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Canterburys Doom · William Prynne

Canterburys Doom, Dedication

TO The Right Honourable, the Lords and Commons In PARLIAMENT Aſſembled.

YOUR HONOURS earneſt deſires expreſſed in the premiſed Order, inevitably engaging me to compile and publiſh to the World, A compleat Hiſtory of the famous Tryall, of the late decapitated Archbiſhop of Canterbury; I have, without other motives, in Obedience thereunto (with as much Expedition as my many other distracting Occaſions, and the Vastneſſe of the Work would permit) finiſhed the First Part thereof; (which I here humbly tender to Your Honourable Patronage and Acceptance) compriſing, The ſeverall Orders, Articles, and Parliamentary Proceedings againſt him, from his Originall Impeachment till his Triall; together with, the Commons Various Evidence; his ſeverall Anſwers to it; and their Replies upon them, in maintenance of the Firſt Generall Branch of their Charge of High Treaſon againſt him: to wit; His Trayterous Endeavours to alter, & ſubvert Gods true Religion by Law eſtabliſhed among us; to introduce Popiſh Superſtition and Idolatry in liew thereof; and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome, by ſundry Jeſuiticall Stratagems: The guilt of which black Execrable Charge (wherein he moſt of all proteſted, and endeavoured to clear his pretended Innocency, both during his Triall at the Bar, and at his Death on the Scaffold, as that which did moſt nearly concern him in his function as an Arch-Prelate, and in his Religion as a Proteſtant,) was ſo abundantly evidenced, ſo firmly fixed upon his White Rochet by a various multiplicity of unavoydable proofs, impregnable Demonſtrations, (which all his Sophistry, Oratory, Subtilty, Protestations, could no wayes enervate or evade,) that it will ſtick faſt upon him for Eternity, maugre all his own verball Apologies, during his life, or the Malignant Panegyricks, the ſcandalous Relations of any Anti-parliamentall, or Prelaticall Sycophants ſince his death: Who in open affront of Your moſt memorable Exemplary Juſtice, upon this Arch-Traytor, (the very Sourſe and Compendium of all our late miſeries) have proclaimed him to Poſterity, in their late lying Legends of his death, A most Glorious Martyr, (as the Papists did his moſt Trayterous Predeceſsor, aJoannis de Aton. Conſtit. fol 149. 150. Antiquicates Eccleſiae Brit. and Godwin in his life, M. Fox Act, & Monuments, p 2. 205.Becket) and already canonized him for A SAINT: perchance, becauſe beheaded on bJan. 10. Les plus Grands du Berray rapporterent au Roy, qu'il troubloit le repoſe du publie, & qu'il S'emparoit contre toute la Juſtice de ſon domaine, &c. Il depublia la Bulledecernee par le Pape pour faire la guerre aux Albegiois auec tant de zele & de fruict, que pluſieurs a ſa parole S'y cro…ſerent courageuſement. La gu…rre eut une iſſue houreuſe, car les Heretiques furent tellement deconfits qu'ils ne purrent depuis ſeremetter on campagne, &c. Ribadeniera Flures des Vies des Saincts p. 124.Saint Williams day, the Popiſh Archbiſhop of Bourges in France; as great a diſturber in his time, of that Kingdomes publike peace, and courſe of Justice; yea, as grand an Incendiary of the bloody Wars againſt the Albigenſes & French Proteſtants, as this Archbiſhop was of our Kingdoms tranquility, its publike Juſtice; and ſtirrer up of the War againſt the Scots; yet for all this enrolled in the Red Calender of Romiſh Saints.

There have lately come unto my hands two Oxford Pamphlets; the one intituled: A true Relation of the Death of the moſt Reverend Father in God, William Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, upon Tower hill, January, 10. 1644. (Firſt Printed at Oxford, and ſince at Bristol, Anno 1644.) Which begins thus:

On Fryday, Jan. 10. THE REBELS MARTYRED the moſt Reverend Father in God, William Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury upon Tower hill, after they had kept him priſoner above four years: And then relating his ſpeech and Prayer on the Scaffold, it concludes in theſe words: Thus dyed the KINGS, and the CHURCHES Note.MARTYR; a man of ſuch Integrity, Learning, Devotion, and Courage, as had he lived in the Primitive times, they would have given him another name: whom though the cheated multitude were taught to miſconceive, (for theſe honoured him) yet impartiall posterity will know how to value him, when they hear the Rebels ſentenced him the very ſame houre that they voted down the Liturgy of the Church of England; whoſe innocency cryes to heaven for Vengeance, upon the heads of theſe deſtroyers, who pile MURTHER upon Murther to fortifie their Covenant, that upon this generation may come all the RIGHTEOUS BLOOD, from him whoſe blood was first ſhed, to the pulling down this great Pillar of our Church; which if you conſider, is THE MOST GROUNDLES, MALITIOUS, SOLEMNE STUDIED MURTHER THAT EVER WAS COMMITTED IN THIS WRETCHED Note.ISLAND.

