They are not, but ceaſe to be, the Miniſters of God and of the People, and become private perſons, who ought not, in theſe particulars wherein they goe beyond their bounds, to be obeyed: As ſayeth Althuſius ubr ſupra n. 41. and proveth by many authors: And the reaſon is cleare, for no inferiour can diſannul God's Law, or free us from ſubjection thereunto. They have no power to command ſin, God never gave them ſuch a power: And the People could not give it, for they had it not themſelves, neither had they a power to wronge and deſtroy themſelves, and ſo they could not give this unto them.
8. If theſe Ephori or Truſtees betray their truſt, and feel or baſely give away the libertyes and privileges of the people, which they were intruſted with, the people cannot thereby be brought into a remedileſſe condition, or lose their privileges vvithout all hope of recovery. If a Tutor waſte and deſtroy the Pupil's Eſtate, the law provideth a remedy for the Pupil: If a commiſſioner or deputy betray his truſt, the maſter's loſſe thereby is not irremediable: If an advocat betray a client's cauſe, The client will finde ſome relief. [The peoples right (ſayeth althuſius ubi ſupra. n, 124) ſuffereth no prejudice, nor doth the Prince—obtaine any more tyrannical power, by the negligence, perfidy, deceit, colluſion, treachery, prevarication, and conſpiracy of the Ephori or primores regni, with the prince—for it is unjuſt & abſurd to affirme that the Ephori (or parliament-men) can tranſferre unto the Tyrant, what they never had themselves, or can deſtroy or alienate the rights of the Community, in prejudice of the whole Realme, and that contrare to the fundamental lawes of the land, or ſuch, as the prince ſwore to maintaine, and which containe the ſpirits and life of the Commonwealth.]
From theſe irrefragable truthes, ſo conſonant to right reaſon and atteſted by learned politicians, it will clearly follow. 1. That the Peoples caſe is not vvorſe by Parliaments, then it would have been without them. 2. That Parliaments, cannot tyrannize by any law or right over People. 3. That no treachery or perfidy of Parliaments, neglecting their duty or betraying their truſt, can prejudge the people of their due rights and privileges. 4. Parliaments not concurring with the People in their neceſſary defence, cannot looſe them from the obligation of nature, to defend themſelves from tyranny and intolerable oppreſſion. 5. If Parliaments in ſtead of acting the part of Truſtees, Tutors, Curators, Delegats and Servants, shall turne Tyrants, wolves, Tygers, and Enemies to the Commonwealth themſelves, of conſpire, joyne, or enter into a confederacy with a Tyrant, and ſo ſeek the deſtruction of the community; The community is allowed to ſee to the preſervation of their owne rights and privileges, the beſt way they can. 6. And ſo in ſome caſes, when the hazard is great, the loſſe irreparable, private perſones may defend themſelves againſt manifeſt Tyranny and oppreſſion, without Parliaments.
All this ſeemeth to be cleare and undenyable In theſt. Let us next ſee what way this shall ſute, or what more can be ſaid for, our caſe, In hypotheſt.
And. 1. It is beyond contradiction, that the late Parliament did baſely betray its truſt: for politicians tell us, That it belongeth to theſe Ephori. To vindicate and maintaine the compact and Covenant which is betwixt the Prince and the People. To keep the prince or the ſupreame adminiſtrator of juſtice, within his bounds and limites, that he turne not a tyrant, or an oppreſſour of the People. To hinder him from violating the law of God. To reſtraine and coërce him from violating the lawes of the land, and the rights of the kingdome. To hinder the execution of the unjuſt and illegal decrees and mandats of the Prince. To defend the proper and incommunicable rights and privileges of the People. To cognoſce whether the Supreame Magiſtrate hath done his duty or not, and to hinder him from committing Tyranny. See for these particulars Althuſius, Pol. c. 18. n. 48, 55, 63, 65, 68, 83, 84. Where all theſe are abundantly confirmed. Now, it is not our to all who conſider either what they did, or what was enacted by them, and ſtands regiſtrated to all generations, how the late Convention (which hardly can be accounted a lawful Parliament) not only came short of their duty in theſe particulars, but ſtired a direct contrary courſe, as we shall shew in a few words. For 1. So far were they from maintaining that compact and Covenant, which was betwixt the King and the People. That they declared theſe Covenants and engagements null: declared the very Parliament and committees, that called him home and crowned him, null: condemned the very transactions that were had with the King before he came home. 2. So far were they from keeping the Prince within his bounds and limites; That they ſcrewed up his prerogatives to the higheſt peg imaginable, and did inveſte him with ſuch an abſolute unlimited and infinite power, that he might do what he pleaſed without controle. 3. So far were they from hindering him from tranſgreſſing the lawes of God, That they concurred with him, to enact lawes diametrically oppoſite to the Law of God, to condemne and overturne the work of God, To ſet up an abjured prealcy, and force conformity thereunto, beſide other acts which they made to hinder the courſe of juſtice. 4. So far were they from hindering him from violating the wholeſome well ſetled and eſtablished lawes of the land, that they concurred with him to overturne theſe, to the great loſſe and detriment of the Nation. 5. So far were they from preſerving the rights of the Kingdome, That they made a voluntary and baſe ſurrender of theſe unto the pleaſure and arbitrement of the Prince, in annexing to the crowne The ſole choiſe and appoyntment of the officers of State and privy Councellers, and the nomination of the Lords of Seſſion; in diſchargeing all meetings, Councels, conventions, or aſſemblies of the People, without the King's command or expreſſe licenſe: In giving away to him as his right, the ſole power of raiſeing the Subjects in armes; of commanding, ordering, disbanding and otherwiſe diſpoſeing of them; And of all ſtrengths, forts, or garriſons within the Kingdome: all which politicians will grant to be the proper native rights of the Kingdome: 6. So far were they from hindering the execution of his unjuſt decrees and mandates, that whatſoever he pleaſed to command, was by them imbraced yea and fortified, ſtrengthened and corroborated, and put into a ſtanding law, how dishonourable ſo ever it was to God, how repugnant to equity and reaſon, and how noxious ſoever it might prove to the Nation. 