The Revolution in New England Justified, Letter 1 – To the reader
The Commander in chief of thoſe that made this ſpoil (i. e.) the ſpoil which was made in the Province of Maine on the 18th of March laſt, is Hope Hood an Indian, one that was with ſundry other Indians in the ſummer 1688 ſeized by ſome of Sir Edmunds Juſtices and Commanders in the Province of Maine, and ſent Priſoners to Boſton, Sir E. being then at the Weſtward, where he continued abſent many weeks; upon his return finding the Indians in Priſon, fell into a great rage againſt thoſe Gentlemen that had acted therein, declared his reſolution to ſet them at liberty and calling his Council together, was by ſome oppoſed therein, and among others, one Gentleman of the Council accuſed this Hope Hood to be a bloody Rogue, and added that he the ſaid Hope Hood, had threatned his Life, and therefore prayed Sir E. that he might not be enlarged, but Sir E. made a flout and ſcorn of all that could be ſaid. At the ſame time ſome of the Council deſired Sir E. that this Hope Hood might be ſent for before the Council, to which he replied, that he never had had a quarter of an hours conference with any of them, and that he ſcorned to diſcourſe with any Heathen of them all, yet all this notwithſtanding, at the ſame time whilſt the Council was thus met, did Sir Edmund privately withdraw himſelf, and repair to the Priſon where this Hope Hood was Priſoner, and did there continue with him two or three hours in private, the truth of what is above related is atteſted by ſundry Gentlemen that were of Sir Edmunds Council, and were then Ear Witneſſes and likewiſe by others that ſaw Sir E. at the Priſon; and it is now verily believed that at that very time he conſulted the miſchief that is now acted by the ſaid Hope Hood and Company. Thus Mr. Dantforth.
9. That Sir Edmund Androſſe diſcountenanced making defence againſt the Indians, is complained of by five Gentlemen who were of his Council, and much concerned at his ſtrange actings in that matter as in the account annext to this Apology is to be ſeen. It is alſo confirmed by the Affidavits of two honeſt men—
Henry Kerley aged about fifty ſeven years and Thomas How aged thirty five years or thereabouts, both Inhabitants of the Town of Malborough, do both teſtifie that in the Fall of the year, 1688. When Sir Edmund Androſse came from New-York to Boſton, ſometime after the Indians had killed ſome Engliſh men at North-field in New England, coming through our Town of Malborough, the ſaid Sir E. A. examined this Deponent Henry Kerley by what Order we did Fortify and Garriſon our Houſes, I anſwered it was by order of Captain Nicholſon, the ſaid Sir E. then ſaid, he had no power ſo to do. He the ſaid Sir E. examined what Arms we made uſe of, and carried with us on the Watch, and what charge was given us, anſwer was made by the Deponent, they carried Fire Arms, and the charge was to keep a true Watch, to examine all we met with, and ſecure ſuſpicious perſons that we met with, the ſaid Sir E. ſaid what if they will not be ſecured, and what if you ſhould kill them, anſwer was made by the Deponent, that if we ſhould kill them, we were in our way, then Mr. Randolph being there in the company ſaid, you are in the way to be hanged. Sir E. A. ſaid further that thoſe perſons that had left their Houſes to dwell in Garriſons, if they would not return, others ſhould be put in that would live there.
Henry Kerley.
Thomas How.
Boſton the 27th of Decemb. 1689. Jur. Henry Kerley, and the 2d of Janu. 1689. Jur. Thomas How. Cor. Iſ. Addington. Aſſiſtant.
That Sir Edmunds High Sheriff was a Stranger in the Country, and one that had no Eſtate there needs no proof, and that Strangers who had no Freehold, were Impannelled for Jurors is notoriouſly known. So it was in the caſe of the Ipſwich-men as hath been noted, and when that Reverend perſon Mr. Charles Morton, was cauſeleſly and maliciouſly proſecuted, he was not only compelled to anſwer (contrary to Law) in another County, and not in that wherein the good Sermon they found fault with, was Preached, but that if poſſible, they might give him a blow, there was ſummoned to ſerve as a Jury man, one John Gibſon no Houſeholder nor of any Eſtate or Credit, and one John Levingsworth a Bricklayer, who lived in another Colony two hundred Miles diſtance. When thoſe in Government will uſe ſuch baſe Artifices as theſe to accompliſh their pernicious deſigns, how ſhould any mans Eſtate or Life be ſecure under them?