The later Pamphlet Imprinted at Oxford, of the ſame Subject, dated as the former, (inſcribed; A briefe Relation of the Death, and Sufferings of the most Reverend and Renouned Prelate, the Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, with a more perfect Coppy of his Speech and other paſſages …n the Scaffold, than hath been hitherto Imprinted;) thus blazons this Archtraytors Innocency, merits, ſufferings. *Page 14. 15. 25.He that had ſo long lived a Confeſſer (a Popiſh Confeſſor if he pleaſe to the Duke of Buckingham and others) could not but think it releaſe of miſery to be made a MARTYR. He aſcended the Scaffold with ſo brave a courage, ſuch a cheerfull countenance, as if he had mounted rather to behold a Triumph than to be made a Sacrifice, and came not there to dye, but to be tranſlated; and to ſay truth, it was no Scaffold but a Throne; a Throne whereon he was ſhortly to receive a Crown, even the most glorious Crown of MARTYRDOME: After which he ſtiles him, A glorious Martyr; his blood, Innocent blood; yea, thou extols his Innocency, and Canonizeth him for a Saint in a Poeticall Elegie, eſpecially in theſe enſuing lines.

—Through the hand

Of baſe detraction practiſe to defame

Thy ſpotleſſe Virtues, yet impartiall fame

Shall do thee all just honour, and ſet forth

To all ſucceeding times thy matchleſſe worth;

No Annalls ſhall be writ, but what relate

Thy happy influence, both on Church and State;

Thy zeal to publike Order, thy great parts

For all affairs of weight; thy love to Arts;

And to our ſhame and his great glory tell,

For whoſe dear ſake, by whoſe vile hands he fell.

A death ſo full of Merits, of ſuch price,

To God and man ſo ſweet a ſacrifice,

As by good Church-Law may his name prefer,

To a fixt Rubrick in the Calender.

And let this ſilence the pure Sects complaint,Note.

If they make Martyrs, we may make a SAINT, &c.

And not onelyonly theſe Anonymous Pamphleters, but King Charles himſelf, who not long before had given him an ample Pardon, as a Traytor, under his great Seal of England, forgetting what he had done herein, doth in his own *See the Kings Cabinet opened.Letter to the Queen, dated Jan. 14. 1644. cry up this headleſſe Arch-biſhop for a Martyr; yea, deems his blood ſo meritorious, ſo Innocent; that being totally the Parliaments, he beleeves it no preſumption, hereafter to hope that Gods hand of Justice, (for the Parliaments juſt effuſion of his blood) must be (thence-forth) heavier upon them and lighter upon him and his Anti-parliamentary Partie, looking now upon their cauſe having paſſed by their faults. If his blood ſo lately ſhed by the axe of Juſtice be already become ſo meritorious, as to ballance the ſcales of Gods Juſtice in this manner; we may juſtly fear it will in few years more grow into as great eſteem at Court, as Thomas of Beckets his Trayterly predeceſſors blood, did in former times among the Prelatical Popiſh party; who attributed more efficacy to it then to Chriſts, and therfore preſumed moſt blaſphemouſly to pray to Chriſt himſelfe to ſave them, by his own, but this Arch-Traytors blood, in this diſtick.

*Officium Beatae Mariae ſecundum Vſum Sarum, Pariſtis 1919. p. 12. Biſhop Jewels Defence of the Apology, part 2. c. 18. Diviſ. 1. p. 295. 296.Tu per Thomae Sanguinem quem prote impendit

Fac nos Chriſte ſcandere quo Thomas aſcendit.

But as the manifold glorious Victories, miraculous Succeſſes of the Parliaments Forces ſince his Execution, have experimentally fruſtrated this his Majeſties groundleſſe Hope and Preſumption, that Gods hand of Iuſtice would be heavier upon the Parliaments Party, but lighter upon him and his, by reaſon of his crying blood, it being never lifted up ſo extraordinarily, ſo viſibly for the Parliament before, nor falling ſo heavily upon the King and his Partizans; as ſince his beheading, and the Kings overconfident relying on the Merits of the Blood of ſuch a Traytot for ſucceſſe in his warrs againſt the Parliament; So, I preſume, the ſetting forth of this Hiſtory of his Tryall, will ſoon Un-Martyr, Un-Saint, Uncrown this Arch-Impoſter, by preſenting him in his Proper Colours, ſtript of all Diſguiſes, and render him ſo deſperately criminall, ſo tranſcendently Trayterous in all reſpects, eſpecially in point of undermining the Proteſtant Religion, wherein himſelf and his Paraſites have endeavoured moſt of all to vindicate his Innocency, that all Generations will unaminouſly pronounce him, the Archeſt Enemy to, the moſt active univerſall Underminer of the Protestant Religion eſtabliſhed among us, that ever breathed in Engliſh ayre; and readily acknowledge, that no Eccleſiaſticall Annalls ever recorded his Paralell, for multiplicity of deſperate cunning Jeſuiticall Stratagems ſecretly to ſubvert that Orthodox Reformed Religion which himſelfe pretended to profeſſe; nay, propagate and patronize.