7. So far were they from deſending the Libertyes and Privileges of the People, that they baſely gave them away, by denying them to have any power to defend themſelves againſt manifeſt oppreſſion, or power to call Parliaments or other meetings for their advantage, in caſes of neceſſity; by giving away to the King yeerly fourty Thouſand pound Sterline, to the impoverishing of the Nation and redacting it to ſlavery: And by Tendering unto him all the lives and fortunes of the ſubjects, to maintaine his intereſt; and offering Twenty Thousand foot men, and two Thousand horſemen ſufficiently armed and furnished with fourty dayes proviſion, to be in readineſſe as they shall be called for by his Majeſty, to march to any part of his three dominions, for any ſervice wherein his Majeſties honour, authority or greatneſſe might be concerned: Which how ever it may be coloured with ſpecious pretexts; yet, al circumſtances conſidered, was nothing but a real mancipation of the liberties of the People unto the will and pleaſure of a Prince. 8. And ſo far were they from calling the King to any account, and from impedeing Tyranny, that in effect they declared the King exempted from all ſuch tryal or examination, and that he might exerce what tyranny and oppreſſion he pleaſed without controle: For they gave unto him abſolute and unlimited power over all perſones and in all cauſes; They declared him to have abſolute power to call, hold, prorogue, and diſſolve Parliaments and Conventions and Meetings of the Eſtates: And That no acts, ſentences, or ſtatutes to be paſt in any of theſe meetings, can be binding or have the authority and force of lawes, without his authority and approbation interponed, at the very making thereof.
2. It is notour to all who read their acts, How they have enacted and concluded things moſt unlawful and unjuſt, repugnant to the Law of God and right reaſon: Condemning Solemne Covenants ſworne by all rankes of People in the land, in the moſt ſolemne manner; introduceing abjured Prelates; Eſtablishing tyranny in the Church; condemning and razeing to the fundation the Covenanted work of God; enjoyning a conformity unto corrupt courſes; preſſing perjury and Apoſtaſy, by forceing all in publick places, and others, to ſubſcribe declarations and oathes, contrary to their former ſacred and inviolable Covenants and oathes made to God.
3. By confirming, ratifying and approveing theſe courſes of Apoſtaſy and defection, and eſtablishing theſe into lawes, and binding and forceing the People unto obedience, by their irrational and inſupportable penalties annexed, They have laid downe a conſtant courſe for tyranny and oppreſſion of the People in Eſtates, bodyes, and conſciences, without all hope of remedy or redreſſe.
4. As Parliaments with us are not conſtant and fixed courts, but ambulatory and occaſional, ſo they have laid downe a courſe, that we shall never have a Parliament that shall redreſſe the wrongs, injuries, oppreſſions and tyranny of Princes; or heare the juſt grievances of the Subjects: For when the Prince oppreſſeth the People, and turneth a Nero and a Caligula; there shall be no remedy, becauſe they have given him abſolute power to call Parliaments, and who can expect he will call a Parliament in that caſe? or if he do call, he hath abſolute power to raiſe them and diſmiſſe them when he will; and is it probable that he will ſuffer them to ſit when they are doing any thing againſt him? Or if he should ſuffer them to ſit, what can they do? None of their ſentences or acts have power, unleſſe he will add his authority, and will he ratify or approve any thing that is againſt himſelf, and his tyrannous will? Beſide, that they have denuded themſelves of all power of ſuppreſſing tyranny, by declareing his power ſo abſolute and infinite, as that no bounds can be ſet unto it, no power can ſuppreſſe his tyranny, or call him to an account.
5. Not only have they laid downe a courſe that we shall have no Parliament to interpoſe for the relief of the People, & to ſuppreſſe Tyranny; But alſo they have laid downe a courſe that there should be no Magiſtrats in shires or brughs, that should help, according to their power and place, the oppreſſed and grieved Subject, and concurre for their relief: Becauſe all ſuch, ere they be admitted to their places, muſt conforme unto this abhominable courſe of defection, and by ſubſcribeing declarations, Binding themſelves by oaths impious and oppoſite to the ſolemne Covenants, under which the Land ſtandeth bound and obliged before the Lord, conſpire with them in this Apoſtaſy, againſt the intereſt of God in the Land.
From all which we think theſe things will clearly follow.
1. That it may be much doubted if this laſt convention can be accounted, by any law either of God or Man, a lawful Parliament, having ſo palpably betrayed their truſt, in ruleing not for God and his intereſt, but againſt him, end enacting things to his dishonour; in ſelling and giving away the old and undoubted Privileges of Parliament; and in betraying, dilapidating, diſponeing, and giving away the native and unqueſtionable Rights and Privileges of the People; and in overturning the fundamental lawes of the Land; and annulling the fundamental article of the compact betwixt King and People. Seing Politicians will grant, that ſuch are to be accounted but private perſones: though we should make no mention of other informalities which uſually weaken or annul the conſtitution of a judicature of that nature, in poynt of formality; as liberty denyed to ſome shires to chooſe ſuch members as they thought good; prelimitation uſed to all; the admiſſion of ſome as members not capable of an election, according to our ancient and received cuſtome; the denying of free liberty of debateing, reaſoning, diſſenting and proteſting, which is allowed in all free Judicatories, and the carrying on of matters in a head-ſtrong, violent, and tyrannical manner, without ſuch previous deliberation, or ſerious conſideration, and pondering the weight and moment of matters, as would have become a judicature by its conſtitution and nature ſo ſage and honorable.