11. That the perſons objected againſt, were ſome of them guilty of great extortion is manifeſt from what hath been related, and may yet be further proved, for (as by ſome inſtances we have already ſeen, and ſhall now hear more) they compelled men to take Patents for their own Lands, which they, and their Fathers before them, had quietly poſſeſſed till theſe covetous Creatures became a Nuſance to the Country, and it may be none more Criminal, as to this particular, than Mr. Palmer and Mr. Weſt. — A Friend of their own viz. Mr. Randolph does in ſeveral of his Letters bitterly complain of them upon this account. In a Letter of his of Auguſt the 25th 1687. he writeth thus.
I believe all the Inhabitants in Boſton will be forced to take Grants and Confirmations of their Lands, as now intended, the Inhabitants of the Province of Maine which will bring in vaſt profits to Mr. Weſt, he taking what Fees he pleaſes to demand. I ſhall always have a due Honour and Reſpect for his Excellency, but I muſt buy his Favour at three or four hundred pound a year loſs. And in another to the ſame, June 21. 1688. he hath theſe words. I went to one Shurte, Town-Clerk of Pemyquid to know what Leaſes were made lately, and by whom, and for what quit Rent, he told me that above a year ago Captain Palmer, and Mr. Weſt produced to them a Commiſſion from Collonel Dungar, to diſpoſe of all their Lands to whoever would take leaſes at five ſhillings the hundred Acres quit Rent. They let there and at a place called Dartmouth twelve or ſixteen Miles diſtant from Pemyquid about one hundred and forty Leaſes, ſome had eight hundred or ten hundred Acres, few leſs than a hundred, ſome but three or four Acres, and all paid 2 l. 10 s. for paſſing their Grants of 100 Acres of Wood Land, with twenty Acres of Marſh where ever it could be found, but this bred a great miſchief among the People; few or none have their Land meaſured or marked, they were in haſte, and got what they could, they had their Emiſſaries amongſt the poor people, and frighted them to take Grants, ſome came and complained to the Governour, and prayed him to confirm their Rights, which he refuſed to do, the Commiſſion and whole proceeding being Illegal, having notice they were to be under his Government, they reſented it, but it ſerved their turn. The poor have been very much oppreſſed here, the Fort run all to ruine, and wants a great deal to repair it, Captain Palmer and Mr. Weſt laid out for themſelves ſuch large lots. and Mr. Graham though not there, had a Childs Portion, I think ſome have eight thouſand or ten thouſand Acres. I hear not of one penny rent coming in to the King, from them who have their Grants confirmed at York, and the five ſhillings an hundred Acres was only a Sham upon the People: at our return we ſaw very good Land at Winter Harbour, enough to make large ſettlements for many people. The Governour will have it firſt meaſured, and then ſurveyed, and then will diſpoſe of it for ſettlements, Mr. Graham and his Family are ſetled at Boſton, he is made Attorney General, and now the Governor is ſafe in his New-York Confidents, all others being Strangers to his Council. 'Twas not well done of Palmer and Weſt to tear all in pieces that was ſetled and granted at Pemyquid by Sir E. that was the Scene where they placed and diſplaced at pleaſure and were as Arbitrary as the great Turk, Some of the firſt ſetlers of that Eaſtern Country were denied Grants of their own Lands, whilſt theſe men have given the Improved Lands amongſt themſelves of which I ſuppoſe Mr. Hutchinſon hath complained. In another, May the 16th 1689. he ſays; I muſt confeſs there have been ill men from New-York, who have too much ſtudied the diſeaſe of this people, and both in Courts and Councils, they have not been treated well. Thus does Edward Randolph, a Bird of the ſame Feather with themſelves confeſs the truth, as to this matter, concerning his Brother Palmer and Weſt.
And that Oppreſſive Fees have been extorted by Indigent and Exacting Officers is declared by Mr. Hinckley the preſent Governour of New-Plymouth in his Narrative of the Grievances and Oppreſſions of Their Majeſties good Subjects in the Colony of New-Plymouth in New-England, by the Illegal and Arbitrary Actings in the Late Government under Sir E. A. which Narrative is too large to be here inſerted, but it is poſſible it may be publiſhed by it ſelf, whereby it will appear that every corner in the Countrey did ring with complaints of the Oppreſſions, and (to ſpeak in Mr. Palmer's phraſe) horrible Ʋſages of theſe ill Men. Some paſſages out of Mr. Hinckley's Narrative reſpecting this matter, we ſhall here Tranſcribe, whoſe words are theſe which follow.