It is far below the Magnanimity of my Spirit in the leaſt meaſure maliciouſly to blaſt the Fame, or revengefully to triumph over, to trample upon the Aſhes of a Vanquiſhed Enemy, whom I never dreaded, or ſlandered all his life, forgave and pittied both before and at his death; the Memory of whoſe Capital crimes ſhould have expired with his breath, and been eternally buried in oblivion with his Corps, by me, had not Your Honors ſuperiour Commânds neceſſitated me to revive, record them to Poſterity ſince his death (as well as to give them in evidence at his Tryall,) for Vindication of Your untainted Justice, and the Common Good, to deter all others in future Ages from the like Trayterous Practiſes. If any therefore deem my Expreſsions, concerning him or his actions, over-laviſh, malicious, or revengefull, let them impartially compare them with his Criminall Offences here recorded, (which they hardly equalize, or fall far ſhort of) and then if they warrant not the harſheſt Epithites, the blackeſt Characters here beſtowed on him, let me eternally bear the blame and ſhame: but if they be ſcarce proportionate to his Treaſons, his grand Miſdemeanors, (which muſt be blazoned and ſet forth in language ſuitable to their tranſcendent Hainouſneſse, not minced, not extenuated by over-diminutive expreſſions) I hope none will or can be ſo injurious, as to charge me with Calumny, much leſſe Scurrility or Revenge, who never yet particularly demanded, received the leaſt farthing Recompence from him or any of his, for all the barbarous Cruelties, Oppreſsions, Impriſonments great Loſſes, Dammages I ſuſtained, eight years ſpace together, onelyonly for diſcovering, oppoſing, countermining (to the utmoſt of my skill and power) all Popiſh Plots, Innovations, Proceedings of this Arch-Prelate and his confederates to undermine our Religion, re-eſtabliſh Popery among us by degrees, and ſet up an arbitrary Papall power, the better to effect the ſame: the onelyonly reall cauſe of all my former ſufferings.

Yet three things there are, I foreſee may poſſibly be objected againſt me by his complices, which need ſome Anſwer to prevent their cauſeleſſe Calumnies.

The firſt is, That in this Hiſtory of his Tryall, I have at large inſerted ſome particular papers, paſſages, (eſpecially in the Catalogue of the Arminian, Object. 1.Popiſh Errours, vented in, and of the clauſes againſt them purged out of late new Printed Books) which were not actually, or at leaſt fully read at the Lords Bar; Therefore I am guilty of partiality and unfaithfulneſſe in relating the Evidence given in againſt him at the Bar, by theſe additions to it.

To which I anſwer. Firſt, that all the Evidence, Paſſages here at large recited (with many more) were prepared and ready by me at the Bar; yea Anſw. 1.the effect of every Paper, paſſage here recorded, was in generall terms opened, preſſed at the tryall, though not all fully read and particularly urged for want of time: which I have here more largely inſerted for clearing the truth, and ſatisfying the Reader, the moſt materiall paſſages being onelyonly read at large, the reſt of like nature but briefly referred to in generall to avoyd prolixity, and husband time.

Secondly, that I have largely recorded none of theſe Paſſages here by way of New Additionall Evidence, requiring anſwer, but onelyonly for illuſtration or corroboration of the old, fully given in and read.

Thirdly, the Catalogue of new licenſed Popiſh Doctrines, and of the Purgations of Paſſages againſt Popery, Arminianiſme, arbytrary government, Prophaneſſe, &c. wherein moſt of the new Additions, not fully read, are inſerted, make but one intire charge, not divers; and had but one generall Anſwer, defence given to them by the Arch-biſhop; to wit, that they were not licenſed nor purged out by himſelf, but only by his and the Biſhop of Londons Chaplains, who muſt anſwer for them, and that they concerned not him: therefore theſe Additions making no new charge, and receiving all the ſelfe ſame Anſwer & defence, no indifferent perſons can juſtly taxe me with partiality or injuſtice for inſerting them into this Hiſtory, for the fuller diſcovery of his Popiſh intentions in this kinde, (which want of time prevented us to diſplay ſo fully at the Bar, as was deſired, where we had each particular ready in writing proved upon oath) it being not onelyonly excuſable, but juſtifiable, yea neceſſary in a Hiſtory of this nature, which ſo much concernes Religion and the publick.

The ſecond thing, which perchance will be alleadged againſt me, is; Object. 2.That I have not ſo fully, ſo punctually related the Arch-biſhops ſeverall Anſwers and Replyes to all the particulars of his charge as he uttered them viva voce at the Bar in his particular and generall Defences (who ſpake as much for himſelfe as the wit of man could invent, in ſo bad a cauſe) and that I have made ſome few Additions to the Commons ſodain Replications to his Anſwers.