2. The native, ancient and undoubted Privileges of the People are de Iure intire and inviolated, notwithſtanding of any thing done by this late meeting, which had no power to do what they did: And therefore could not wronge the rights and Privileges of the People.
3. That there is no hope, or humaine probability now left, that ever the People of Scotland shall have a Parliament by the courſe laid downe or inferiour Judges to reſent the injuries, oppreſſion and Tyranny done to and exerciſed upon them; but that ſtill their bands shall be made ſtronger, and the yoke of oppreſſion and Tyranny wreathed cloſſer about their neckes. So that there was not, neither is there any hope (ſo long as this courſe of defection ſtandeth and is not overturned) that Parliaments now, or the Primores Regni, or inferiour Judges, shall concurre for the ſuppreſſing of Tyranny, bearing downe of oppreſſion, defection and apoſtaſy, according as they ought.
4. That while matters are ſo, the People of Scotland are as if they had no Parliaments, nor inferiour Judges, for that end; and cannot be ſuppoſed or imagined to be in a worſe condition, then if they never had had my ſuch, to protect them from the tyrannical and arbitrary luſt and domination of Princes. And therefore muſt be allowed to uſe the privilege and liberty which nature hath granted unto them, to defend themſelves from unjuſt tyranny and oppreſſion of Princes, Parliaments, and inferiour Judicatories, when their Repreſentatives palpably betray them into the hands of their adverſaries, yea and conſpire with their adverſaries againſt them, and their Privileges; and inſtead of Patrons and defenders of their rights and privileges, turne enemies thereunto, and take courſes utterly to deſtroy all.
By this, I ſuppoſe, the firſt Objection is ſufficiently anſwered, yet I shall adde this word more, and would deſire that all who are of a contrary judgement would anſwere this quaeree. Whether or not vvould they think it unlavvful, for private perſons vvithout a Parliament, privy Council, or other inferiour Magiſtrates, to reſiſt a Prince, or his Emiſſaries, if he vvith the conſent of theſe should transferre unto him ſelf the proper and immediat right unto all the Lands, Rentes, Tenements, poſſesſions, Heretages, and goods within the vvhole Land, vvith full povver to ſell, diſpone, and give avvay the ſame unto whom he pleaſed; and preſently upon the paſſing of that act, cauſe eject, diſpoſſeſſe and remove all the preſent heretours and poſſeſſours, or put them to buy it of nevv of him, or take tackes thereof as takſmen, fermers or tennents? If they think that in this caſe they might lawfully reſiſt ſuch horrid tyranny, Then why not in our caſe, when the People, contrary to all law, oathes and vowes, are put out of the poſſeſſion of their Covenanted Religion, reformed in doctrine, worshipe, diſcipline & government, & that by meer violence and tyranny? Sure ſuch matters as touch Soul and conſciences, ought to be as deare to People, as what concerneth their bodyes and eſtates. Or if we should put the caſe, That the King were about to ſell the whole Land unto the Turk, or unto Irish bloody Papiſts, & by bribes or promiſes, should procure the conſent of a Parliament, & the concurrence of Council and other judicatories (as really upon the matter, walking according to the acts they have made, he may) Might it be unlawfull for People in this caſe, without the concurrence of inferiour Magiſtrates, who had now ſold them, and baſely betrayed their truſt, to ſtand to their owne defence, and to the defence of their poſterity, and their lives, rights, liberties and privileges? And if this cannot be aſſerted by any man, who hath not made a perfect ſurrender of his owne reaſon, unto the will and luſt of another, why can reſiſtence in our caſe be condemned: Seing ſoul matters are of infinite more worth, then theſe outward things; And it were leſſe bitter to know and ſee our poſterity redacted into a ſtate of perfect ſlavery unto forraigners, as to their outward privileges, them to ſee them shut up into a cloſſe priſon of ſoul ſlavery and bondage, deſtitute of the pure and lively ordinances of ſalvation, and fruſtrated of the glorious and excellent liberties and effects of a purely preached goſpell, and ſo shut up in a dungeon of ignorance, ſuperſtition, and all Prophanity, that they should never know what true liberty meaneth?
