The Conformists Third Plea, Text (1 of 3)

The Conformists Third Plea · Text (1 of 3)

p. 1THE Conformiſt's Third Plea FOR THE NON-CONFORMISTS.

WE may think a Suſpenſion of Severity, and a powerful Interpoſition between the Threatning and the Execution, would be proper and ſeaſonable, of great Service and Advantage; but the infinitely wiſe God, Saviour, and King of his Church, whoſe Thoughts are deep and unſearchable, may think it ſufficient, that they that love him have his Promiſe, that all things ſhall work together for good to them. Let them that are inſtructed to know his Will, do it, and that know his Promiſes, believe him, and that have renounced the World, freely part with their ſmall ſhare in it. But to me the ſtate of things appears dark, confuſed, and diſconſolate; and being engaged further than I thought at firſt, the ſame Motives that prevailed with me before, prevail'd with me to go on, not from a private or factious Diſcontent, but to prevent, as much as I can, the horrid Sins of ſome, and the greivous Sufferings of others, and to diſcharge mine own Duty, which will bring the greateſt Peace, to my now grieved, broken, and afflicted Spirit.

But to come to ſome ſpecial matter; give me favour to run over theſe four things.

I. To repreſent the State of our Times.

II. The Sufferings of the Proteſtant Diſſenters.

III. For what.

IV. By whom they ſuffer.

p. 2I. We are a moſt ſinful, and ſinfully divided Generation, ſo broken, that none but God can keep us from falling to pieces, like a Pot-ſheard broken, like a broken earthen Veſſel, in which there is no pleaſure. Our Reaſon cannot propoſe, nor conſult Expedients to make us whole and happy, becauſe Intereſts, worldly Policy, and a contemptible Art, or private Cunning to get, or ſave, the things that periſh in their uſe, and by their Abuſe undo and ruine the Owners, doth ſtir up Sedition in our Paſſions againſt our Reaſons. The Goſpel hath been ſo generally deſpiſed, that it hath not begotten in us a Faith and Love that unites to Chriſt, and to one another: We have not Faith enough to purify our Hearts, to overcome the World, to act as for a Crown of Glory, and a Kingdom that cannot be moved. If we believed a World to come, how little ſhould we ſtrive for this! If we had Love enough to cover a multitude of Sins, to forgive one another, to love as Brethren, and our Neighbour as our ſelves, we ſhould not be ſo jealous and ſuſpicious, nor contentious, nor ſelfiſh, as we are. One great thing is wanting, which is the Wiſdom from above, deſcribed by St. James, Chap. 3.17. Which is firſt pure, then peaceable, gentle, eaſy to be entreated, full of Mercy and good Fruits, without Partiality, without Hypocriſy.

There is a great Reproach caſt upon the Church, and the greateſt of all caſt upon the Diſſenters, as Dividers; but it is an ignorant or malicious Reproach, for there is nothing whole but the Church and Body of Chriſt: They are united to Chriſt, the Prince of Peace, by one Spirit, Faith and Love, and to one another by the ſame Bonds and Principle; Schiſm and Faction are from the Fleſh and Devil. No ſooner do Joſeph and his Brethren know one another to be Brethren, but they fall upon one anothers Necks, and kiſs, and weep, and repent of all their Unkindneſſes, and expreſs the deareſt Love. Paul and Barnabas diſſent and part, but both agree to promote the Kingdom of Chriſt. They that are not, and will not be reconciled to God, are the great Dividers and Breakers of the Peace; they are made up of Luſts of the Fleſh, which divide and draw ſeveral ways for their Satisfaction: Whence come Wars and Fightings? come they not hence, even of your Luſts, which war in your Members? There is Diſſention in the Mind, and in the Paſſions, between the Law in the Mind and Heart, and the Luſts of the Mind and Fleſh, till the Conſcience comes to be paſt feeling, and the Sinner falls under a reprobate Mind, and then what Confuſion follows? when they call Good Evil, and Evil Good? put Darkneſs for Light, and Light for Darkneſs? what open Defiance is bid to God and Chriſt! what diſſenting from, and Nonconformity to the ſacred Baptiſmal Covenant? the holy Rules of a Goſpel-Converſation? There is a Law of Faith, of Love, of Repentance, and the Penalty is heavy upon them p. 3that do not obey it; there is a Law of Righteouſneſs, of following Peace and Holineſs, without which no Man can ſee the Lord: Who tranſgreſs theſe Laws, and multitudes more? Yea, who is the Man that is guilty of all? And, what Sin ſo great now a days, and in all times, as Nonconformity? Who rob by the High-ways, who kill and ſteal, who curſe and damn? who have Wo? who have Sorrow? who have Contentions? who have Bablings? who have Wounds without cauſe? Who have Redneſs of Eyes? Nonconformiſts. Who make the greateſt Trouble to Juſtices and Magiſtrates? Nonconformiſts. Who fill Priſons and breake them? Who take leave of the World at Tyburn, and other Places? Nonconformiſts. Who draw Swords, ſend Challenges, fight Duels, and murder one another firſt with Wine and Drink, and then kill their dear Companions? Nonconformiſts and Diſſenters. But now, there is a Diſtinction to be made, ſome Diſſenters are tolerable, and ſome intolerable; the drunken Nonconformiſt is tolerable, he hath not only taken the Oaths, but ſwears: the other is a ſober Nonconformiſt, and taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, will not acquit him, and he is intolerable. The Nonconformiſts that aſſemble to worſhip God are intolerable; and thouſands that worſhip him not at all, are too commonly let alone. But are not Malefactors puniſhed? yes, they are, but their Crimes are againſt Civil Peace, or Righteouſneſs, and not immediately for Irreligion. But the Nonconformiſt Diſſenters from arbitrary and variable Impoſitions, are puniſhed heavily and ſmartly, for religious aſſembling, and no other Cauſe, as is proved in the ſecond Plea, and is cleared hereafter.