To this I anſwer: Firſt, that I uſed all poſſible diligence, both by friendly Anſw. 1.intreaty and the power of Authory, to procure the Archbiſhops own Notes of his Anſwers and Defences to the Commons charge, or authentick Coppies of them, from Mr. Dell his Secretary and others; that ſo I might Print them verbatim to avoyd all calumnies; but I could obtain neither from them; M Dell proteſting, that neither he, nor any other to his knowledge, had the originalls nor any coppyes of them; and that he beleeved, his Lord did burn all the Notes of his anſwers and defence before his death, of purpoſe to prevent their publication after it. So that if I have caſually omitted or miſtaken any part of his Anſwers or Defence, himſelf or his own creatures muſt beare the blame, not I; who have as faithfully, as exactly as I could ſupplyed this defect of his own Papers, out of the Notes of others and mind own fragill memory, relating all his Anſwers, Defences, as neer as poſſible in his own termes, and preſſing them fully for his beſt advantage, without the leaſt wilfull omiſſion or diminution of any one particular of moment.

Secondly, For the Commons ſubitane Replyes to his Anſwers, I have rehearſed them as neer as I could in their own termes; and made no Additions thereunto, but onelyonly of ſome Authors teſtimonies concerning the unlawfulneſs of Images, Crucifixes, Altars, the placing and rayling in Altars and Lords Ta…l…s altarwiſe againſt the Eaſtwall, & the conſecration of Churches and Chapples; wherein the Archbiſhop much abuſed his Auditory with empty flaſhes and confident pretences of antiquity, which Mr Serjeant Wilde at large refuted by the Teſtimony of Fathers & other orthodox Writers, and Mr Nicholus too, as far as the ſhortneſſe of time permitted; to the ſubſtance of whoſe replies in theſe particulars I have added very little, but only for learning ſake and the fuller clearing of the truth.

If any ſhall further object, that J have related his Charge intirely together in one continued Diſcourſe, but his Anſwers & the Commons Replies Object. 3.thereto in fractions; not in one continued Diſcourſe, as they were delivered each day ſeverally at the Bar, and ſummed up at laſt in the Lords and Commons Houſe.

I anſwer, it is truth: and I did it for theſe Reaſons. Firſt, to avoyde Prolixity, & tedious Repetitions of the ſelf-ſamethings: For had I recited Anſw.his ſeverall Anſwers, Defences & the Cōmons Replies to them as they were made at the Bar each day by themſelves; and then repeated his generall Anſwers, Defences in the Lords and Commons Houſe, and Mr Brownes Reply thereto diſtinctly by themſelves, I ſhould have repeated the ſelfe-ſamethings, with very little variation, three or four times over to no purpoſe; whereas now I have contracted the ſumme of all his Anſwers, Defences to each particular Charg & Proof with the Comons Replies thereto into one, to eſchew Prolixity and Tautologies: 2ly, I did it to prevent confuſion; and for clearer Diſcovery of the truth, the pertinency of the evidence given in againſt him in each Particular: For had I contracted all his Anſwers, Defences into one, and repreſented them in one intire continued Diſcourſe by themſelves; and then have ſubjoyned the Commons Replies unto them intirely together, the Reader could never have clearly diſcovered the frivilouſnes, falſenes, or impertinency of his ſeverall Anſwers to each particular charge, or the ſtrength of the Commons Replies thereto; nor yet ſo well have obſerved, to what particulars he gave anſwer, to what not; whereas now by this Perſpicuous Method I have followed, in reciting his Particular Anſwers and Defence diſtinctly to each Branch of his Charge and the Evidence brought to prove it, and then annexing the Commons Replies thereunto; the Readers may with eaſe and delight (by comparing the Charge, Proofes, Anſwers, Defence and Replies together) moſt clearly diſcover the truth, weight of each Charge and Proof; the weakneſſe, falſeneſſe, defects, and inſufficiency of all his Anſwers; the ſatisfactorines of the Commons Replies, and his undoubted Guiltineſſe of all the particulars charged on him. Thirdly, the Archbiſhop alledged ſundry things in his particular Anſwers and Defences each day, which he omitted in his generall Defences in both Houſes; and added ſome things in his Generall Defences, which he omitted in his particular; by reaſon whereof I was neceſſitated to collect all his ſcattered Anſwers, Defences to each particular Charge into one, for his better advantage, and the Commons Replies thereto. Which being thus compacted together, without interpoſition of any heterogenius matter in their proper places, for the premiſed reaſons neceſſitating me to this method; no rationall man can juſtly taxe me for it, as being no wayes injurious to the Archbiſhops cauſe, nor tending to his diſadvantage.

Theſe Objections from the Arch-biſhops Prelaticall partie being removed, there are two things more, wherein Your Honours and the World may juſtly demand ſome ſatisfaction, to exempt me from all cauſleſſe cenſures.

Firſt, you may juſtly inquire the Reaſons; why this Hiſtory of the Arch-biſhops Tryall, hath ſtuck ſo long in my hands before its publication, ſeeing it was expected many moneths ſince?

Secondly, why it comes forth by parcels onelyonly, not compleat and intire, after ſo long an expectation of the whole tryall and proceedings?