As for the next objection taken from this, that they were not the Whole Body of the land, but only a part thereof, which cannot be ſo well juſtified. It may eaſily be anſwered. That it being lawful for a ſingle perſone, in ſome caſes, to defend himſelf from unjuſt violence: It will be much more lawful for a conſiderable part of a Kingdome to defend themſelves, though they get not help of others. Though all be bound to help a ravished maide, yet though none should help, she may reſiſt and defend herſelf. But to leave this, becauſe we have adduced many arguments that concludes the caſe lawful even for a part of the Kingdome, we shall ſpeak to the complex caſe, not only as it was a defence but alſo a probable meane to put a ſtop unto the courſe of defection. Which was and is carryed on; and to redeem the land from ſpiritual bondage and ſlavery, as well as bodily. And to this we ſay. That when the caſe is a publick caſe concerning all the land, no leſſe then theſe who jeoparded their lives for the ſame, no man in reaſon can condemne theſe few that undertooke the interpriſe, the profitable effects of which would have redounded to the whole: When a city is on fire, no man will think the few that hazard their lives, to quench the ſame, are to be blamed, though the reſt doe lye by, and will not concurre. The men of Ephraim, Benjamin and Iſſacher, who followed Deborah and jeoparded their lives upon the high places of the field, that they might deliver the whole land from under the Tyrranny of Iabes King of Canaan, though Reuben God and Zebulon did not concurre, according to their duty, were not the more to be blamed, but are the more praiſed and commended; and ſuch as came not put to the help of the Lord againſt the mighty were under a bitter curſe. The common tye of Chriſtianity and brotherhood and other ſupervenient obligations did oblige all the Land (as was shewed above) to concurre as one man, to endeavour the deliverance of he Land from dreadful oppreſſion and tyranny, and becauſe the greateſt part, like Iſſacher in an other caſe, loved to couch under the burden, and refuſed to contribut their help for their owne delivery, and proved enemies, shall theſe few who ventured their lives and Eſtates, and all which they had, for the liberation of the land, be the more, upon that account, condemned? What hight of abſurdity were this? Had the Men of Ephraim good reaſon to challenge Iephthah Iudg. 12: ver. 1, 2. &c. becauſe he fought with the Midianites without them, when he ſayes, that he had called them and they would not come out? If an Enemy invade the land, and ſuch provinces as are furtheſt from danger shall neglect or refuſe to concure with the reſt to expell them, yea shall ſtrengthen the invadeing enemy, shall theſe be blamed who are next to the danger, to take the alarme at the firſt, and do what in them lyeth, for their owne ſaifty and the ſaifty of the whole land? Therefore, ſeing the cauſe which theſe few owned was of common concernment, and equally reſpecting the whole land, ſince the reſt would not concurre, as they were bound to do, they are more praiſe-worthy then blame-worthy that ventured all for the good of the whole land, and did what in them lay, to redeem the whole land from that oppreſſion and bondage, under which it was lying. If it had been ſome ſmall petty particulare of their owne, it had been more lyable to the cenſures of men; but the cauſe being Common, which they did owne, (a Covenant ſworne by all ranks of People, and a Covenanted work of reformation, and liberty from tyranny both in Church and State, was a cauſe not peculiar unto them, but common to all the land,) it is the hight of abſurdity, illegality, yea and inhumanity, to accuſe them of Treason of ſedition, or to condemne their interpriſe upon that account. So that though the major part of the land turne ſo corrupt, as to imbrace a corrupt abjured courſe, ſee their privileges taken from them, the vvork of God overthrovvne, lavves ratifying and approving Religion reformed in doctrine vvorshipe diſcipline and government, and ſecureing people in their peacable and Chriſtian poſſeſſion of theſe, novv abolished reſcinded and annulled; their libertyes, as civil ſcotish men, and as Chriſtians, ſold avvay; their fundamental compact, and the cardinall clauſe of that contract betvvixt King and Subject, cancelled and shamefully brocken; Tyranny and oppreſſion of conſciences, bodyes and Eſtates eſtablished; and no legal remedy or redreſſe apparent or probable; and shall notwithſtanding of all this, love to ſit ſtill & not to be ſtirr themſelves, according to their places & power, for ſecureing Religion, lawes, & libertyes; For extirpating abjured prelacy, and malignancy; and reſtoreing the Ordinances of Chriſt to their wonted purity, & delivering the land from ſlavery & bondage, & from ſtupenduous apoſtaſy & defection, at which the Heavens may ſtand aſtonished, and all men and angels may wonder: Shall their negligence and deficiency in duty, binde up the hands of the wel affected, and render them utterly incapable in law, to minde themselves and the good of the whole land, the good whereof they are obliged by many bonds and obligations to ſeek by all farie meanes poſſible? Neither doth the lawes of Nature, the lawes of God, nor particularly the bond of Chriſtian love to their Native land, to their Mother Church, and to their Chriſtian oppreſſed brethren, nor the bond of their Covenants, ſolemne vowes and engadgments, ſo limite this duty, and looſe them from all endeavour after a performance. But by the contrare, if God give any probable capacity, upon all theſe conſiderations, they are the more obliged to lay out themſelves to the utmoſt, and to account themſelves the more indiſpneſably obliged thereunto, that as the hazard is greater, the loſſe is the more certane and irrecoverable. Wherefore, ſeing the ground and ends of the riſeing of these few, was not particular, but general and national, the good and benefite of the interpriſe redounding unto all, no leſſe then to themſelves, and being that whereunto all, no leſſe then they, were obliged by ſolemne vowes and moral bonds, their caſe muſt be otherwise conſidered, then the caſe of a few malcontented perſons, who becauſe of ſome particular injuries done to themſelves and for ſome particular ends proper and peculiar to themſelves alone, ariſe in rebellion againſt the lawful Magiſtrate. The Royaliſts themſelves allow it lawful for any privat perſon to kill an uſurper or a Tyrant ſine titulo, and why? But becauſe the good of this action doth redound not to himſelf alone. But to the whole Land; So in ſome places a reward is promiſed to all ſuch as shall kill a Bear, or any ſuch noyſome beaſt, becauſe the good and frute of this action concerneth moe then themſelves, and therefore though all were bound to do what they did▪ yet they are not blamed but rewarded for what they have done. So should theſe rather have been revvarded then blamed or condemned, for vvhat they did interpriſe, for the univerſal and national good of the vvhole Land.