The Bill of Coſt Taxed by Judge Palmer ſeems alſo to be the greateſt Extortion ever heard of before, as thrice twenty Shillings for three motions for Judgment at the ſame Term, (and was it not their courteſie they did not move ten times one after another at the ſame rate) and Taxed alſo, five pound for the Kings Attorney, and one and twenty Shillings for the Judges, and ten Shillings for the Sheriff, and other particulars as by the ſaid Bill appeareth, and that which makes it the greater Extortion is, that the whole Bill of Coſt was exacted of every one of them, which each of them muſt pay down, or be kept Priſoners till they did, though all ſeven of them were jointly informed againſt in one Information. Thus Mr. Hinckley.
The cry of poor Widows and Fatherleſs is gone up to Heaven againſt them on this account; for the Probate of a Will and Letter of Adminiſtration above fifty Shillings hath been extorted out of the hands of the Poor, nay they have been ſometimes forced to pay more than four Pounds, when not much above a Crown had been due. Let Andrew Sergeant and Joſeph Quilter among many others ſpeak if this be not true, who were compelled to Travel Two Hundred Miles for the Probate of a Will, and to pay the unreaſonable and oppreſſive Fees complained of,—
Beſides theſe things, under Sir Edmund's Government they had wicked ways to extort Money when they pleaſed. Mr. William Coleman complains (and hath given his Oath accordingly) that upon the ſuppoſed hired Evidence of one Man he ſuſtained Forty Pound damage in his Eſtate. And there were complaints all over the Countrey that Sir Edmund's Exciſe-men would pretend Sickneſs on the Road, and get a Cup of Drink of the Hoſpitable People, but privately drop a piece of Money, and afterwards make Oath that they bought Drink at thoſe Houſes, for which the Innocent Perſons were fined moſt unreaſonably, and which was extorted from them, though theſe Villanies were declared and made known to thoſe then in Power. William Goodhue, James and Mary Dennis might be produced as Witneſſes hereof, with many more. Some of Sir Edmund's Creatures have ſaid, That ſuch things as theſe made his Government to ſtink. Alſo John Hovey and others complain of ſuſtaining Ten Pound damages by the Extortion of Officers, though never any thing (they could hear of) was charged upon them to this day, John and Chriſtopher Of good complain of their being ſent to Priſon nine or ten days without a Mittimus, or any thing laid to their charge, and that afterwards they were forced to pay exceſſive charges — It would fill a Volume, if we ſhould produce and inſert all the Affidavits which do confirm the truth of theſe complaints.
In the time of that unhappy Government, if the Officers wanted Money, it was but Seizing and Impriſoning the beſt Men in the Countrey for no fault in the World, and the greedy Officers would hereby have Griſt to their Mill. Thus was Major Appleton dealt with. Thus Captain Bradſtreet. Thus that worthy and worſhipful Gentleman Nathaniel Salſtoriſhal Eſquire was ſerved by them and barbarouſly proſecuted, without any Information or Crime laid to his charge; for he had done nothing worthy of Bonds, but it was the pleaſure of Sir E. and ſome others thus to abuſe a Gentleman far more Honourably deſcended than himſelf, and one concerned in the Government of N. E. before him, but (to his Eternal Renown) one who refuſed to accept of an Illegal and Arbitrary Commiſſion, when in the Reign of the Late K. James it was offered to him —
We have now ſeen a whole Jury of complaints which concur in their Verdict againſt Sir E. A. and his Confederates. Were theſe things to be heard upon the place, where the Witneſſes who gave in their Affidavits are reſident, they would amount to legal proof, as to every particular which was by the Agents of the Maſſachuſetts Colony in N. E. objected againſt Sir E. A. and others Seized and Secured by the people there.
Moreover, there are other matters referring to Sir E. A. which cauſed great, and almoſt Univerſal Jealouſie of him. For, 1. His Commiſſion was ſuch as would make any one believe that a Courtier in the time of the Late King James ſpoke true, who ſaid Sir E. A. was ſent to New-England on purpoſe to be a Plague to the people there. For he with three or four more (none of them choſen by the people, but rather by that Implacable Enemy who proſecuted the Quo Warranto's againſt their Charters, had power given them to make Laws, and raiſe what Moneys they ſhould think meet for the ſupport of their own Government, and he had power himſelf alone to ſend the beſt and moſt uſeful Men a Thouſand Miles, (and further if he would) out of the Countrey, and to Build Cities and Caſtles (in the Air if he could) and demoliſh them again, and make the Purſes of the Poor people pay for it all. Such a Commiſſion was an unſufferable grievance, and no honeſt Engliſhman would ever have accepted of it, or acted by it —
Secondly Jealouſies were augmented by his involving the Countrey in a War with the Indians, by means whereof he hath occaſioned the Ruine of many Families and Plantations; yea the Death, or Captivity of we know not how many Souls. For he went (with the Roſe Frigat, and violently ſeized, and took, and carried away, in a time of peace all the Houſhold Goods and Merchandiſes of Monſieur Caſteen a Frenchman at Penobſcot who was Allied to the Indians, having Married the Daughter of one of their Princes whom they call Sagamores or Sachems; and when this was done, it was eaſie to foreſee, and was generally concluded that the French and Indians would ſoon be upon the Engliſh, as it quickly came to paſs. After the Flame was kindled, and Barbarous Outrages committed by the Indians, Sir Edmund's managery was ſuch as filled the Countrey with greater fears of an horrid deſign. For Bloody Indians whom the Engliſh had ſecured, were not only diſmiſſed, but rather courted than puniſhed by him.