And upon this, the Kingdom is extreamly divided and troubled. There is a mighty Party in the Land, that build upon another, and a new Foundation, though by them called old. But Proteſtants agree in the ſame Foundations of Religion, obey the ſame Civil Government in the ſame Perſon, and ſame Fundamental, and Civil Laws; and yet ſome are ſeparated for Sacrifice; the Lot is caſt upon them, and great Rewards allowed to any that will do the Work. Our Parliaments from 1673, to the laſt, would have prevented this Ruine; but for their ſakes and their own,Parliament is here taken Synecdochically. they are now like to ſuffer. Our laſt Parliaments were choſen with leſs Expence, Debauchery, Tumult, or Faction, than any we have known in our days: Some had not been long in the Houſe, but they were driven out of their former Prejudices and Prepoſſeſſions, by the clear and convincing Reaſons and Debates of the Houſe. They were generally Men of the nobleſt Eſtates in their ſeveral Counties, but acting as if they had nothing private or domeſtick, and applying themſelves to the Preſervation of the King's Sacred Perſon, p. 4and of the Reformed Proteſtant Religion, to which they are obliged by Obligations of an even laſting Effect. Since their Diſſolutions, they cannot but be ſenſible how their Proceedings are confured and expoſed, and many, either of them or of ſuch as approved of them, are put out of Commiſſion, and many that are moſt diſaffected to them are either continued, or fill up the Vacancies; and theſe proceed upon contrary Reaſons, and Motives, and run into contrary Methods: What they would have compoſed and healed, theſe do (taking the opportunity of a long Vacancy of Parliament) diſcompoſe, with a greater Severity than at any time before. And the Sufferings of the Nonconformiſts do clear the Members of Parliament from being Nonconformiſts, or Fanaticks; for if they were, they ſhould meet with the like Treatment and Uſage, and ſo the Sufferings of the Nonconformiſts ſerve as a Vindication of the Parliament from the cenſure of being ſuch themſelves. All thoſe noble and worthy Patriots are now the unſatisfied Spectators of an exceſſive Trouble and Charge; if not irrecoverable Ruine of thouſands of peaceable Subjects, by which the King will never be enriched, nor the Church united. The inferior Rank are affected according to their differing meaſures of Reaſon, and Senſe of Religion, and the publick Good. The more Underſtanding and diſcerning, enquire into the Cauſe of this Miſchief, which is the diſſent of the Nonconformiſt's Judgment from ſome unneceſſary and variable Impoſitions, &c. when ever the Government plenſeth may be taken away without derogation of Power, or loſs of any Fundamental in Religion, either of Belief or Practice, or danger to the Government or Peace: They cannot but ſay, theſe matters of Diſſention need not be. They believe their own Senſes, they have neither ſeen, nor heard of any Sedition, or Tumult, or Plot contrived among the Proteſtant Diſſenters. They know them to be Men of Abilities, Piety, Righteouſneſs and Peace, and have waded through the deep Waters of many Afflictions, without ſinking or drowning, or overthrowing the Ship in which too many drive a Merchandize, bring in Wealth, and others fiſh for Men, to ſave them from the bottomleſs Pit. If they are unacquainted with the Nonconformiſt Preachers, they are acquainted with their Hearers, and know their Principles, and Converſation, and if they are not better, they are no worſe than other Men, and cannot but be grieved, that they lie at the Mercy of many that have no Vertue to commend them. They that love Godlineſs and Righteouſneſs in any, in whom they believe or hope it is, that are glad for the increaſe of Knowledg or Godlineſs, by what Inſtrument ſoever, and endeavour to be merciful, as their heavenly Father is merciful, are not, and cannot be pleaſed with thoſe Proceedings, of ruining Men for Conſcience: Theſe are not ſo ſubtile as to lay any great Weight upon p. 5the Diſtinctions which ſome Men invent to excuſe the Severity. The more unknowing and unconcern'd are in a maze, wondring what kind of People theſe Nonconformiſts are; what kind of thing this Nonconformity is; but they know, or hear that the Men are given to pray, hear Sermons, ſing Pſalms, and other pious Exerciſes, and live, if not better, yet no worſe than many that go to Church: And of theſe many have ſo much Senſe, that they think and ſay ſurely, it is hard to drive honeſt Men's Cattel, ſeize their Goods, break open Houſes, for doing well. And as many as love Eaſe and the World, take their Eaſe, and follow that Religion, which is encouraged with Preferment, and a Freedom from Charge and Moleſtation.

Some Zealots againſt Nonconformiſts are incenſed againſt them, as againſt Phariſees, that pray to devour all; as againſt ſeditious Perſons, and ſecret Traitors, that want nothing but Opportunity, as againſt the Authors of all our Unſettlements and Miſeries. Theſe are for the King, and who is againſt him? Theſe are for the Law, as now eſtabliſhed, and no alteration? which is to tie up the Power of the King, as much as the Parliament, for it is as much his Prerogative to abrogate old Laws when neceſſary, as to make new. Theſe are for the Church of England, and againſt all that are againſt it; and what's that? for the Biſhops; and the Nonconformiſts never did as much as petition to take them down, or diminiſh their Revenues: they are for preaching in Churches, and ſo are Nonconformiſts if they might; for Allegiance to the King, ſo are the Nonconformiſts; for the King's Supremacy, ſo are the Nonconformiſts; for Ceremonies and Orders of the Church: here they begin to diſagree: And for theſe things can you perſecute your Brethren? Theſe Zealots are as erroneous for theſe things, as any others are againſt them. The moſt of our Conforming-Proteſtant Laicks are bound to bear Offices, higher or lower, in Cities, Towns, Hundreds, Pariſhes. The ſuperiour Magiſtrates may forbear to break open Meetings for Religious Exerciſes, or ſet others on, much more to animate the Rabble to pluck down their Meeting-Houſes; there is no Law for it, that we, the unskilful in the Laws, know, or hear of: The inferior are under Command, but theſe are meant of only lawful Commands, and legal Warrants. And here is now a very diſpleaſing Tragedy to be ſeen. Here are Informers, very Strangers in the Countries, which they plague and moleſt, that ſwear againſt ſome Perſons by hear-ſay, whom they do not know; and theſe are the great Miniſters of Juſtice, they do little leſs, nay ſometimes no leſs than expect the Juſtices ſhould take their Information without Examination of them, at their time, at the very nick, when they pleaſe, and not when the Juſtice pleaſeth: Theſe are the Maſters of the Juſtices themſelves, who muſt ſerve p. 6them, or forfeit 50 l. to them, and 50 l. more to him that can get it. Some Juſtices are forward and officious in carrying on this Work of Reformation and Union, they iſſue forth Warrants upon them that meet, upon the Pariſh Officers that are ſlack; ſome give out Warrants to break open Houſes for diſtreſs, ſome are cautious how they go ſo far. The diſſenting Subject keeps up cloſe, and upon his Market-day keeps his Shop ſhut, as if he were broken, or hid his head from Serjeants, yea, from worſe Men than common Bailiſſs: The Informer keeps the Street, and hath whom he pleaſeth at his command. The Pariſh Officer is in a threefold Difficulty or Strait: 1. The Juſtice of Peace fines him, and threatens worſe to him, if he doth not make diſtreſs. 2. It goes againſt his Nature and his Love to his Neighbour, Friend, Kinſman; it goes againſt his Conſcience to diſtrain the Goods, and ſpoil the Trade, and beggar innocent Children, he cannot do it; but if he do not, he ſhall rue it himſelf; he is ſined, and he is further threatned. The Informer is now pro tempore, his ſuperior Officer, he muſt execute his Warrants. 3. He is in another Difficulty: If he break into his Neighbour's Houſe, he is told he cannot juſtify it by Law, by ſome ſage Counſellors; the owner of the Houſe and Goods may ſue him for breaking into his Houſe: He is told he hath but one Remedy, when he is ſued, the Juſtice will ſtand by him, and the Favour of the Court, and Partiality of a Jury, will be his Defender: But really, is not this an hard caſe, that a Man muſt ruine others, or be ruined? and do theſe Actions look as if they did really rejoyce that they are ruled by Law? when without Law, or againſt Law, he proceeds in hopes of Favour: And what is all this for, but to get Money for the chief Ruler, the noble Informer! the Shame and Scourge of his Country. Gentlemen and Magiſtrates that have Wiſdom to foreſee, and ſenſe of what they ſee, are diſquieted in their Minds; the Envious, in hope of encreaſing their own Trade, are more modeſt than to approve it, and they who are Scorners of Religion, make merry at it. And this is a true, but imperfect face of the times; and I divulge no Secrets.