As for the third Objection, ſo much hath been ſpoken of that already; whether we mean the particular ſufferings and oppreſſions of the People of Galloway, (The Naphtaly is full to this purpoſe,) or the general calamity, by reaſon of apoſtaſy, defection, perjury & oppreſſion in Religion and libertyes, which is ſo noture that none who hath not renunced common ſenſe together with Religion & honeſty, can deny it, or pretend ignorance thereof, that we need do no more here, but give a short reply to what the Surv. hath ſaid to this matter: only we would adde this. That if That learned lawyer Althuſius in his politikes Cap. 38. n. 5. &c. give the right characters of a Tyrant, and of Tyranny, we may have good ground to ſay that our land beareth many blae marks of that tyranny: for, ſayeth he [there is one kinde of Tyranny, which conſiſteth in violating, changeing or removing of fundamental lawes, ſpecially ſuch as concerne Religion: & ſuch, ſayes he, was Athalia, Philip the King of Spaine, who contrare to the fundamental Belgick lawes, did erect an adminiſtration of juſtice by force of armes; and ſuch was Charles the IX. of France that thought to overturne the Salicque law] and whether our King be not in this guilty in overturning the fundamental lawes, concerning our reformed Religion, let the world judge. Next ſayes he [when he keepeth not his faith and promiſe, but deſpiſeth his very oath made unto the people.] and who is more guilty of this then King Charles the 2 … n. 9. He giveth us this mark [when the ſupreme Magiſtrate marketh uſe of an abſolute power, and ſo breaketh all bands for the good of humane ſociety] and are not the bonds both of piety and juſtice novv violated? n. 11. He tels us a Tyrant doth take away from one or moe member of the Commonwealth, free exerciſe of the orthodox Religion: and n. 12. that for corrupting of youth he erecteth ſtageplayes, whore houſes, and other play-houſes, and ſuffers the colleges, and other ſeminaries of learning to be corrupted, and n. 15. that living in luxury, whoredome, greed and idleneſſe, he neglecteth, or is unfit for his office.] How theſe ſute our times we need not expreſſe, Then n. 16. He ſayes [he is a Tyrant who doth not deſend his Subjects from injuries when he may; but ſuffereth them to be oppreſſed] and what if he oppreſſe them himſelf? n. 19. [who (ſayes he) by immoder at exactions, and the like, exhausts the subjects Jer. 22: ver. 13. 14. Ezech. 34. 1 King. 12: 19. Pſal. 14: 4.] and n. 10 [who hindereth the free ſuffrages of Members of Parliament, ſo that they dare not ſpeak what they would.] & how much of this we finde to be true, in needleſſe here to expreſſe. Then n. 23, 24, &c. he tels us [he is a Tyrant who takes away from the people all power, to reſist his tyranny, as armes, ſtrengthes, and chief men, whom therefore though innocent, he hateth, afficteth and perſecuteth, exhausts their gods, and lively-hoods without right or reaſon] all which he confirmeth by ſeveral Scriptures: And how appoſite theſe are to our preſent caſe, all know who is not an utter ſtranger to our matters, So that when we have ſo many things to alledge, none can juſtly blame us for ſaying, that vve are oppreſſed and borne dovvne vvith inſupportable tyranny; and now we goe on to conſider what he ſayes.
And as to the firſt he tells us, Pag. 68. [That their life and blood was not ſought upon any tearmes, there was no forceing them to idolatry, nor falſe worſhipe, nor frighting them to any thing of that kinde, upon paine of their lives; only for contempt of the outward ordinances of God, purely adminiſtred in an orthodox Church, they were put to pay ſuch moderate fines, as the publick lawes had appoynted: Without any actual invaſion of them or their perſones. They were the first aggreſſors, murthering the Kings Servants, and ſeiſeing on his chief officer. They had never before that aſsayed ſupplicating, (which was not forbidden them to do, if ſo be they would have done it without tumults and combinations) but flew to the ſword and marched on to mock authority with armed petitions, as they mocked God by ſinful prayers, to proſper their evil courſe.] Anſw. 1. What intention there was to ſeek the life and blood of theſe People, God koweth: But ſure all who knew their caſe, ſaw that their life was only left them, that they might feel their miſery. So were they oppreſſed and haraſſed, that death would have been choſen rather then life. Were they not beaten, wounded, and bound as beaſts, their goods and ſubſtance devoured before their eyes? were not their lands and tenements laid waſte, and many redacted to beggary? Beſides other inhumane barbarityes, which they were made to ſuffer. 2. We ſee he would allow it lawful to reſiſt, if the King should force to idolatry and falſe worship, and what will he do then with his arguments, which will not allow that exception, as they are urged by him? He muſt neceſſarily grant that they are inconcludent, & that it holdeth here Argumentum nih…l probat quod nimium probat. 3. How beit they were not forced to idolatry; yet by the ſame law, reaſon and equity (or rather Tyranny and inquity) they might have been forced to that, as to what they were forced. That is by the law of Tyranny and violent oppreſſion. They were preſsed to owne and countenance perjured prophane wicked and debauched Curates, thruſt in upon them contrare to their Privileges, as lawful and duely called Miniſters, and thereby to owne and approve of Prelacy which was abjured, and caſt out of the Church with deteſtation, and ſo to concurre in their places and ſtations with, and give their teſtimony unto, a moſt wicked and unparallelable courſe of defection and Apoſtacy from God, and his holy wayes and works; and thereby to condemne the Reformation of Religion in doctrine, Worshipe, Diſcipline and Government, which God had vvonderfully vvrought amongſt us, and vvhichwhich all ranks of People vvere ſolemnely ſvvorne to maintaine and defend. 