3. It cannot be expreſt what juſt and amazing fears ſurprized the People of New-England, when they had notice of the Late King James's being in France, leſt Sir E. A. whoſe Governour and Confident he was, ſhould betray them into the Power of the French King, other circumſtances concurring to ſtrengthen theſe fears. The Mohawks and other Indians were in hoſtility againſt the French, and it was very advantagious to the Engliſh Intereſt to have it ſo, but Sir E. cauſed them to make a Peace with the French, whereby the French Intereſt in thoſe parts was ſtrengthened, and the Engliſh weakened. Mr. Peter Reverdy (a French Proteſtant) in his Memoirs concerning Sir E. A. complains of this.
After that Sir E.A. and his Complices were ſecured, ſuch reports and informations came to hand, as made New-England admire the Divine Providence in accompliſhing what was done againſt the late Oppreſſors. They then ſaw the perſons from whom they ſuſpected the greateſt danger, were now incapable of betraying them—
If an unaccountable Inſtinct and Reſolution had not animated the Inhabitants in and about Boſton, to ſeize on thoſe few men, the People there believe N. E. would have been in the hands not of King William but King Lewis e're this day: For in Sept. 1689. ſeveral Veſſels belonging to N. E. were taken near Canſir in America by ſome French Men of War. The Priſoners ſince at liberty, inform, that the French told them, that there was a Fleet of Ships bound from France directly for Boſton in N. E. but ſome of them were taken by the Engliſh Ships of War, and three or four of them loſt at New-found-land, and that Sir E. A. had ſent to the French King for them to come over, and the Countrey ſhould be delivered up. And the Lieutenant of a French-man of War profeſſed, that if Sir E. A. had not been impriſoned, they would then have gone to Boſton. This ſhews what a good Opinion the French had of him, and ſuch reports ſo teſtified made a ſtrange impreſſion on the ſpirits of the People throughout the Countrey: And that the World may ſee we do not write Fictions of our own, the ſubſequent Affidavits are produced and here inſerted.
John Langford of Salem teſtifieth, That he being in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, Daniel Gygles Commander, they were taken by the French Ships off of Tarbay in America near Canſir on Tueſday the 17th day of September laſt paſt, and being put on board of the Admiral, viz. The Lumbuſcado, and in the ſaid Ship carried a Priſoner to Port Royal, and then did hear ſeveral of the Company on board the ſaid Ship ſay, that they came directly from France, and that there was ten or twelve Sail of them Ships of War that came in company together, but ſome of them were taken upon the Coaſt of France, and ſome were loſt ſince, and that they were all bound directly for N. E. and that Sir E. A. late Governour of N. E. had ſent to the French King for them to come over, and the Countrey ſhould be delivered up into his hands, and that they expected that before they ſhould arrive, it would have been delivered into the hands of the French.
John Langford.
Benjamin Majery of Salem Jerſey-man alſo teſtifieth, That he being taken the ſame day, and at the ſame place in the Ketch Diligence, Gilbert Peters Commander, as is aboveſaid in the Evidence of John Langford, he heard the ſame related, by ſeveral of the company on board the other French Ship of War that was in company with the Lumbuſcado; viz. The Frugum, ſo called, that there was ten Sail of them came out directly from France together; that Sir E. A. late Governour of N. E. had ſent to the King of France for them to come over, and he would deliver the Countrey into their hands, and that they were bound directly for Boſton in N. E. but had loſt moſt of their Ships coming over.
The mark M of Benjamin Majery.
John Langford and Benjamin Majery both made Oath to the truth of theſe their reſpective Evidences in Salem, Novemb. 23. 1689.
Before me John Hathorne Aſſiſtant.