To the former demand, I anſwer: Firſt, that this task was by ſpeciall Order, originally impoſed upon thoſe Members of the Commons Houſe, that managed the Evidence, not on me: who totally declining it, ſome four Moneths after the Triall and above 2 Moneths after the Execution, this work was delegated by the Commons unto me; at which time moſt of the Papers, Notes, Books, Evidences, uſed at his tryall, were laid aſide and diſperſed into ſeverall mens hands: whereby much time was ſpent before I could recollect and marſhall them into Order, to digeſt this Hiſtory out of them. Secondly, ſince the aſſignment of this task unto my care, I have been almoſt every day taken up with publike imployments for the State, at the Committee of Accounts, and elſewhere, beſides the dayly avocations of my particular calling (my onelyonly ſupport ſince our unhappy Wars) ſo as I have had few vacant hours to compile it, but thoſe I have borrowed from my naturall reſt, whiles others have bin ſleeping. Thirdly, I have ſince this undertaking, been neceſſitated to write & publiſh ſundry other Impreſſions (uncapable of delay) in defence of the Eccleſiaſticall Iuriſdiction of Parliaments, Civill Magiſtrates; and concerning Eccleſiaſticall Cenſures and Church-Government, againſt Independents, Anabaptiſts, others; yea to Vindicate the Parliaments juſt Proceedings, with mine own Innocency, againſt the ſeditious Anti-parliamentary Libels, of that notorious impudent Libeller and Lyat, L. Col. Lilburn, who ſtill *See his late Libell intituled, Innocency and Truth Juſtified.perſevers in his treſpaſſes, to the diſhonour and ſcandall of publike juſtice. All which conſidered, I ſuppoſe Your Honours and others will eaſily beleeve, I wanted no diligence, but leiſure onelyonly for the ſpeedier accompliſhment of this work: wherein notwithſtanding I have not been negligent, witneſſe my publication of the Breviate of the Archbiſhops life, and of A neceſſary Introduction of his Tryall, (amounting to a large Volume) ſufficient to aſſoyle me from the leaſt imputation of idleneſſe or negligence in this very ſubject. Fourthly, Adde hereunto the voluminouſneſſe of this Firſt Part of the Archbiſhops Tryal onelyonly, with the variety of the matter, charges therein conteined; the trouble I had in digeſting, the Labour in compiling, writing, reveiwing, fitting it for and Correcting, Reviſing it at the Preſſe, with the coldneſſe of this laſt winters Vacation, when neither pen, nor Preſſe could worke, for ſundry weekes together: and compare this with the former reaſons (and the Printers ſlackneſſe which hath delayed it very much) and then I doubt not but your Honours and all others will rather wonder, how I could poſſibly compleat this Voluminous Part ſo ſpeedily, then queſtion or quarrell with me, why it comes forth ſo ſlowly? it being work enough to have ſwallowed up all my time ſince the Order, had I had no other imployments to divert me.

To the ſecond demand, I muſt returne this Anſwer: Firſt, that I Anſw. 2.publiſhed this Hiſtory thus in parcells, for want of time to compleat and print it all together in due ſeaſon. Secondly, that the long expectation of this Tryall, and mens calling for it every day, induced me to ſatisfie their longing appetites, with theſe Firſt-fruits of it, concerning Religion; (the thing moſt looked, moſt inquired after, both at home and abroad) till the full crop be ripened for the harveſt, which will require ſome warmer moneths to concoct it, ere it can attain to maturity. Thirdly, The great Charge of the Stationer in Printing this firſt Part, (the voluminouſneſſe and price whereof hath, I fear, out-ſwelled moſt Chapments purſes in theſe Indegent times) with the ſerious conſideration of the incertainty of my life and future opportunity, in theſe dayes of War and mortality, to finiſh the remainder of this Worke (which God willing I intend to compleat and publiſh with all convenient ſpeed) have induced me, rather to gratifie your Honours and the World with theſe Firſt fruits for the preſent, then to hazard the depriving you of it, or the whole Hiſtory, if deferred till all were compleated.

Having anſwered theſe demands, I ſhall now crave liberty and your Noble Patience to raiſe ſome profitable Obſervations from the Subject matter of this Hiſtory, not unworthy your Honours ſaddeſt thoughts.

If you conſider the meane obſcure Parentage of this Arch-Prelate, his grand Preferments, the great miſchiefes he did in Church, State, and his Execution after all; it may ſuggeſt theſe profitable contemplations to your minds.

Firſt, That God by his power and all-diſpoſing providence can raiſe up Perſons of the loweſt place or Parentage, to the higheſt Pinacles of worldly Honour: according to that in the 1 Sam. 2. 8. and Pſal. 118. 7, 8. He raiſeth up the Poor out of the duſt, and lifteth up the Beggar from the dunghill, to ſet them among the Princes, and make them inherite the Throne of glory.

2. That God can make the moſt vile and deſpicable perſons in the world, grand Peſts or Puniſhments to whole Kingdomes, Nations, when he pleaſeth; Dan. 11. 21, 22. 1 Kings 11. 26. c. 12. 2. &c. c. 13. & 14. (even as he made Frogs, Lice, Caterpillers (the vileſt creatures) a very ſore plague to King Pharaoh and the whole Kingdome of Egypt, Exod. c. 7. 8. and 9.