4. He talketh of the outvvard ordinances of God purely adminiſtred; vvhen all knovv how theſe profane vvretches, made all vvho, ever knevv vvhat the ſervice of the true and living God vvas, to abhore the offering of the Lord: For they deſpiſed the Name of the Lord, and offered polluted bread upon his altar, and made the table of the Lord contemptible, they offered the blinde, the lame, and the ſick, and torne, and thus they vovved & ſacrificed unto the Lord a corrupt thing: Yea their adminiſtration of ordinances vvas, and is to this day, rather like hiſtrionick acts, and ſcenes, then the ſervice of the true and living God: And vvhat ſober ſerious Chriſtian, yea vvhat ſoul that hath any beleeving apprehenſions of the Majeſty of God, can be vvitneſse, let be a concurring actor in, and conſenter unto, ſuch abhomination and idol-like Worshipe? 5. He talkes of an orthodox Church, vvherein perjury and ſuch like abhominations are approved and countenanced, maintained and avovved; and vvherein the vvork of Reformation of Religion, in Doctrine, Worshipe, Diſcipline and Government is condemned; a Covenant abjureing Popery, Prelacy, Prophaneſſe, Schiſme and Hereſy, and whatſoever is contrary to ſound doctrine, and the power of godlineſſe, condemned and annulled; and wherein Atheiſme, wickednesse, ignorance, licentiouſneſse, and all ſort of prophanity, yea and blaſphemy aboundeth, and wherein there is ſo much Popery and idolatry countenanced and connived at, and ſuch abhominations reigneing. Our firſt confeſſion of faith recorded in Parliament Cap. 18. giveth this as one note of a true Church viz. That in it Eccleſiasticall Diſcipline be uprightly ministred, as God's Word preſcribeth, whereby vice is repreſſed & vertue nourished! But now there is a diſcipline repugnant to Gods Word adminiſtred, whereby vice is nourished & virtue ſuppreſſed. 6. He ſayes that the fines were moderate? But more immoderate fines, and exorbitant penaltyes, vvere never impoſed by Rulers, except ſuch whoſe deſigne was to Tyrannize over the ſoules and conſciences of poor people: and to the payment of theſe tranſcendently exorbitant penaltyes, they were conſtrained, not in a legal manner, as it ought to be in a civil and free republick, but in a military, compulſive conſtraineing way, whereby their perſones and goods were tyrannically and inhumanely invaded, plundered, deſtroyed, and ruined. 7. It is true, providence ſo ordered it, that the firſt that was vvounded was one of the ſouldiers: But Naphtali tels him that the countrey men were neceſſitated thereto in their ovvne defence; for vvhen they but deſired the ſouldiers to looſe the poor man, vvhom they had bound hand and foot like a beaſt, they vvere aſſaulted vvith drawne ſwords; and ſo firſt and laſt they vvere invaded, and provocked, & were not the firſt aggreſſours: & beſide, that was but a meer accidental emergent: & though they had formally, without that occurrent provocation, joyned together to have repelled unjuſt violence, none in reaſon could have called them the firſt aggreſſours, being ſo long before that time, at two inrodes, beſide this laſt, ſo barbarouſly and inhumanely uſed by Sr Iames Turner that bloody executioner of illegal tyranny, and brutish beaſtly Doeëg, who having renunced all humanity & compaſſion, raged like a wilde beare to the laying waſte of that countrey ſide. So that here was no violent re-offending uſed without a previous actual invaſion, made by companyes of armed men, ſent to eat up, root out and deſtroy a worthy and precious countrey-ſide An imminent danger ſayes the law, is a ſufficient ground to take up armes, and that is not previous ſtrokes but the terrour of armour or threatning L. ſed & ſi. ff. ad Leg. Aquil. l. 3. quod qui armati ff. de vi & vi armâta. Sure here was enough to warrand a Community to ſtand to their defence, and to prevente their utter ruine and deſtruction, which was certanely expected, and this was to them the laſt and moſt inexorable caſe of neceſſity: And ſo the places which he citeth out of Lex Rex do partly confirme this, and partly are not to the purpoſe, being ſpoken of a ſingle perſon buffeting his maſter after he hath been buffeted, or having received deaths wounds, ſeeketh to revenge himſelf on his aggreſſor. 8. He tels us they should have firſt ſupplicated theſe in power: But they had ſupplicated already Sr Iames Turner, and their caſe was made worſe and not the better thereby, and all joynt petitioning was condemned as treaſonable, and what could they then have done? The moſt peacable manner of ſupplicating, if it had been in a joynt manner, that could have been deviſed, had been interpreted tumultuous. And Since it was ſo, what could they do, but after the example of our progenitors, advance with armes in the one hand and a petition in the other? 9. The Prophane man talks of their mocking God by their prayers, and of their ſpoyling loyal perſons: but as they have the teſtimony of all among whom they were, that they were not to be charged with plundering, taking nothing unleſſe it were a few horſes, and ſuch things as were neceſſary for the defence of their lives, and for the welfare of the Countrey, wherein many do ſuppoſe they were but too too ſpareing, ſeing the benefite was common to all, and they were to venture their lives, not for themſelves alone, but for the whole Countrey: So the Lord gave proof that he hath accepted their endeavours, though it was not his appoynted time to reſtore our Kingdome, in that he did ſo ſignally ovvne and countenance ſuch as vvere honoured vvith martyrdome, for the Teſtimony of Ieſus, and for his intereſt and cauſe. But this man ſpeakes like himſelf vvhen he addeth that both they and others have cauſe to bleſſe God that they had no ſucceſſe, which might have been a ſnare and ſtumbling block to them and others alſo. For vve knovv indeed that it is no ſmall mercy, not to thrive in an evil vvay, and therefore vve think that He and his vvicked fraternity, on whom the Lord is raineing ſnares, by ſuffereing them to thrive, have great cauſe to lament the blak day that is coming, and to tremble both for the imminent judgments, and for the dreadful plague and judgement of hardneſſe of heart, vvith vvhichwhich they are already viſited of the righteous God; Yet vve knovv That a vvay may be his vvay, vvhichwhich he vvill not proſper for a time, till the cup of the Amorites be full, and he hath attained his other holy ends, vvhichwhich he deſigneth in caſting his Church into a furnance: And if he judge of cauſes alvvayes by the event, he shevveth himſelf a ſtranger to the Soveraigne vvay of the Lord, in all ages.