Joſhua Conant teſtifieth, That he being Commander of the Ketch, Thomas and Mary of Salem, he was taken by three French Ships off from Tarbay, near Canſir, upon Tueſday the 17th of September laſt, two of which were Ships of War, the other a Merchant-man, and being put on board the Admiral, viz. the Lumbuſcado, and therein carried to Port-Royal, a Priſoner, Mr. Mero told me that the French on board told him, that there was ten Sail of them Ships of War came out in company together from France, and that they came directly from France, and were bound to Boſton in N. E. and that Sir E. A. had ſent to the French King for them, and that the Countrey was to be delivered up into their hands; but having loſt ſeveral of their Ships in their Voyage, and hearing that Sir E. A. was taken, and now in hold, ſhould not proceed at preſent, but threatned what they would do the next Summer.
Joſhuah Conant.
Joſhuah Conant perſonally appeared before me, and made Oath to the truth of the aboveſaid Evidence.
Salem, Novemb. the 23d. 1689. John Hathorne Aſſiſtant.
Phillip Hilliard of Salem, Jerſey-man teſtifieth, That he was taken by the French in a Ketch belonging to Salem; viz. The Thomas and Mary, Joſhua Conant. Commander off from Torbay, near Canſir, this Autumn Septemb. 17. and being carried on board the Lumbuſcado, did on board the ſaid Ship hear ſeveral of the company ſay, that there was about twelve Sail of them Ships of War, came out in company together from, France, and were bound directly for Boſton in N. E. and that Sir E. A. the late Governour there had ſent into France for them to come over.
The mark 8 of Phillip Hilliard.
Phillip Hilliard perſonally appeared before me, and made Oath to the truth of the aboveſaid Evidence.
Salem, Novemb. the 23. 1689. John Hathorne Aſſiſtant.
James Cocks of Salem Mariner teſtifieth, That he was taken by the French in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, Daniel Gygles Commander on Tueſday the 17th of September laſt paſt off from Tarbay near Canſir by two French Ships of War, who had one Merchant-man in company with them, and he being carried on board their Admiral, viz. the Lumbuſcado, he there met with a man he had known in London, one of the ſaid Ships Company, who was a Biſcay born, named Peter Goit, who told him that there was thirteen Ships of them came out of France in company together, and that they were bound directly for Boſton in New-England, expecting that the Countrey was before, or would be at their coming delivered up to the King of France, and told him, before they could get clear of the Coaſt of France, ſeveral of their Ships were taken by the Engliſh Ships of War, and the reſt of their Fleet taken or diſperſed and loſt about New-found-land.
The mark SS of James Cocks.
James Cocks perſonally appeared before me, and made Oath to the truth of the aboveſaid Evidence.
Salem, Nov. 23. 1689. John Hathorne Aſſiſtant.
But as to one of the Crimes objected againſt Sir E. A. and his Arbitrary Complices, Habemus confitentem reum. Mr. Palmer cannot deny but that they levied moneys on the King's Subjects in New-England, contrary to the fundamentals of the Engliſh Government, which doth not allow the impoſition of Taxes without a Parliament. The New-Englanders ſuppoſed that their late Oppreſſors had been guilty of no leſs than a capital Crime by their raiſing Money in ſuch a way as they did; and we are aſſured that one of them after he received, and before he acted by vertue of his illegal Commiſſion from the Late King, profeſſed, that if ever he had an hand in raiſing a penny of Money without an Aſſembly, his neck ſhould go for it; and yet no man that we know of had a deeper hand in it than this perſon had. But Mr. Palmer, for the juſtification of this ſo foul a buſineſs, laies down ſeveral Poſitions which he would have no man deny; One of his Poſitions is, That it is a fundamental Point conſented to by all Chriſtian Nations, That the firſt diſcoverer of a Countrey inhabited by Infidels, gives a right and dominion of that Countrey to the Prince in whoſe ſervice and employment the diſcoverers were ſent. Theſe are his words, p. 17. We affirm, that this fundamental Point (as he calls it) is not a Chriſtian, but an unchriſtian Principle. It is controverted among the School-men, an dominium fundatur in gratiâ, Papiſts are (as Mr. Palmer is) for the affirmative, but the Scripture teaches us to believe that foreign the Heathen Nations, and the Sons of Adam, and not the Children of Iſrael only, have a right to the Earth, and to the Inheritance which God hath given them therein, Deut. 32.8. When Mr. Palmer hath prov'd that Infidels are not the Sons of Adam, we ſhall conſent to his notion, that Chriſtians may invade their Rights, and take their Lands from them, and give them to whom they pleaſe, and that the Pope may give all America to the King of Spain. But let him know, that the firſt Planters in New-England, had more of conſcience and the fear of God in them, than it ſeems Mr. Palmer hath. For they were not willing to wrong the Indians in their Properties; for which cauſe it was that they purchaſed from the Natives their right to the Soil in that part of the World, notwithſtanding what right they had by vertue of their Charters from the Kings of England. Mr. Palmer's Poſition is clearly againſt Jus Gentium & Jus Naturale, which inſtructs every man, Nemini injuriam facere. He that ſhall violently, and