3. That perſons ſodainly advanced from the loweſt degree of men, to the higheſt pitch of honour, proove commonly the moſt inſolent, violent, domineering, imperious, tyrannicall, and miſchievous of all ſuch preferments, being unable to weld or mannage the greatneſſe of their fortune. See Mat. 24. 48. to the end, 2 Chro. 10. 8. to 16. Eccleſ. 10. 1. 6, 7. Pſal. 73. 6. to 13. Iob. 21. 7. to 20.

Fourthly, That grand preferments without great grace to mannage, improve them to Gods glory, and the common good, are greater judgements than bleſſings, and for the moſt part, the immediate occaſions of mens greateſt ruin by their evill Councells, or ill managing of their greatneſſe to the publike prejudice, Pſ. 73. 3. to 21. Iob 21. 7. &c. Pſal. 37. 1. 2. Eſter c. 3. to 8.

Fifthly, That miſchievous Councellours and wicked Inſtruments in Church, State; though never ſo great in power or Favour with their Princes for a ſeaſon, ſeldome eſcape condigne exemplary puniſhment at the laſt: and that no greatneſſe whatſoever is able finally to protect miſchevous Grandees, from the hand of publike juſtice: Eſter 7. 1 Kings 2. 28. to 35.

Let all great ones then ſeriouſly conſider this, and remember Canterbury, leſt they dye and fall like him.

If we again obſerve his Preferments, Actions, Proceedings and miſerable end as a Clergy man, we may raiſe theſe profitable obſervations from this Hiſtory of his Tryall, which all Prelates, Clergy men may do well to conſider, is oft as they thinke of Canterbury.

Firſt, that when Clergy men caſt aſide or neglect their callings, and turne meer Stateſmen, they commonly prove the very worſt and moſt oppreſſive Perſons of all others. Matth. 5. 13. 2. Theſſ. 2. 3.

Secondly, That one over potent Prelate backed with a Kings Royall power and favour, is able to unſetleReligion where it is beſt eſtabliſhed, and embroyle, ruine the moſt flouriſhing Churches, Kingdomes in few yeares ſpace. 2 Theſſ. 2. 4. 9, 10, 11, 12. Revel. 13. 2. to 18.

Thirdly, That there are no ſuch deſperate underminers, perſecutors, ſuppreſſors of Gods true Religion, Saints, people, as over potent wicked Prelates: And that diſſembling Potent Proteſtant Prelates, Clergymen are greater Enemies to the Proteſtant Religion for the moſt part, then profeſſed Papiſts: 2 Theſſ. 2. 4. 9, 10, 11, 12. Revel. 13. Matth. 24. 5. 11. 24. Acts 20. 22. 30. Iohn 6. 70, 71.

Fourthly, That the fouleſt Practiſes, Conſpiracies againſt the Proteſtant Religion may be and uſually are guilded over with the moſt ſpecious pretences for its Advancement. And therefore it concernes us alwayes to weigh and judge of men by their Actions, not their Proteſtations: Matth. 7. 15. Rev. 13. 2. to 18.

Fifthly, That the moſt hopefull deſignes, the moſt ſucceſſefull Plots, Proceedings againſt the true Religion and Saints of God, do alwayes prove abortive in concluſion; and that the prevailing contrivances, ſucceſſes of many yeares travell in this kinde are uſually, by a divine over-ruling providence, oft times, like ſo many Cobwebs, ſwept down, daſhed in pieces, and wholy diſappointed in a moment, when they are neareſt accompliſhment in all humane probability Pſ. 73. 18, 19, 20. Pſal. 21. 11, 12. Gen. 11. 3. &c. Exod. 14. 19 to 31. Eſay. 8. 9. 10.

Sixtly, That God in his infinite wiſedome and juſtice can turne all the Plots, Coutrivances of wicked men to ruine his truth, Church, people, to be the proper immediate inſtruments of their contrivers ruine. (He taketh the wiſe in their own craftineſſe, &c. Job. 5. 12, 13, 14.) and to the advancement of his Goſpel, Cauſe, people, as he did in the caſes of Ioſeph, and Mordecay.

Seventhly, That great Eccleſiaſticall or temporall Preferments and Court Favours, ſeldome make men better but worſer then before: Deut. 6. 10, 11, 12. c. 8. 10. 19. 2 Chron. 26. 16. c. 31. 25, 26.

Eightly, That thoſe who are Superſtitious or Preſumptuous in their life time, are ſeldome penitent, but for the moſt part obſtinate, ſenſleſſe or deſperate at their deaths; and have commonly a greater care to ſupport their crackt credits, by juſtifying or denying their evill actions, then to ſave their ſouls, by confeſſing or bewailing their guilt.