As to other thing, he ſpeaketh Pag. 10. and ſayeth (doth not the true proteſtant Religion as it is held forth inſcripture, and was publickly confeſſed by our firſt reformers (which confeſſion is Registred Parl. 1. K. James 6.) through God's mercy continue with us, without variation from it in the leaſt? Doth not the Kings majeſty protect and advance this bleſſed Truth of the Saving Goſpel, and encourage and invite all, according to his power, to imbrace it? Is he not willing and deſirous that the lawes be vigorouſly executed againſt papiſts, and all perverters of this ſound doctrine? are any ſpoiled of their lawful civil libertyes? What one thing hath he done without conſent of the Peoples Repreſentatives in Parliament, at which any may except as a grievance? what burden hath he laid upon their Eſtates, but by law or by their owne conſent, in a neceſſary exigence? Anſw. 1. If the proteſtant Religion continue without variation, in the leaſt, vvhat meaneth then the bleating of the sheep and lowing of the oxen; in every ones eares? what meaneth the many Jeſuites, and Seminary Prieſts that goe up and downe the land? what meaneth the many maſſes that are uſed in ſeveral parts of that land, and in the very heart thereof, in and about Edinbrough? What church diſcipline is uſed againſt theſe? belike the Prelates have no will to trouble their old brethren, the native and faithful children of their catholick Mother, the whore of Rome, becauſe they minde, yet once againe, to take a drink of the cup of her fornications, and to returne as prodigal Children unto their former dear Mother, the bloody harlote, the mother of fornications. And hovv cometh it that one Mr. Tyry, formerly a knovvn papiſt, is admitted to a prefeſſorshipe in St. Andrewes, vvho not only cannot be reconciled to that miniſter who motioned the giving to him, that Head to handle de anticbristo Romano, but even in his theſes did aſſert that the Pope was not Antichriſt. But what is become of the Religion of the Church of Scotland, as it was reformed in doctorine, worshipe, diſcipline and government? What is become of theſe Covenants vvhichwhich were our ſtrong bulvvarks againſt propery? and vvhat is become of the many acts of Parliament ratifying and approving theſe Covenants? Are not all theſe caſt avvay? are not vve caſt open unto the aſſaults of that bloody Beaſt? what meaneth the great increaſe of the number of papiſts, ſo that the very Parliament it ſelf, in their ſtatute 8. ſeſſ. I. (a mok-act never put into execution) ſayd that the number of Ieſuites, Priests, and Papiſts did now abound more, then ever they did under the Government of his father and grand father? What meaneth the reſcinding and anulling the firſt act of the 12. parl of K. Iames 6. holden Anno 1592. in all the heads clauſes and articles thereof, in their act. 1 ſeſſ. 2. whereas that act did not alſo ratify and approve presbyterial government; but did alſo ratify and approve all privileges, libertyes, immunityes, and freedoms, granted by his hieghneſſe his Regents, in his name, or any of his predeceſſours, to the true and holy Kirk eſtablished within the Realme, and declared in the firſt act of Parliament Anno 1597. and all and whatſomeever acts of Parliament and ſtatutes, made before by his Highneſſe and his Regents, anent the liberty, and freedome of the ſaid Kirk; and particularly the firſt act of parl Anno 1581. and all other particular acts there mentioned: and this act Anno 1581. ratifieth all preceeding acts, particularly that made in the reigne of Queen Mary, Anno 1567. anent abrogating all lawes, acts and conſtitutiones, canons civil and municipal, with other conſtitutions contrare to the Religion then profeſſed, and all poſteriour acts namely ſuch as abolished the Pope and his uſpurped authority; that anulled the acts made againſt God's word and for maintainance of Idolatry, the act ratifying the confeſſion of faith of the proteſtants of Scotland; the act abolishing the Maſſe, and for punishing hearers and ſayers of the ſame: acts made, anent the admiſſion of them that shall be preſented to benefices having cure of miniſtry; anent the King's oath to be given at his coronation; anent ſuch as should beare publick office hereafter; anent teachers of ſchools; anent the juriſdiction of the Kirk; anent the true and holy kirk; anent the ratification of the liberty of the true Kirk of God and Religion; anent ſuch as are declared not to be of the true Church: And alſo the ſaid act Anno 1592. ratifieth all other acts made in favours of the Kirk, ſince the yeer 1581. So that by this late Act made Anno 1662. all the acts made in favours of the Church and of the proteſtant Religion, are annulled and reſcinded; for there is no exception added, but the ſaid act in all its heads, clauſes and articles, is declared null and voide. Where is then our legall ſecurity for our proteſtant Religion, and Libertyes of the Church? Sure theſe things preſage no good to the proteſtant Religion. But 2. What way the King doth advance this bleſſed truth of the ſaving goſpel (if he meane hereby the proteſtant Religion) we are to learne: For his publishing in print that the Papiſts have been faithful ſubjects to him and his father, whileſt others, under pretence of Religion, had involved the Kingdomes in blood; and by theſe Papiſts meaning with others the irish rebells, who, for promoving the Romish bloody deſigne, executed that bloody Maſſacre in Irland: the report whereof made all proteſtants to tremble and to ſtand aſtonished, giveth us but ſmall hopes, that ſo long as he is of that minde, he shall ever do any thing effectually for promoving or maintaineing the Proteſtant intereſt: His advanceing of Papiſts to greateſt places of publick power and truſt England, in Parliament, Council, Court, Counteyes, and the Army, ſpeakes rather an encourageing and inviteing of perſons to turn Roman Catholicks: His provideing a houſe for Fathers and friers ſpeaks out no good intention and deſigne. Let the Surveyer read what is ſaid to this purpoſe in the Preface to Naphtaly. 