II. The Sufferings of the Nonconformiſts have been courſely and darkly opened in the two former Pleas, and will be more particularly ſet forth in what follows. Their former Sufferings come upon them again, and that with the Addition of more Weight and Violence, many have by an indecent Art done what they can, to ſhut up both his Majeſties Eyes and Heart. I call it indecent, becauſe we owe a greater Reverence to the King, they have thanked him for his ruling by Law, and declared their Adherence to the Church of England as eſtabliſhed by Law: As ſoon as they have done this, they crave leave to execute the Laws p. 7upon Diſſenters, as if they would take the King at his Word, and while the Gracious Declaration was freſh, that there might be no room for wonted Mercy and Indulgence, except he ſhould recede from his Royal Word, almoſt as ſoon as ſent abroad; They ſeem to oblige the Biſhops and the Church, by declaring for it as eſtabliſh'd, and thereby tied their Tongues and Pens from ſupplicating for their Proteſtant Brethren; for if they do, they will be interpreted to act contrary to themſelves, and their own Eſtabliſhment: and no doubt but many a fair Story is told them, of I know not what inviſible Machinations againſt them: They muſt look on while a Courſe is taken, which will reflect upon them and their Government, as much, if not more, than a tolerated Nonconformity. The more diſcreet, and moderate ſort of Magiſtrates are look'd upon as ſavouring of Parliamentary Notions, either are left out of the Commiſſions of Lieuetenancy and Peace, or act not at all, or act by way of Mitigation of Rigor; the moſt declaredly oppoſite to the Parliaments, to Proteſtant Diſſenters ſeem to act alone; therefore the Law falls with multiplied Aggravations upon Preachers and People. What was argued by way of Conſequence in the ſecond Plea, proves now to be true, as if it had been a Prophecy. The Diſſenters are fined for ſo many Meetings paſt: That there are Fines upon the Officers of one little Market-Town, for neglecting to break their Neighbours, amounting to 200 l. and the Fines upon one Preacher and his Hearers come to about 1000 l. if they may be exactly levied. What is the Caſe of Populous Places! They ſuffer ſpiritually, bodily, really, and relatively: A Man cannot marry his Daughter to a Diſſenting Proteſtant, but he is like one that throws away her Portion; a Man cannot put a Child apprentice to a Diſſenting Proteſtant, but he is in danger of loſing his Money, and his Son of loſing his Trade, by his Maſter's not being able to follow it, nor to hold; many of them are in as bad a caſe as the Papiſts, if the Laws were fully executed upon them: for ſome Proteſtants are returned into the Exchequer, and their Eſtates under Compoſition, and the Parts that are left to them are liable to other Laws againſt them. But if the Executioners of the Laws ſtop at the Compoſition, there would be ſomething left certain to them: But the remaning two Parts are ſubject to theſe Laws, the Oxford and five Mile Act, and this againſt Conventicles, and to the Eccleſiaſtical Courts beſides; they are obnoxious to Excommunications, Significavits, Writs de Excommunicatio capiendo, to Baniſhment and Abjuration, and Felony if they abjure not: Some queſtion whether that Act of Q. E. 35. be in force, but ſeveral are brought in danger of it as if it were, beſides to all manner of Taxes and Payments. They are more hardly uſed than Papiſts: Some have paid 20 l. and 5 s. over and over: But now their whole Eſtates p. 8will not ſatisfy the Demands of Informers and Warrants. The only way that Men of Eſtates have, is to become Tenants and Servants to ſecure them, by making them over in Truſt. The Miſeries of their Souls are not yet reckoned by me, to prevent which, they have ventured long by hearing ſuch Miniſters as they conceived moſt profitable: But now for endeavouring to flee from the Wrath to come, they are fallen under the Vengeance of cruel and mercileſs Informers, and to ſave their Souls, have brought Ruine upon their Eſtates.

III. And what is all this for? It is for Nonconformity; which may be conſidered two ways.

1. Privatively, not conforming.

2. Poſitively, being Nonconformiſts to the Laws of Uniformity, preaching, and holding Religious Exerciſes, this is the Preachers Crime; the Crime of the People is hearing, or joyning with them in ſuch Exerciſes of Religion, as are without controverſy neceſſary and profitable. This, and only this, is the cauſe of all thoſe many, and great Sufferings of every kind which they have endured, and under which no man can comfortably ſtand without Faith, Self-denial, Contentment, and the Conſcience of well-doing, and the hope of Eternal Life, the great Recompence of Reward! And this being the Cauſe, and the ſole Cauſe of their Sufferings, it is ſuch as calls for Pity and great Tenderneſs, and is no juſt Cauſe of their many Moleſtations, and bitter Sufferings, as I intend to ſhew in my following Diſcourſe, as God ſhall help me.

IV. By whom, and from whom, and through whoſe means they are now again expoſed to Sufferings. I cannot ſhew the Spring of the Motion, but any Man may ſee the Hands that ſtrike, and tell us what time of day it is: I do very much doubt whether the moſt engaged Inſtruments do know whoſe Work they carry on, this is my Charity; but if they do, I dare ſay, what they cannot hear without either great diſpleaſure, horror or repentance. But they are,

1. Such as cannot take it ill to be called Addreſſers and Abhorrers, but they (as far as I can look about me and ſee) particularly that have thanked the King for declaring his Reſolutions of ruling by Law, which if any of the Nonconformiſts had expreſſed a doubt or fear of, had been a far greater Offence than their Nonconformity. They have declared for the Proteſtant Religion as eſtabliſhed by Law, and yet puniſh them that profeſs the ſame, and no other.

2. And by Conſequence, they are ſuch as have declared a diſlike of the Proceedings of our late Parliaments, and in that particular of endeavouring the uniting of Proteſtant Diſſenters, in which alone I am p. 9concerned to take notice of them, and act directly contrary to the Vote of the Houſe of Commons, which reſolved, That it is the Opinion of this Houſe, Lunae 10 die Jan. 1680.that the Proſecution of Proteſtant Diſſenters upon the penal Laws, is at this time grievous to the Subject, a weakning to the Proteſtant Interest, an Encouragement of Popery, and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom; And by the Rule of Oppoſition, they muſt in their Opinions turn this Vote backward, as if they thought that the Proſecution of Proteſtant Diſſenters upon the preſent Laws, is not grievous to the Subject, is not a weakening of the Proteſtant Intereſt, is not an encouragement of Popery, nor dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom: Certainly they muſt be ſuppoſed to hold this, as contrary to the general and unanimous Judgment of the far greater Number: for, as Nemine Contradicente, doth not contain every particular Man's Vote; ſo it doth no leſs than imply a Conſent, or that to declare a Diſſent is to no purpoſe; there is no Diviſion of the Houſe upon it; only if they do not hold this, contrary to the Houſe, they muſt act both irrationally and deſperately in this ſenſe. Altho the Houſe of Commons declared their Opinion to be ſo; yet I a Juſtice, or I an inferiour Officer, will proſecute the Proteſtant Diſſenters, or execute the Penal Laws upon them, tho it be a weakening of the Proteſtant Intereſt, altho it be an Encouragement to Popery, and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom. Or if this Conſequence from theſe Proceedings be too harſh, and cenſorious, I will mollify it as much as it is capable of a mollified Conſtruction: Let this be the Opinion of the Proſecutors now. The Execution of the Penal Laws, is not grievous to the Subject; that is, it is grievous but to ſome, and not to all: it is not grievous to the Subject, becauſe it is not grievous to them, and then we ſhall have a Diſcrimination of Subjects; to this ſenſe. They only, who execute the Laws, or approve of it, are the only Subjects of the King; or that the Diſſenters can ſuffer Puniſhments, and the Puniſhments not be grievous to them. Or, that the Diſſenters are not Subjects, but Rebels (a ſort of quiet Rebels certainly) may we never ſee any other than ſuch unarmed quiet Rebels! Again, they muſt think, that the Execution of the Laws upon them, is no weakning of the Proteſtant Intereſt; that is to ſay, they are no Proteſtants. And now the meaning is plain, that there are no Proteſtants amongſt us, but thoſe that are of the Church-Government eſtabliſhed by Law, and are of it, or ſubmit to it; or that read, or joyn in the Liturgy, or do all that the Law requires; that is, the Act of Uniformity, and then a Queſtion will ariſe, Where was the Proteſtant Religion before 1662, or before the laſt Long-Parliament? Or, where is it like to be, when theſe Proteſtants no-Proteſtant-Diſſenters are cut off? where it was before Luther. p. 10If only the Conformiſts are the Proteſtants, then what ſort of them? If only one ſort of them, then the Catholick Church of England may be not much bigger than ſome great Conventicle, or great Pariſh. They who make this Separation of Proteſtants, are Separatiſts and Diſciples, the National Tutors and Inſtructors, in ſuch wholſome and profitable Doctrine, both in Divinity, and Politicks. If Confirmity, tota in toto, &c. makes the Proteſtant, and be convertible with him, it makes as good a Definition of a Proteſtant, as of a Man by Accidents. A Man is a rational Creature, that wears curled Locks, long Hair, Hoſe and Shoos, &c. or of a Philoſopher, he is a Scholar that wears a Beard, &c.

But to go on, they may be thought to be of Opinion, that to puniſh Diſſenters, is no Encouragement to Popery; for when they have rooted them up, then they will root up Popery, as if they could not come at thoſe great Oaks, before they have cut up the Bruſh-wood. Or laſtly, they do not think it dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom, to ſuppreſs Diſſenters. 1. Becauſe they know that the Diſſenters, when undone, will not moleſt or diſturb the Peace of the Kingdom. Or elſe, 2. Becauſe they intend to make them ſo poor, that they ſhall not be able to diſturb the Peace. Or, 3. Becauſe it is the only way of Peace.