This was the condition of this Arch-Prelate who lived to ſurvive and behold the downfall of all his Popiſh Plots, Innovations, Superſtitions, Canons, the High Commiſſion and Prelacy it ſelfe, the grand Idolls he endeavoured to ſet up and perpetuate among us; Yet all the Superſtitions, Idolatries, Romiſh Errors, Tyrannous oppreſſions he had maintained, practiſed in his life, he moſt obſtinately juſtified, without the leaſt remorſe, or acknowledgment of guilt, of error, both at his Tryall and Death. Yea though he were ſo conſcious to himſelfe of all the crimes wherewith he was charged, that he procured a Pardon from Oxford under the Kings own hand and great Seale, ſoon after the beginning of his Tryall (which made him ſo bold, ſo peremptory at the Barr;) yet leſt it ſhould imply or argue a guiltineſſe in him, he choſe rather to conceal this Pardon, and ſtand upon his plenary juſtification, till after his condemnation, then produce or plead it; not ſending it to your Honors till he was ordered to be hanged at Tyburne: upon which occaſion he acquainted both Houſes with it, to deprecate and exchange that puniſhment for a more Honourable kind of execution on the Scaffold at Tower hill, where his head was chopped off, inſtead of a Hanging at Tyburne. And although all ingenious men would have imagined, that the blood of the many Soules he had ſtarved, ſeduced, deſtroyed all his time by ſuppreſſing preaching, ſuſpending, ſilencing, cenſuring, baniſhing godly Miniſters, Lecturers without any reall Cauſe, preſſing the Booke of Sports, introducing Popiſh, Arminian Soul-deſtroying Errors, Superſtitions, Innovations, Prophanations; with the blood of the bodies of divers thouſands ſhed in England, Scotland, Ireland, by our unhappy Warrs (originally occaſioned and ſtirred up by him) might have been prevalent enough to relent his Adamantine heart, and draw forth teares of repentance, of compunction from his eyes and ſoule, yet ſuch was his deſperate Obſtinacy & Impenitency on the ſcaffold, that he never ſo much as confeſſed or bewayled at his death theſe bloody crimes, nor any of thoſe Trayterous Offences for which he was juſtly condemned; but with a brow of braſſe and heart of ſtone, impudently juſtified his Innocency, nay Crimes to the utmoſt, without demanding Pardon of them from God or Man, though he tooke this enſuing Pardon from the King (a ſufficient evidence of his guilt) which I have Verbatim tranſcribed out of the Originall paſſed under the Great Seale at Oxford.

CHARLES R.