without any juſt cauſe take from Infidels their Lands, where they plant, and by which they ſubſiſt, does them manifeſt injury. And let us know of Mr. Palmer if Chriſtian Princes have power to diſpoſe of the Lands belonging to Infidels in the Weſt-Indies, whether they have the like Dominion over the Lands belonging to the Infidels in the Eaſt-Indies, and if theſe Infidels ſhall refuſe to conſent that ſuch Chriſtians ſhall poſſeſs their Lands, that then they may lawfully Vi & Armis expel or deſtroy them, as the Spaniards did! We may ſend Mr. Palmer for further inſtruction in this point to Balaam's Aſs, which ingenuouſly acknowledged that her Maſter (though an Infidel) had a Property in, and right of Dominion over her, Numb. 22.30. But this Gentleman hath ſome other Aſſertions which he would have us take for poſtulata, and then we ſhall be his Slaves without all peradventures. He tells us in page 17, 18, 19. that the Engliſh Plantations (in particular New-England) are no parts of the Empire of England, but like Wales and Ireland, which were Conquered, and belong to the Dominion of the Crown of England, and that therefore he that wears the Crown, may ſet up Governments over them, which are Deſpotick and Abſolute, without any regard to Magna Charta, and that whereas in Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, &c. they have their Aſſemblies, that's only from the favour of the Prince, and not that they could pretend Right to ſuch Priviledges of Engliſhmen.
And now we need no further diſcovery of the man. Could the people of N. E. who are zealous for Engliſh Liberties ever endure it long, that ſuch a perſon as this ſhould be made one of their Judges, that ſo by ſqueezing them, he might be able to pay his Debts? And can any rational man believe, that perſons of ſuch Principles did not Tyrannize over that people when once they had them in their cruel Clutches, and could pretend the Authority of the late King James for what they did? In our opinion Mr. Palmer hath not done like a Wiſe man thus to expoſe himſelf to the juſt reſentments and indignation of all the Engliſh Plantations. If ever it ſhould be his chance to be amongſt them again, what could he expect but to be lookt on as communis Hoſtis, when he thus openly declares that they have no Engliſh Liberties belonging to them? —That worthy Gentleman Sir William Jones (who was Attorney General in the Reign of King Charles the ſecond) had certainly more underſtanding in the Law than Captain Palmer, and yet Captain Palmer (we ſuppoſe) is not ignorant that when ſome propoſed, that Jamaica (and ſo the other Plantations) might be governed without an Aſſembly, that excellent Attorney (not like Captain Palmer but like an Engliſhman) told the then King, That he could no more Grant a Commiſſion to Levy Money on his Subjects there without their conſent by an Aſſembly, than they could diſcharge themſelves from their Allegiance to the Engliſh Crown; and what Engliſhmen in their right Wits will venture their Lives over the Seas to enlarge the Kings Dominions, and to enrich and greaten the Engliſh Nation, if all the reward they ſhall have for their coſt and adventures ſhall be their being deprived of Engliſh Liberties, and in the ſame condition with the Slaves in France or in Turky! And if the Colonies of N. E. are not to be eſteemed as parts of England, why then were the Quo Warranto's iſſued out againſt the Government in Boſton as belonging to Westminster in Middleſex! Are the Engliſh there, like the Welſh and Iriſh a Conquered people? When Mr. Palmer hath proved that, he hath ſaid ſomething. They have (through the Mercy of God) obtained Conqueſts over many of their Enemies, both Indians and French, to the Enlargement of the Engliſh Dominions. But except Mr. Palmer and the reſt of that Crew will ſay, That his and their domincering a while was a Conqueſt, they were never yet a Conquered People. So that his alledging the caſe of Wales and Ireland before Engliſh Liberties were granted to them, is an impertinent Story. Beſides, he forgets that there was an Original Contract between the King and the firſt Planters in New-England, the King promiſing them, if they at their own coſt and charge would ſubdue a Wilderneſs, and enlarge his Dominions, they and their Poſterity after them ſhould enjoy ſuch Priviledges as are in their Charters expreſſed, of which that of not having Taxes impoſed on them without their own conſent was one. Mr. Palmer and his Brethren Oppreſſors will readily reply, Their Charter was condemned. But he cannot think, that the Judgment againſt their Charter made them ceaſe to be Engliſhmen. And only the Colony of the Maſſachuſetts had their Charter condemned. And yet theſe Men ventured to Levy Moneys on the Kings Subjects in Connecticott Colony. For the which Invaſion of Liberty and Property they can never anſwer. Indeed they ſay the Corporation of Connecticott ſurrendred their Charter. But who told them ſo? It is certain, that no one belonging to the Government there, knoweth of any ſuch thing; and how their Oppreſſors ſhould know that Connecticott made a Surrender of their Charter when the Perſons concerned know nothing of it, is very ſtrange. We can produce that written by the Secretary of that Colony with his own Hand, and alſo Signed by the preſent Governour there, which declares the contrary to what theſe Men (as untruly as boldly) affirm. Witneſs the words following.