But here again, a Queſtioniſt ſets upon me as I go peaceably on in my Diſcourſe. If the Diſſenters are not dangerous to the Peace of Kingdom, why are they diſturb'd, and their Meetings broken up as ſeditious Meetings?

2. If they are dangerous, and their Meetings feditious, then whether are they more dangerous, when they are pleaſed, quiet, and in Peace, or when they are provoked? When they enjoy Trades, Liberty, and Eſtates, or when they are impriſoned and undone?

To conclude this Head: If our zealous Proſecutors think, as the Houſe of Commons did, in their foreſaid Vote; then why will they act contrary to that general Opinion? or if they are of a contrary Opinion, as I have ſaid: then follows,

3. A third Branch of the Deſcription of the Proſecutors. They are ſuch as do not, yea cannot underſtand the State of the Kingdom, and Religion ſo well as the Houſe of Commons did.

1. No one Man of them can underſtand the true State of the Kingdom, as a Grand Aſſembly of our Repreſentatives did.

2. Nor all of them: for when the Repreſentatives of the Kingdom met, they had ſuch Informations given in, and brought before them, and ſaw what was inviſible to others; there was a Collection of Obſervations, and the Eyes of moſt of the Kingdom moved in that great Body, and their Debates and Reaſonings were mature, and full. And tho a Vote have not the Formality and Force of an Act, yet it is p. 11the firſt Matter and Original of an Act, out of which an Act doth ariſe.

3. This Vote was not of private Concernment, in which, Intereſt makes Men partial, but it was of Concernment to the Church and Kingdom. But many of the firſt movers in the Proſecution, and of the Inſtruments in it, act from a private Spirit, and a particular Intereſt, and find neither Concurrence from any, that are at liberty, and act as Freemen, nor Approbation from the Standers-by; except the few that know not what they do, and care not what others do, any more than Gallio.

Laſtly, the inferiour ſort, are Informers and Inferiour Officers, Conſtables, and Church-wardens, &c. of theſe, there is not one of many, but what abide ſevere Threatnings, and heavy Fines, conſidering their Eſtates, before they diſtrain. This way is contrary to the very common Senſe of Chriſtians, and ordinary Men. But the Informers are a ſelect Company, whom the long Suffering of God permits for a time, of whom I will ſay but little in this place: They are of no good Reputation; for their Knowledg in the Country, they do not know the Names, or Perſons of ſome of them that are moleſted by them; they go by report of their under-Servants or Complices; they are unknown to them that ſuffer by them, until they ſuffer: They come two or three Counties off, to ſet up this new Trade; whether they are Papiſts or (nominal) Proteſtants, who can tell? They never come to Church, not to their own Pariſh-Churches, but lie in wait and ambuſh. Their Eſtate is inviſible, their Country unknown to many; their Morals are as bad as the very Dregs of the Age. Theſe are they that direct and rule many of the Magiſtrates, and live upon the ſpoil of better Chriſtians and Subjects than themſelves; And who go away with honeſt Mens Goods, honeſtly gotten, but they? To whom I have a great deal to ſay in the latter Part, if I can hold my Pen without trembling, while I write of them.

The Subſtance of what I intend to diſcourſe upon, is contained in theſe three Heads.

I. I will ſhew the Cauſe of the Sufferings of the Nonconformiſts.

II. Argue for a Ceſſation of this forcible Courſe againſt them.

III. Apply the whole to the Inſtruments of their Sufferings, whether they be Magiſtrates, Miniſters, Informers, or others.

I. The only Cauſe of their Sufferings, is their Nonconformity. Of this I have ſpoken as fully as I thought needful at that time, both in p. 12the Firſt Plea; opening the hardneſs of their Caſe, in the Second Plea. Firſt Plea, from p. 14, &c. Second Plea, p. 10, 11.I muſt reaſſume this Head anew, for a further Information of the World, and Amplification of the thing, in reference to their Suflerings; and lay both before the Conſcience of the Chriſtian Reader, who may propoſe this Caſe of Conſcience, as riſing from it, Whether the Nonconforming Chriſtians and Proteſtants ought to ſuffer as they do, and what they do, meerly for Nonconformity.

For the opening of this Point once again, I will conſider Nonconformity as above-ſaid.

1. Privatively, and paſſively, as not doing what the Law requires.

2. Poſitively and actively, as doing what the Law forbids.

1. Take Nonconformity in the firſt Senſe, and what is it but not ſubſcribing, or refuting to ſubſcribe to what is required, and not declaring what is required to be declared in the Act of Uniformity? and by conſequence, not doing as is required in the Act, or the Common-Prayer; here lies their Nonconformity; and hence the Name is taken.

2. They do not refuſe all and every Condition therein required of them. It is not poſſible that I ſhould particularly relate what Particular-Men do ſcruple, and ſtick at; ſome can do more than others can; but they who can do moſt, cannot do all required.

They are by ſome counted worſe than Papiſts; looked upon as a fort of ignorant, erroneous, obſtinate, unreaſonable Men, ſeditious, and ſchiſmatical, that obey neither King, nor Biſhops, nor Church; and are ignorantly, and ſcornfully called Theſe Men, and theſe kind of People, as if they were a ſtrange odd ſort of People, wilfully bent upon their own Way, Deluſions, and Fancies, as if they carried the Sparks of Rebellion, and the Seeds of Hereſies, and falſe Doctrine in their Hearts, and kindled them in their Conventicles.

But know that they are as obedient, regular Subjects as any in the King's Dominions, ſave in one Defect, or Omiſſion, which is Subſcribing, Swearing, Declaring according to a particular late Act of Uniformity, and Corporation. And to them that wonder at them, that cenſure, condemn, and afflict them, I give this ſhort Diſtinction, and Account of them.

1. The Preachers and Teachers, are Men brought up in Learning, in Schools and Univerſities, or in Univerſity Learning, if not in the Univerſities. The older ſort have for the moſt part, taken Degrees in the Univerſities, were in former times ordained by Biſhops, and had conformed p. 13to all, or the principal things required by the old Act of Uniformity. The middle-aged among them have had the like Learned Education, and are Miniſters, either ordained by Biſhops, or by Presbyters, or elected and choſen by particular Congregations, and ſet apart for that Work by Faſting and Prayer, if not alſo, by Impoſition of Hands. The younger ſort, have Education in Learning, in Schools, Tongues, Arts and Sciences, the ſame that are taught in our Univerſities, though they are taught out of the Univerſities, in a more private way, and have not the Titles of Graduates in Arts and Divinity. In a word, they are (tho in different Degrees and Proportion, ſome more, and ſome leſs) learned, pious, painful, ſelf-denying, able, and ſucceſsful Miniſters, and orderly, and peaceable Subjects according to all other Laws, as any of us are: Their Hearers are like other Men, bred up in Trades, and Callings, as other Men are, as is commonly and univerſally known.

In ſhort, let them that think ſtrangely of them, as theſe Men, and theſe kind of Men, receive this impartial Character of them:☜ The Nonconformiſts are Chriſtians, believing all the Articles of the Chriſtian Faith; that obſerve whatſoever Chriſt commanded his Apoſtles to obſerve, and teach; that obſerve all the Ordinances of the Goſpel, according to the general Rules of the Goſpel-Worſhip, Government and Diſcipline (according to the beſt of their Underſtandings, and Prudence); that obey every Ordinance of Man for the Lord's ſake; that are ſubject to Principalities and Powers; that obey Magiſtrates, that live by the Law of Love, and Rightcouſneſs; that have their Converſation according to the Goſpel, as other Chriſtians, or as the beſt of other Chriſtians do, and that ſubmit, obſerve, and obey all Laws of the Kingdom, as other Subjects do; ſave the aforeſaid Act of Uniformity, and Subſcriptions and Oaths of late Years impoſed, and never before.