3. He tells us that the King is willing and deſirous, that the lawes be put in execution againſt Papiſts and perverters of ſound doctrine; But how cometh it then, that there are no ſayers of Meſſe and ſeminary Prieſts ſentenced, according to the law? Did ever the King write to the Council for ſuppreſſing of Popery. as effectually as he hath done for ſuppreſſing of conventicles? Or did he ever chide the Council, or depoſe any member thereof, or any other inferiour Magiſtrate, upon the account of their negligence in this? But be it whoſe fault it will, ſure we are there is more care taken to ſearch out conventicles, then the meetings of Papiſts or Quakers: Is the Towne of Edinburgh under ſuch a bond to ſuppreſſe meetings for Maſſe, and others of the like nature; as they are for ſuppreſſing of honeſt Proteſtants, meeting for the Worshipe of God according to the purely reformed Religion? Did ever any Arch-Prelate procure an order from his Majeſty to ſtirr up the leazye council to diligence in this matter? Wherein I pray doth either the Kings willingneſse, or the vvillingneſse of the Council, or of other Inferiour Magiſtrates to have the lawes againſt Prieſts vigorouſly put into execution, appear? And where are we then, when all Magiſtrates from the higheſt to the loweſt connive at, if not encourage countenance and approve of Papiſts, and Popish idolatry; and the true Worshipers of God are hunted out, caſt into priſones, banished into America and Tangyr, and made to ſuffer ſuch inhumane Barbarities, and all to pleaſure the perjured Prelates, who are more afrayed of a few honeſt ſeekers of God, then if legions of Papiſts were ſwarming in the Land, knowing how ſoon, they would be willing to imbrace theſe ſerpents in their boſome, and joyne with them to root out the Proteſtant intereſt; whileas they hate the truly godly with a perfect hatred, as being of principles irreconcileable with theirs, and having ends before their eyes diametrically oppoſite to what theſe intend? Yea, where are we, when almoſt all the Rules propoſed by Adam Contzens the Jeſuite, for introduceing of Popery, in his Polit. Lib. 2. Cap. 18. are ſo exactly followed: as when he adviſeth that. 1. They proceed as muſitians do in tuneing their inſtruments, gradually, and piece by piece. 2. That they preſſe the Examples of ſome eminent Men as a meane to draw the reſt. 3. That Arch-heretikes (that is moſt Zealous Proteſtants) be banished all at once, or if that cannot be done ſaifly, by degrees. 4. That ſuch be put from their dignities, and all place & power of truſt. 5. That Proteſtant Religion be made odious, by loading ſuch of their opinions, as are moſt obvious to a harsh conſtruction. 5. That they foment the quarrels that are among Proteſtant, and ſtrengthen that party that is moſt ready to comply with Rome. 7. That they diſcharge and hinder all private conventicles of Proteſtants. 8. That ſevere Lawes be made, and rigorouſly executed (though not againſt all, yet) againſt the moſt dangerous. Who ſeeth not, what a conformity there hath been and yet is, betwixt the practices of this Apoſtate, Popish, Prelatical and Malignant faction, which hath now deſtroyed the work of God, and thoſe Rules mentioned? And what lyeth latent under board the Lord knoweth. 4. He asketh the queſtion if any of the People of the Land be ſpoiled of their lawful civil libertyes? As if a man should enquire if the Sun were riſen at twelve houres of the day. Our Religion reformed in doctrine, Worshipe, Diſcipline and Government, which was one of our maine civil & moſt lawful libertyes, is taken from us. The liberty of ſupplicating, which the Law of God, the Law of Nature, and the Law of Nations allow, it taken from us. The liberty of free election of Members of Parliament, was taken away. Liberty of proteſting in Parliament was taken away. The Kings prerogative is ſcrewed up to ſuch a hieght, that it overturnes the true native libertyes of the Subjects Many honeſt Subjects are caſt into priſone, no tranſgreſſion being once alledged far leſſe proved againſt them. The due exerciſe of their Religion as was covenanted, is taken away, Lawes are not executed in a civil manner, as they ought to be among free Subjects. Iudicatories are ſet up and erected without the conſent of the People, or their Repreſentatives. Libertyes and Privileges of brughes and ſuch incorporations are taken away, unleſse they will renounce and abjure a lawful, religious, and neceſsary Covenant. The free exerciſe of juſtice eſpecially againſt Nobles, is ſtopped. The Lieges are not ruled by the Lawes of the Land, but by the arbitrary will and luſt of few Prelates and the privy Council. Will he ask now if our libertyes be taken from us? or will he call theſe unlawful? 5. He asketh in the next place, what one thing the King hath done, without conſent of the Peoples Repreſentatives in Parliament, at vvhichwhich any may except as a grievance. It ſeemeth he is either of a very short Memory, or he thinks the High commiſſion-court a very ſmall inconſiderable buſineſſe; for the conſent of Parliament vvas never had unto this inquiſition-court, neither of old, nor of late: And yet this was ſuch an heavy yoke of bondage, that made all the land to groan, and againſt which, as a moſt intolerable grievance, all the corners of the countrey could give in their exceptions. And as for this late Repreſentative (ſo called,) they have enacted many things contrare to their power and turſt, as vve have shewed: No power under heaven could enact what they have enacted: No power under heaven could anul, condemne, and reſcinde lawful Covenants made with the moſt high God: They were not in tuto to reſcinde and anull unalterable lawes, more firme and fixed, then any Lawes of the Medes and Perſians; For lawes confirmed with oathes, and ſolemne vowes to God, are not ambulatory, as other politick lawes. And therefore all the lawes being good and neceſſary in their owne nature, by the ſupervenient addition of an oath confirming and ratifying the ſame, became abſolutely unalterable by any Man or company of Men whatſoever. So that all the lawes made by King and Parliament to the prejudice of the Covenanted work of reformation, are intolerable grievances, dishonourable to God, and prejudicial to the welfare of the Subject; and to which, neither People, nor their Repreſentatives real of ſuppoſed, could ever lawfully conſent. 6. He asketh what burden he hath laid upon their Eſtates, but by Law? But this is a vaine florish, ſeing all that know what that Parliament was, know how prone and ready it was, to devote (if it could) unto the luſt of the King, the Souls, Conſciences, Eſtates, and all which the Subjects had, little regairding either the true liberty or reall advantage of the People.