In the Second year of the Reign of King James the Second, we had a Quo Warranto ſerved upon us by Edward Randolph, requiring our appearance before His Majeſties Courts in England, and although the time of our appearance was elapſed before the ſerving of the ſaid Quo Warranto, yet we humbly petitioned His Majeſty for his Favour, and the continuance of our Charter with the Priviledges thereof. But we received no other favour but a ſecond Quo Warranto, and we well obſerving that the Charter of London and other conſiderable Cities in England were condemned, and that the Charter of the Maſſachuſetts had undergone the like Fate, plainly ſaw what we might expect, yet we not judging it good or lawful to be active in ſurrendring what had coſt us ſo dear, nor to be altogether ſilent, we empowered an Attorney to appear on our behalf, and to preſent our Humble Addreſs to His Majeſty, but quickly upon it as Sir E. A. informed us, he was empowered by His Majeſty to Receive the Surrender of our Charter, if we ſaw meet ſo to do, and us alſo to take under his Government. Alſo Colonel Thomas Dungan His Majeſties Governour of New-York, laboured to gain us over to his Government. We withſtood all theſe motions, and in our reiterated Addreſſes, we Petitioned His Majeſty to continue us in the free and full enjoyment of our Liberties and Properties, Civil and Sacred, according to our Charter. We alſo Petitioned that if His Majeſty ſhould not ſee meet to continue us as we were, but was reſolved to annex us to ſome other Government; we then deſired that in as much as Boſton had been our old Correſpondents, and a people whoſe Principles and Manners we had been acquainted with, we might rather be annexed to Sir E. A. his Government, than to Colonel Dungans, which choice of ours was taken for a reſignation of our Charter, though that was never intended by us for ſuch, nor had it the Formalities in Law to make it ſuch. Yet Sir E. A. was Commiſſionated to take us under his Government, purſuant to which about the end of October 1687. he with a Company of Gentlemen and Granadeers to the number of Sixty or upwards came to Hartford the Chief Seat of this Government, cauſed his Commiſſion to be read, and declared our Government to be diſſolved, and put into Commiſſion both Civil and Military Officers throughout our Colony as he pleaſed. When he paſſed through the principal parts thereof, the good people of the Colony though they were under a great ſenſe of the injuries ſuſtained thereby, yet choſe rather to be ſilent and patient than to oppoſe, being indeed ſurprized into an involuntary ſubmiſſion to an Arbitrary Power —
Robert Treat Governour. John Allen Secretary. Hartford, June 13. 1689.