And this Character of them, contains matter of Anſwer to the many Queſtions, Accuſations and Cenſures raiſed upon them. They are reported to be factious, fanatical, unlearned, unordained, rebellious, and unreaſonable Men, diſloyal, diſobedient, againſt the King and all Government, Decency and Order, as if they were for all Sects and ſorts of Religion, allowing all Men to do what ſeemeth good to them: But in this ſhort Deſcription of them, you may find an Anſwer to vulgar and popular Objections againſt them, and more fully ſpoken of in the two former Pleas.

In the Second Plea, p. 10, 11, 12. I have ſaid, that the Difference between the Nonconformiſt, (commonly, but unduly and unſitly called Presbyterian) and the Conformiſt, is to be ſeen and gathered from the King's own Declaration about Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, which they would have ſubmitted to, if it had been turned into an Act of Parliament, and the Act of Uniformity.

p. 14I ſhall now further enlarge upon that Notion, and ſhew you what the King declared, and what they would have accepted; becauſe many that think and ſpeak hardly of them, do not know how things ſtood at that time, and what that Declaration is.

In the Year 1660, after that General Monk, (made Duke of Albemarle afterwards by the King) declared himſelf for a Free-Parliament, and by the Counſel and Aſſiſtance of the City of London, reſtored the Members of the old Parliament, that were ſhut out by ſome of the Army, before ever they could bring about their Deſigns againſt the King's Life; and there was a wiſe and good Council of State choſen: many of the Royal Nobility, and Gentry, and ſome Divines, put out a Declaration, in which are theſe words.

And we do further declare, that we intend by our quiet and peaceable Behaviour, to teſtify our Submiſſion to the preſent Power, as it now reſides in the Council of State, in Expectation of the future Parliament, upon whoſe Wiſdom and Determinations, we truſt God will give ſuch a Bleſſing as may produce a perfect Settlement both in Church and State. This was ſubſcribed by the Marqueſs of Dorcheſter, and twenty Earls and Lords, ſeveral Noble-Men, about thirty two Baronets and Knights, and between eighty and an hundred Gentlemen, among whom is Mr. Roger L'Eſtrange (then a Chriſtian, profeſſing Reconciliation, promiſing with the reſt, To ſpeak one Language, to be of one Name (not Whig and Tory) that all mention of Factions and Parties, and all Rancor may be thrown in and buried like Rubbiſh under the Foundation: Theſe are the words of it; but as Dr. Collings of Cambridg ſaid once, Then was then, and now is now; one Iriſh Biſhop ſubſcribed it, and four Doctors of Divinity, and the firſt of them was Dr. Morley, the yet-living Lord Biſhop of Wincheſter. How gladly did all honeſt Men receive this Declaration, as tending to a firm Reconciliation, and afterwards to a laſting Union, and univerſal Peace, not ſo much as a name of Faction or Difference to be kept in memory! neither did any ſuſpect the meaning of burying all Factions and Animoſities, like Rubbiſh under the Foundation, to be, as now ſome Mens Actions and Writings explain it, that Factions and Animoſities do lie under the Foundation, which is at this day ſhaken, being ſo underlaid; Faction and Animoſity will not lie buried, but riſe and walk.

In April 1660, That hoped-for Parliament met; and to the Speakers of both Houſes,His Majeſties Letter from Breda, April, 14. 1660, pag. 6. His Majeſty ſent his Letter, and Declaration from his Court at Breda; in his Letter, I read theſe Words, relating to Religion. — And nothing can be propoſed to ſhew our Zeal and Affection for it, to which we will not readily conſent; and we hope in due time, our Self to propoſe ſomewhat to you, for the Propagation of it.

p. 15In his Declaration ſent therewith, are theſe words.

— We do declare a Liberty to tender Conſciences, and that no Man ſhall be diſquieted, or called in queſtion for differences of Opinion in matter of Religion, which do not diſturb the Peace of the Kingdom. — In October 25 1660, His Majeſty was pleaſed to ſend out his Declaration concerning Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, in which he was pleaſed to remember and repeat the (fore-cited) words of his Letter, whereby it is clear, that that which he had long in his Mind, to propoſe for the Propagation of Religion, was the Contents of this Declaration, — Adding in the next Sentence, Pag. 4. And the truth is, We do think our Self the more competent to propoſe, and with God's Aſſiſtance, to determine many things now in difference, from the time we have ſpent, and the Experience we have had in moſt of the Reformed Churches abroad. And beſides what is quoted out of it in the Second Plea, pag. 65. he hath theſe words, We muſt for the honour of all thoſe of either Perſwaſion, with whom we have conferred, declare that the Profeſſions and Deſires, of all for the advancement of Piety and true Godlineſs are the ſame, their Profeſſions of Zeal for the Peace of the Church the ſame; of Affection and Duty to us the ſame: They all approve of Epiſcopacy; they all approve of a ſet Form of Liturgy; and they all diſprove and diſlike the Sin of Sacriledg, and the Alienation of the Revenue of the Church; and if upon theſe excellent Foundations, in ſubmiſſion to which, there is ſuch an Harmony of Affections, any Superſtructures ſhould be raiſed, to the ſhaking thoſe Foundations, and to the contracting and leſſening the bleſſed Gift of Charity, which is the vital part of Chriſtian Religion, we ſhall think our ſelves very unfortunate. Pag. 8. We have not the leaſt doubt, but that the Preſent Biſhops will think the preſent Conceſſions now made by us, to allay the preſent Diſtempers, very juſt and reaſonable, and will very cheerfully conform themſelves thereto. Thus the King declares his Confidence of the Biſhops Compliance with his Propoſal, and Declaration, which is thus contracted.

1. Our purpoſe is to promote the Power of Godlineſs, to encourage the Exerciſe of Religion, both publick and private; that the Lord's day be applied to holy Exerciſes; that inſufficient, negligent, and ſcandalous Miniſters be not permitted in the Church; to prefer none to be Biſhops, but Men of Learning, Vertue and Piety, that they be frequent Preachers, &c.

2. Becauſe the Dioceſſes are too large, we will appoint Suffragan Biſhops, for the due performance of the Work.

3. No Biſhops ſhall ordain or exerciſe any Juriſdiction without Advice of the Presbyters; no Chancellour or Commiſſary ſhall decree any Excommunication or Abſolution; nor ſhall the Deacons exerciſe any Juriſdiction without the Advice and Aſſiſtance of ſix Miniſters.

4. That (Cathedral) Preferments ſhall be given to the moſt learned, and pious Presbyters of the Dioceſs; and that an equal number (to p. 16thoſe of the Chapter) of the ableſt Presbyters, of the Dioceſs annually choſen by the major Vote of the Presbyters, ſhall be always adviſing and aſſiſting with thoſe of the Chapter, in all Ordinations, and every the part of Juriſdiction and Cenſures.

5. That Confirmation be ſolemnly performed, by the Information and Conſent of the Miniſter of the place; who ſhall admit none to the Lord's Supper, till they make a credible Profeſſion of their Faith; Care be taken to inſtruct and reform the ſcandalous, whom the Miniſter ſhall not receive to the Lord's Supper, till they have openly declared their Repentance. The rural Dean, with three or four Miniſters of the Deanary, choſen by Miniſters of the Deanary, ſhall meet once a Month, to receive Complaints and Preſentments, to compoſe Differences, reform things amiſs by Admonitions, and to preſent ſuch things to the Biſhop, as cannot be reformed by their paſtoral Perſwaſions; to ſee that all the younger ſort be carefully inſtructed, before they be confirmed.

6. No Biſhop ſhall exerciſe any Arbitrary Power.

7. — Since we find ſome Exceptions made againſt ſeveral things in the Liturgy; we will appoint an equal number of Divines of both Perſwaſions, to review the ſame, and to make ſuch Alterations, as ſhall be thought moſt neceſſary, and ſome additional Form, and it ſhall be left to the Miniſter to chuſe one or other. In the mean time, we deſire that Miniſters would read thoſe parts, againſt which there lies no Exceptions; yet in compaſſion to them that ſcruple it, our Will and Pleaſure is, that none be puniſhed or troubled for not uſing it, until it be effectually reformed, as aforeſaid.