Thus did Sir E. A. and his Creatures, who were deeply concerned in the Illegal Actions of the Late Unhappy Reigns, contrary to the Laws of God and Men, commit a Rape on a whole Colony; for which Violence it is hoped they may account, and make reparation (if poſſible) to thoſe many whoſe Properties as well as Liberties have been Invaded by them —
Captain Palmer in the cloſe of his partial account of N. E. entertains his Readers with an harangue about the Sin of Rebellion, and miſapplies ſeveral Scriptures that ſo he might make the World believe that the people of N. E. have been guilty of wicked Rebellion by their caſting off the Arbitrary Power of thoſe ill men who invaded Liberty and Property to ſuch an intolerable degree as hath been proved againſt them. But does he in ſober ſadneſs think, that if when Wolves are got among Sheep in a Wilderneſs, the Shepherds and Principal men there ſhall keep them from Ravening, that this is the Sin of Rebellion condemned in the Scripture? How or by whoſe Authority our Lawyer comes to play the Divine we know not. But ſince he hath thought meet to take a Spiritual Weapon into his hand, let him know that the Scripture ſpeaks of a lawful and good Rebellion, as well as of that which is unlawful. It is ſaid of good Hezekiah that he Rebelled againſt the King of Aſſyria and ſerved him not, 2 Kings 18.7. Indeed reviling Rabſhakch upbraided him, and ſaid as in verſe 20. thou Rebelleſt (not unlike to Captain Palmer) ſaying to N. E. thou rebelleſt. Hezekiahs predeceſſours had baſely given away the Liberties of the people, and ſubmitted to the Arbitrary Power of the Aſſyrians, and therefore Hezekiah did like a worthy Prince in caſting off a Tyrannical Government, and aſſerting the Liberty of them that were the Lords People, and God did ſignally own and proſper him in what he did, and would never permit the Aſſyrian to regain his Tyrannical Power over Jeruſalem or the Land of Judah, though for their tryal he permitted their Enemies to make ſome Devaſtations among them. The like (we hope) may be the happy caſe of New England. Mr. Palmer tells us, that N. E. hath valued it ſelf for the true profeſſion and pure exerciſe of the Proteſtant Religion, but he intimates that they will be termed a Land full of Hypocriſie and Rebellion, Irreligion, and a degenerate wicked people, p. 39. And is this the Sincerity and Chriſtian Moderation which he boaſts himſelf of in his Preface? Surely theſe are the Hiſſings of the Old Serpent and do ſufficiently indicate whoſe Children the men are that uſe them. Since he will be at Divinity, let him (if he can) read the Apologies written by Juſtin Martyr, and Tertullian and there ſee if Pagans did not accuſe Chriſtians of Old juſt after the ſame manner, and with the ſame Crimes that he wickedly upbraids that Good and Loyal People with. Who are they that uſe to call the Holieſt and moſt Conſcientious men in the World, Hypocrites, Liars, Rebels, and what not? but they that are themſelves the greateſt Hypocrites, Liars, and Rebels againſt Heaven that the Earth does bear? It is hard to believe that Captain Palmer does not rebel againſt the light of his own Conſcience, when he affirms as in Page (38) that in N. E. every thing that hath any relations to their Majeſties is neglected, and unregarded without any recognition of their Authority over thoſe dominions. He cannot be ignorant of the humble Addreſſes which the people in N. E. have from time to time made to their preſent Majeſties, acknowledging their Authority. He knows that on the firſt notice of their Majeſties being proclaimed King and Queen in England, both thoſe now in Government in N. E. and the body of the people with them, did (without any command) of their own accord, with the greateſt Joy proclaim their Majeſties in N. E. he knows that their Majeſties have no ſubjects more cordially and zealouſly devoted to them than thoſe in N.E. are, or that do with greater fervour pray for their long and happy Reigns, or that are more willing to expoſe themſelves to the utmoſt hazards in their ſervice, and yet this man that knoweth all this, to caſt an Odium on that Loyal and Good people, inſinuates as if they were Rebels, and diſaffected to the Preſent Government, and deſigned to ſet up an Independant Common Wealth, and had no regard to the Laws of God or Men. After this lying and malicious rate hath he expreſt himſelf— What Rational Charity can be extended ſo far as to believe that 'tis poſſible for him to think that what himſelf hath written is true? When Sanballat wrote that Nehemiah and the Jews with him intended to Rebel, did he believe what he had written? no, he did not, but feigned thoſe things out of his own heart. The like is to be ſaid of thoſe Sanballats that accuſe the people of N. E. with thoughts of Rebellion. And ſo we have done with Mr. Palmer. What hath been ſaid is ſufficient to juſtify the Revolution in N. E. and to vindicate the People there from the Aſperſions caſt upon them by their Enemies. Several Worthy Gentlemen have under their hands given an account concerning ſome of Sir Edmund's Arbitrary proceedings, which is ſubſcribed by five (and more would have concurred with them had there been time to have communicated it) of thoſe who were of Sir Edmunds Council during his Government there, and for that cauſe their complaints carry the more weight with them, which ſhall therefore as a Concluſion be here ſubjoined.
Reader,
THere is ſuch Notoriety as to Matter of Fact in the preceding Relation, that they who Live in New-England are ſatify'd concerning the Particulars contained therein. If any in England ſhould Heſitate, they may pleaſe to underſtand that Mr. Eliſha Cooke, and Mr. Thomas Oakes (who were the laſt Year ſent from Boſton to appear as Agents in behalf of the Maſſachuſetts Colony) have by them Atteſted Copies of the Affidavits (at leaſt wiſe of moſt of them) which are in this Vindication publiſhed, and are ready (if occaſion ſerve) to produce them.
FINIS.
End of the text · Edward Rawson, The Revolution in New England Justified (1691)