8. We gratify thoſe who are grieved with the uſe of ſome Ceremonies, by indulging to, and diſpenſing with their omitting thoſe Ceremonies: and leave all Deciſions about them, to the Advice of a National Synod.

None ſhall be denied the Lord's Supper for not kneeling; none compelled to uſe the Croſs, it ſhall be lawful to him that deſires to uſe the Croſs, to have ſuch Miniſters as will uſe it; and if the proper Miniſter refuſe to omit it, the Parent ſhall get another Miniſter that will, to baptize his Child. None compell'd to bow at the Name of Jeſus. The Surplice left to liberty, except the Royal Chappel, Cathedral Churches, or Colledges in Univerſities. Thoſe that cannot ſubſcribe the Canon, and take the Oath of Canonical Obedience, ſhall only take the Oath; of Allegiance and Supremacy; that none forfeit his Benefice, that ſubſcribes all the Articles of Religion, which only concern the Confeſſion of the true Chriſtian Faith, and the Doctrine of the Sacraments. He repeated again his Declaration of Liberty of Conſcience before cited; — And p. 17conclude, and in this place to explain what we mentioned before, That we hoped in due time, to propoſe ſomewhat for the Propagation of the Proteſtant Religion, that will ſatisfy the World, that we have always made it both our Care and our Study, and have obſerved enough, what is moſt like to bring Diſadvantage to it. We do conjure all our loving Subjects to acquieſs, and ſubmit to this our Declaration, concerning thoſe Differences which have ſo much diſquieted the Nation at home, and given ſo much Offence to the Proteſtant Churches abroad, &c.

The Parliament which reſtored the King, then ſitting, thanked him for this Declaration; the Divines of London, called the Presbyterian, did alſo thank him for it: and I never was acquainted with any conforming Divine, that did not approve of it, more than of the exact Conformity afterwards required; and I cannot but think, if a Scrutiny were to be made, but more Miniſters of Learning, Plety and Experience, that are not biaſſed with Preferments, would judg it a far better Expedient for our Peace, and the Propagation of the Proteſtant Religion (as his Majeſty ſpeaks) than our tried Strictreſs and Rigor; yea, I doubt not but many of our conſiderable dignified Clergy, are, or would be, of the ſame mind.

After this, the King gave a Commiſſion according to his Declaration, to an equal number of Divines, to review, and reform the Common-Prayer. The Presbyterian Divines (as they were called) preſented their Exceptions to the Biſhops and Commiſſioners, who returned them an Anſwer, not favouring of fatherly Condeſcention, nor giving hopes of a deſirable Cloſure, not as much as to leave the uſe of a Ceremony at liberty and free; and by the ſtile it ſeems to be written by one or more of the Doctors, and not by the Biſhops themſelves. To this the other Commiſſioners replied, which was not thought worth their notice, ſo much as to give them another gentle Rebuke.

When the four Months, allowed for the Debates and Confultation, were expired, the Commiſſioners, who were ſlighted, preſent a Petition and due Account of the matter to the King, and ſay thus. And tho the Account which we are forced to give to your Majeſty, of the Iſſue of our Conſultation, is, that no Agreements are ſubſcribed by us, to be offerered to your Majeſty according to your Expectation; and tho it be none of our intent to caſt the leaſt unmeet Reflection upon the Right Reverend Biſhops, and learned Brethren, who think not meet to yield to any conſiderable Alterations, to the Ends expreſſed in your Majeſties Commiſſion, yet we muſt ſay it is ſome quiet to our Minds, that we have not been guily of your Majeſties and Subjects Diſappointments, and that we account not your Majeſties Gracious Commiſſion, and our Labour loſt, having Peace of Conſcience in diſcharge of our p. 18Duty to God and you, that we have been the Seekers and Followers of Peace, and have earneſtly pleaded, and humbly petitioned for it. And we humbly beſeech your Majeſty to believe that we own no Principles of Faction or Diſobedience, nor patronize the Errors and Obſtinacy of any. — It is the deſire of our Souls to contribute our Parts and Intereſt to the uttermoſt, for the promoting of Holineſs, Charity, Unity, and Obedience to Rulers in all lawful things; but if we ſhould ſin againſt God, becauſe we are commanded, who ſhall anſwer for us, or ſave us from his Juſtice? — And we know that conſcientious Men will not conſent to the practiſing of things, in their Judgment unlawful, when thoſe may yield who count the matter indifferent—. We muſt not believe that when your Majeſty took our Conſent to a Liturgy, to be a Foundation that would infer our Concord, you meant not, we ſhould have no Concord, but by conſenting to this Liturgy, without any conſiderable Alteration —. We moſt humbly beſeech your Majeſty, that the benefit of the ſaid Declaration, may be continued to your People, and in particular, that none be puniſhed or troubled for not uſing the Common-Prayer, till it be effectually reformed, and the Addition made as theſe expreſs.

They preſented to the Biſhops and the other Commiſſioners the Reformation of the Liturgy, and a moſt humble, grave, pathetical Petition, called the Petition for Peace; towards the end, the addreſs themſelves to them in theſe Words, Grant us but the Freedom which Chriſt and his Apoſtles loſt unto the Churches; uſe neceſſary things as neceſſary, and unneceſſary things as unneceſſary; and charitably bear with the Infirmities of the weak, and tolerate the tolerable while they live peaceably, and then you will know when you have done; and for the Intolerable, we beg not your Toleration, &c.

I am ſenſible I have been long upon this hiſtorical Retroſpect of theſe Paſſages, to inform thoſe who ſeem not to know, or remember theſe things; Yet I cannot go on without leaving ſome Animadverſions and Remarks upon them.

1. We might have ſeen the diſagreeing Parties running into an Union under the King, as their ſupream lawful Head and Governour. The reputed Presbyterian comprehending a great, powerful, conſiderate, ſubſtantial part of the Kingdom, moſt cloſe and deliberate in Counſel, active in Endeavours, fervent in Prayer with their Miniſters for the Reſtauration of the King and the ancient Government, watching all Opportunities, and uſing all means to engage General Monk, and his well diſciplined, and moſt Presbyterian part of the Army, to declare for the reſtoring the ſecluded Members in order to a free Parliament, and that in order to bring back the King. The moſt eminent of the Royal Party, declaring a Reconcilableneſs, and Oblivion of all Sufferings, p. 19acknowledging the Hand of God in them all. And the King to compleat and perfect all, by laying a Top-ſtone, as well as the Foundation of the Temple of Peace, gathers all Parties into himſelf; ſome by Comprehenſion in a wider Conſtitution, others by a ſafe indulgent Toleration, which if granted, had been deſired by the leaſt and moſt inconſiderable part of the Nation; for the Diſſenters had been fewer than now they are, becauſe abundance had been taken into the propoſed Settlement: The Sects have much encreaſed, ſince that time of Papiſts, if not other Denominations —. The King and his wiſe Council had a perfect full view of all Intereſts, and did weigh out proper Preparatives for an healing Effect.

2. It is a Shame and Grief to think that a divided Nation can be ſooner compoſed and ſettled, than a broken divided Church, who have, beſides the Motives and Principles of Nature, the moſt gracious Reconciler for their Law-giver, the moſt perfect Laws of Love, the moſt indulgent Government, under the ſtrict and indiſpenſible Duty of Self-denial, oppoſite to Self-ſeeking, and ſhould have the leaſt Conſideration and Regard of a wordly Intereſt, becauſe, They that are of Chriſt, they are not of this World; and having nothing to do but to promote, enlarge, and build up Chriſt's Kingdom upon Earth, and for all their Self-denial, Services, and Sufferings, have the Promiſes of Eternal Life, an everlaſting Kingdom, and Thrones in it. It is a moſt afflicting Meditation, that Church-Diviſions are moſt difficultly healed. What an humbling Thought is this! that a temporal Intereſt divides wordly Men, in whom Self prevails, and yet worldly Men can unite under general Common Laws, becauſe it is their Intereſt to unite; and yet they, who of all Men are under the greateſt Obligations to unite, that declare they are not of this World, that teach the way of Peace to others, cannot find it themſelves! But it is not Religion, and Light, that divide, but it is Darkneſs, and the Spirit of this World. If to us to live were Chriſt, then Chriſtian Faith and Love, would make us more heavenly, and by Conſequence, more united. Popery could never have that Compaſs to work our Ruine in, had we agreed as we ſhould have done: Pardon this Excurſion; I'll return. The Church is rent from the Top to the Bottom, the King ſurveys it, and hath a Propoſal in his Mind, which will not only repair the Breaches, but propagate Religion, as he often ſaid; he ſeems to be fond of it, he ſpeaks ſo often of it. It was meditated, and formed in his Royal Mind while he was in Breda; that it may not be thought an haſty and immature Production, he gives it full time, and cheriſheth it. And what is it but his Declaration about Eccleſiaſtical Affairs! It was beheld, as the moſt Royal Iſſue of an happy Mind, as the Firſt-born of Church-Peace, after the moſt affectionate Conjunction p. 20of a moſt well-come King to a Kingdom that longed for him.

Obſerve, 1. He offers himſelf as an Umpire and Reconciler.

2. He declares, to his great Satisfaction and Comfort, that while he was in Holland, he found the principal Aſſertors of the Presbyterian Opinion, full of Affection to him, Zeal for the Peace of the Church and State, neither Enemies to Epiſcopacy nor Liturgy, but modeſtly deſiring Alterations without ſhaking Foundations; and to the ſame purpoſe over again, pag. 8.

3. He thinks himſelf to be competent to make his Propoſal, and determine many things in difference, as above-ſaid, and pag. 4. of the Declaration.

4. He expreſſed ſome great Conſidence in the Biſhops: We have not the leaſt doubt, but that the preſent Biſhops will think the preſent Conceſſions made by us to allay the preſent Diſtempers, very juſt and reaſonable, and will very chearfully conform themſelves thereto, pag. 10.

5. He conjured all his loving Subjects to acquieſce in, and ſubmit to that his Declaration concerning thoſe Differences, pag. 18, 19.

3dly, You have read the King's Character of the Reforming Divines (ſo I'll call them, rather than Presbyterian) and they made it good, they ſtrictly followed the Orders in the King's Commiſſion, made their Exceptions, which they were impowered to do, explained, and ſhewed the Reaſonableneſs of them; when anſwered, they replied; when called to diſpute, they diſputed; and when they ſaw all was but daſhing againſt a Wall, they petition for Peace, both the King and Biſhops.

Now to all them that ſpeak ſlightly or ſcornfully; Theſe Men, theſe kind of Men; as if they were ſome Monſters rolling in a troubled Sea, and not ſuffering the Ark of Chriſt's Church to reſt, here is ſome account, if not Satisfaction, given.

But after our great hopes of Church-Peace and Union, what followed but a diſmal Breach? a Wound that lies a bleeding! and they upon whom the Pinacles of the Temple fell, and bruiſed and cruſhed, are now inſtead of a cleanly Hoſpital to live in, threatned with Bridewel, and Priſons, and with that dreadful Sentence of Abjuration. And Chriſtian Reader, if you do as I do, here Grief doth make you ſtop. That any Magiſtrate that hath taken the Sacrament to prove himſelf a Proteſtant, dare menace, or admoniſh any Chriſtian Miniſter to do what he cannot do, or forſwear his native Country! And wo be to England, when a Miniſter of Chriſt, ſucceſsful in his Work, not imaginary but real, ſhall be carried to the Sea-ſide, and ſwear he will never return to his Native Country; and that ſuch Miniſters ſhall not have as much as a mean Houſe or Barn to preach the Goſpel of Jeſus Chriſt in!

p. 21But who made the Breach? who hindred the hopeful Cloſure? ſelfwilled, obſtinate Nonconformiſts? The Nonconformity to the Law of Love, Peace, Meekneſs, Forbearance, hath done the Miſchief. The King's Declaration would have done what the Act of Uniformity could not do, but we may look, and find the firſt Cauſe to lie between them both.

To lay this open, compare but ſome words in the King's Commiſſion, with ſome of the Anſwers of the Anti-reforming Commiſſioners, and then judg impartially.

The King according to his Declaration, gave his Commiſſion to an equal number of Divines of both Perſwaſions, bearing date March 25, in the thirteenth Year of his Reign.

We in the Accompliſhment of our ſaid Will and Intent,— do authorize you — to adviſe upon, and review the ſaid Book of Common-Prayer, comparing it with the moſt ancient Liturgies of the pureſt Times, — to take to your ſerious Conſideration, the ſeveral Directions, Rules, Forms of Prayer, and things in the Book of Common-Prayer contained, to adviſe, conſult upon and about the ſame, and the ſeveral Objections and Exceptions, which ſhall now be raiſed againſt the ſame; and, if occaſion be, to make ſuch reaſonable and neceſſary Alterations, Corrections, and Amendments therein, — as ſhall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient, for the giving Satisfaction to tender Conſciences, &c.

The Biſhops, &c. anſwer, On the contrary we judg, That if the Liturgy ſhould be altered, as is there required, not only a Multitude, but the Generality of the ſobereſt and moſt Loyal Children of the Church of England would juſtly be offended, ſince ſuch an Alteration would be a virtual Conceſſion, that this Liturgy was an intolerable Burthen to tender Conſciences, a direct Cauſe of Schiſm, a ſuperſtitious Uſage (upon which Pretences it is here deſired to be altered) which would at once juſtify all thoſe who have obſtinately ſeparated from it, as the only pious, tender-conſcienced Men, and condemn all thoſe that have adhered to it, in conſcience of their Duty and Loyalty, with the loſs and hazards of their Eſtates, and Fortunes, as Men ſuperſtitious, ſchiſmatical, and void of Religion and Conſcience. For theſe Reaſons and thoſe that follow, we cannot conſent to ſuch an Alteration as is deſired, till theſe Pretences be proved.

And now it might eaſily appear to them, what afterwards came to paſs; but let us obſerve:

p. 221. There is no doubt but ſome of them knew what his Majeſties Propoſal was, for the Propagation of the Proteſtant Religion; being his Chaplains and chief Miniſters about him, and ſome of them (if I am not miſ-informed) made ſome Alterations and Amendments in the King's Declaration.

2. They do manifeſt an Opinion of the Reforming Divines, inconſiſtent with the Character which his Majeſty gave of them, as grave and learned Miniſters; and proceed with them according to a mean and uncharitable Opinion.

3. If they ſaw no neceſſity of any Alterations: 1. They diſſented from the Judgment of as eminent Divines of the Church,See Firſt Plea, p. 22, &c. p. 32. as any in it. 2. They do not agree among themſelves; for Mr. Thorndike, one of them, thought a Reformation was neceſſary to Union. 3. They made ſome Alterations, ſuch as were pleaſing to them, though not ſatisfactory to others. 4. They deſtroy the King's Suppoſition, and the reaſon of his Propoſal, for the Propagation of the Proteſtant Religion, Peace of the Church, ſatisfying tender Conſciences, &c.

4. If they were commiſſioned to adviſe, &c. then had it not been a great Satisfaction to the whole Church, and an effectual way to ſilence the cavilling Opponents (if they were but Cavillers)? 1. To have anſwered their Reply. 2. to have petitioned his Majeſty for a longer time, to have heard them out, but when eight Points were to be diſputed, they had only time for one of them, being the laſt day of their Commiſſion.If I am miſtaken in any of theſe things, as I believe I am not, I ſhall be glad to be corrected by a trie Hiſtory of thoſe Paſſages. It was about giving the Sacrament to Perſons that ſcruple kneeling; about which there was a Diviſion among themſelves: Some of them held that we are not to refuſe to give it to them that kneel not, but to give it to them that kneel: the words of the Rubrick being, — The Miniſter ſhall take in both kinds himſelf, — and deliver it into the hands of the People kneeling; as if the ſenſe were, we are to give the Sacrament into the hands of the People kneeling; but are not forbid to give it to them that do not kneel: Dr. G. Dr. P. and Dr.S. were for this lax Interpretation;Now Lord Biſhops of Ely, Cheſter, Norwich. other Dr. M. now Biſhop of Wincheſter, was for the rigid ſenſe, that the People muſt kneel, or we muſt not give it. And Dr. P. now Dean of Salisbury, offered to maintain againſt Mr. Baxter, See Mr. B's Defence againſt Mr. Cheney, pag. 38.that it was an Act of Mercy to thoſe that ſcruple and refuſed to receive the Sacrament kneeling, to deny them the Communion of the Church therein; but the Commiſſioners of p. 23his own ſide reſtrained him. 4. How little did ſome of them care for the King's conjuring them, to acquieſce in, and ſubmit to his Declaration? Or, tho his Majeſty thought himſelf competent to propoſe (a Remedy) they thought him not, or elſe they would have adviſed a little further, having ſo great a charge from him, giving him hopes of their Compliance, and ſeeing the Peace and Settlement of the Church ſo much concerned in it, and the Houſe of Commons approving of it, to whom they owned an Acknowledgment for their Service done for them, they might have made their Memorial bleſſed to all Generations, as Healers and Peace-makers.

And now it is plain that thoſe who ruled moſt in thoſe Councils, exerciſed a kind of Soveraignty over the Reaſon of all others, and waited for a Parliament and Convocation that ſhould at once ſilence Objections, and anſwer Petitions.

Since thoſe Tranſactions, the reforming Divines never had but one: or two Opportunities of treating and compoſing our doleful Differences; the Compoſers agreed; but the Houſe of Commons hearing of it, voted againſt bringing in a Bill of Compreehenſion, and the Reverend Dr. Burnet, in the Life of the Great Sir Matthew Hale, gives us the Reaſons that prevailed at that time againſt it. And if I may not be too tedious, I will crave leave totranſcribe his Lines.Pag. 70, 71, 72, 73.

But two Parties appeared vigorouſly againſt this Deſign (of Comprehenſion by Law) the one was of ſome zealous Clergy-Men, who thought it below the Dignity of the Church to alter Laws, and change Settlements for the ſake of ſome, whom they eſteemed Schiſmaticks; they alſo believed it was better to keep them out of the Church, than bring them into it, ſince a Faction upon that would ariſe in the Church, which they thought might be more dangerous than the Schiſm it ſelf was. Beſides, they ſaid, if ſome things were now to be changed in compliance with the Humor of a Party, as ſoon as that was done, another Party might demand other Conceſſions, and there might be as good Reaſons invented for theſe as for thoſe; many ſuch Conceſſions might alſo ſhake thoſe of our own Communion, and tempt them to for ſake us, and go over to the Church of Rome, pretending that we changed ſo often, that they were thereby inclined to be of a Church that was conſtant and true to her ſelf; and theſe Reaſons wrought on the far greater part of the Houſe of Commons —. There were others that oppoſed it upon very different Ends: They deſigned to ſhelter the Papiſts from the Execution of the Law, and ſaw clearly that nothing would bring in Popery ſo well as a Toleration; but to tolerate Popery bare-faced, would have ſtartled the Nation too much, ſo it was neceſſary to hinder all the Propoſitions for Ʋnion, ſeeing the keeping up the Differences was the beſt colour they could find, for getting the Toleration to paſs, only as ſtackening the Laws againſt Diſſenters, whoſe Numbers and Wealth p. 24made it adviſeable to have ſome regard to them; and under this pretence Popery might have crept in more covered, and leſs regarded: ſo theſe Councils being more acceptable to ſome concealed Papiſts then in Power, as has ſince appeared too evidently, the whole Project for Comprehenſion was let fall, and thoſe who had ſet it afoot, came to be looked on with an evil Eye, as ſecret Favourers of Diſſenters, Ʋnderminers of the Church, and every thing elſe that Jealouſy and Diſtaſte could caſt on them.

I do not queſtion but this excellent Hiſtorian hath given us a faithful account of the Reaſons againſt Comprehenſion, as he received them from thoſe eminent Perſons engaged in it, or ſome that knew them; and I will make bold to caſt ſome Reflections upon them.

1. On the one part ſome zealous Church-men, who thought it below the Dignity of the Church to alter Laws, &c. But when it is more agreeable to their Spirit and Ends, it is no Indignity to change moderate Laws into more ſevere; nor, to practiſe arbitrarily beyond Laws.

2. They who rationally and conſcienciouſly diſſent, are eſteemed Schiſmaticks: but retaining all other their Opinions and Principles, and abating the rigor of their Diſſent, by conforming, would they be of the Church, or ſtill eſteemed Sciſmaticks? By this Notion, the Conformiſt, qua talis, is no Schiſmatick; and the Nonconformiſt, quatenus ſuch, is a Schiſmatick. Conformity takes away all name of Schiſm: But then the Queſtion might be, Whether the Nonconformiſt be a Stateſchiſmatick, or a Church-ſchiſmatick? and, whether he was a Schiſmatick, when he treated about, and petitioned for Peace and Union? and what hath made him to be one ſince?

3. They are afraid of Faction: but do thoſe Fears ariſe from a Catholick or a Factious Spirit? Are there not factious Spirits in the Church, that harbour factious Affections, and utter factious Words, contrary to true Charity?

4. And what if other Parties might demand Conceſſions? Either thoſe Conceſſions were rational, becoming the Wiſdom, Peaceableneſs, and Grace of the Church, or not; methinks it's a Royal Dignity in the Church, to make reaſonable Conceſſions: if they are unreaſonable, unchriſtian, impious and the like, the Church may deny them with Honour. But theſe Sons and Fathers, repreſent the Church like a ſtately Lady that keeps Chamber, and muſt not be ſpoken to.

5. But really, are there ſuch among us, as taking Offence, might go over to the Church of Rome, conſtant and true to her ſelf? How much do they owe to the Nonconformiſts for their Company and Communion! How inclinable are they to Rome, that are ready to depart upon ſmall Conceſſions! The Conſtancy of the Church of Rome, is as inſeparable a p. 25Property of hers, as her Infallibility. Methinks this is much to the Diſhonour of many of our Church, and much to the Honour of the Nonconformiſts, that whatever they ſuffer, there is no danger that they will turn Papiſts: But weak Reaſons have great force in them, when they that are narrow in their Charity, and powerful in Place, have the Management of them.

6. The World is too apt to be jealous; but have not the Nonconformiſts ſome Reaſon to be jealous of this ſort of zealous Clergy-men, that there is ſome Agreement, or Bargain between them and the Friends and Kinſmen of the Church of Rome? that both ſhall agree to keep the Nonconformiſts out? And is not the Church of Rome better conditioned, and better natured than theſe zealous Clergy-men? for there is not a Nonconformiſt but may be entertained among them, without fear of encreaſing a Faction.

7. It is not a very doubtful thing, whether our zealous Clergy-men are the beſt or the worſt ſort of our Clergy, that argue ſo ſtiſly againſt a legal Comprehenſion of the Orthodox Nonconformiſts, with Reaſons of ſo little weight, or that are ſo little ſenſible of the Uſefulneſs, and Serviceableneſs of the Abilities of the Nonconformiſts, to the great and crying need of Souls.

8. This is a Vindication of the Nonconformiſts from bringing in of Popery; for the way of getting into the Papiſts hath been the ſhutting out of them; they hope to get by a Toleration. There would be no colourable Reaſons for a Toleration, if it were not a pretended Favour to the Nonconformiſts. Take away Nonconformity as much as you can, and you take away the faireſt pretence for a Toleration. They that appear againſt the uniting of Proteſtants upon Catholick Terms, ſerve the Popiſh Turn and Intereſt, and are effectually ill Friends to the Proteſtant Intereſt, and by Conſequence our excluding Impoſitions do more real Hurt than Good, to the Proteſtant Church of England.