CAROLVS dei gratia Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae & Hiberniae Rex fidei Defenſor, &c. Omnibus ad quos praeſentes Literae pervenerint ſalutem. Sciatis quod Nos pietate moti, de gratia Noſtra ſpeciali ac ex certa ſcientia & mero motu Noſtris, Pardonavimus, remiſimus & relaxavimus, ac per praeſentes Nobis, Haeredibus & Succeſſoribus Noſtris pardonamus, remittimus & relaxamus Willielmo Laud, Clerico, Archiepiſcopo Cantuarienſi, ſeu quocunque alio nomine, cognomine, titulo, cognitione ſive additione nominis, artis, loci, vel locorum praefatus Williamus Laud cenſetur, vocetur, nuncupetur, ſive cognoſcatur, aut nuper aut ante hac cenſebatur, nuncupabatur, ſive cognitus fuit, Omnes & omnimodas PRODITIONES, tam majores quam minores, & Note.crimina leſae Majeſtatis quaecunque; & omnes & omnimodas Miſpriſiones et concelamenta Proditionum quarumcunque, per praefatum Willielmum Laud ſolum, vel cum aliquo alio, ſive aliquibus aliis, qualicunque aut vbicunque, aut in aliquo modo vel in tempore factus, perpetratas vel commiſſas, nec non omnes & omnimodas Felonias quaſcunque, tam per vel contra Communem Legem Regni Noſtri, quam per vel contra quaecunque Statuta, Actus, Ordinationes ſive Proviſiones ejuſdem Regni Noſtri, et acceſſaria quarumcunque Feloniarum, & fugam & fugas ſuperinde factas, nec non omnes & omnimodias Subvertiones & enervationes Legum, et omnes & omnimodas Conſpirationes, Confederationes, Conſilia, Auiſamenta, Note.Offenſas & alia malefacta quecunque per praefatum Willielmum Laud ſolum, vel cum aliquo alio, ſive aliquibus aliis in Subuertione aut enervatione Legum, aut aſſumendo Regalem Poteſtatem aut Authoritatē aliqualiter aut vbicunque; aut in aliquo modo aut tempore habita, facta, da…a, commiſſa aut perpetrata: nec non omnes & omnimodas Offenſas, Crimina, Tranſgreſsiones & alia malefacta quaecunque de Praemunire, aut communiter vocata aut cognita per nomen de Praemunire, aut pro quo vel pro quibus judicium, executio, paena aut foriſtactura in caſu de Praemunire, ſive per aliquod Statutum de Proviſoribus factum & editum, reddenda, exequenda, infligenda aut incurrenda ſunt aut eſſent, aut fuerint per praefatum Willielmum Laud ſolum, vel cum aliquo alio ſive aliquibus aliis, vbicunque aut in aliquo modo aut tempore perpetrata, facta aut commiſſa, et acceſſaria praedictarum Offenſarum, Criminum, Tranſgreſſionum et Malefactorum, & eorum alicujus & aliquorum; Nec non omnes & omnimodas Confederationes, Conſpirationes illicitas, Convocationes & Aſſemblationes illicitas, verborum prolationes, miſpriſiones, Juriſdictionum uſurpationes & exercitia illicita, legum fractiones, illicitas Juramentorum impoſitiones, & miniſtrationes, contemptus, negligentias, legum violationes, mala & illicita Conſilia & aduiſamenta, & omnes alias offenſas, crimina, malefacta & tranſgreſsiones quaecunque per quodcunque nomen aut per quaecunque nomina idem vel eadem appellata, vocata & nuncupata ſunt, eſſent aut fuerint per praefatum Willielmum Laud ſolum, vel cum aliquo alio aut cum aliquibus aliis, qualicunque aut vbicunque, aut in aliquo modo aut in aliquo tempore habita, facta, perpetrata aut commiſſa; et omnia et ſingula eadem aut eorum aliquod vel aliqua tangentia vel concernentia, licet idem Willielmus Laud, de, aut pro praemiſſis, aut eorum aliquo vel aliquibus in Curia noſtra Parliamenti, aut in aliqua alia Curia, ſive aliquibus Note.Curiis, aut coram aliquo judice vel perſona, aut aliquibus judicibus aut perſonis, aut in aliquo modo aut aliqua via quibuſcunque impetitus, judicatus, rectatus, appellatus, adjudicatus, condemnatus, vtlagatus, convictus vel attinctus exiſtet aut non exiſtet, aut impetiri, judicari, rectari, appellari, adjudicari, condemnari, vtlagari, convinci, aut attingi contigerit in futuro. Et omnes & ſingulas utlagarias in aut verſus praefatum Willielmum Laud ratione vel occatione praemiſſorum vel eorum alicujus & aliquorum promulgatas aut promulgandas; Ac etiam omnia & ſingula judicia, executiones, paenas mortis, paenas corporales, impriſonamenta, paenalitates, foriſfacturas, infamias, irregularitates, defectus ſeu inhabilitates quaecunque in aut verſus praefatum Willielmum Laud ratione vel occatione praemiſſorum aut eorum aliquorum vel alicujus reddita, facta, habita, adjudicata, aut impoſita, aut impoſterum reddenda, fienda, habenda, adjudicanda, imponenda aut exequenda; Nec non omnes et omnimodas ſectas, querelas, impetitiones & demandas quaſcunque quae Nos verſus praefatum Willielmum Laud pro praemiſſis, ſive aliquo praemiſſorum habemus, habuimus, ſeu in futuro habere poterimus, aut Haeredes vel Succeſſores Noſtri verſus ipſum pro praemiſsis vel aliquo praemiſſorum habere poſſint in futuro; Ac Sectam pacis Noſtrae, quae ad Nos verſus praefatum Willielmum Laud ſpectat vel pertinet, ſive pertinere poterit, ratione praemiſſorum ſive eorum alicujus vel aliquorum, Et firmam Pacem eidem Willielmo Laud inde concedimus per praeſentes. Pardonamus etiam, remittimus & relaxamus per praeſentes pro Nobis Heredibus & Succeſſoribus noſtris praefato Willielmo Laud, omnia et ſingula deperdita & forisfacturas quorumcunque bonorum et catallorum, terrarum, poſſeſsionum tenementorum & hereditamentorum ſuorum Nobis occaſione praemiſſorum aut eorum alicujus qualicunque forisfacta, ſive deperdita, in quorumcunque ſive cujuscunque manibus aut poſſeſsionibus jam existent aut existere debent. Et eadem bona, catalla, terras, poſſeſſiones tenementa, et hereditamenta praefato Willielmo Laud damus & reſtituimus per praeſentes pro Nobis, Haeredibus et Succeſſoribus Noſtris; Habendum, tenendum, gaudendum & poſſidendum eidem Willielmo de dono Noſtro abſque Compoto, ſive aliquo alio inde Nobis, Haeredibus ſive Succeſſoribus Noſtris reddendo, ſolvendo, vel faciendo. Nolentes, quod idem Willielmus Laud per Nos, Juſticiarios, Eſcheatores, Vicecomites aut alios Ballivos, ſeu Miniſtros noſtros ratione vel occatione praemiſſorum ſive eorum alicujus moleſtetur, vexetur, perturbetur, in aliquo ſeu gravetur. Et ulterius de vberiori gratia Noſtra, ac ex certa ſcientia & mero motu Noſtris volumus, et per praeſentes pro Nobis, Haeredibus & Succeſſoribus Noſtris, concedimus, quod hae Literae nostrae Patentes, ac omnia & ſingula in eiſdem contenta, bonae, firmae, validae et in Lege effectuales ſtabunt et exiſtent, et abhinc nullo modo vacuae devenerint: Et quod allocabuntur omnibus Curiis Nostris, et alibi infra Regnum Noſtrum Angliae, abſque aliquo brevi ſeu vlteriori mandato ſeu warranto, licet idem Willielmus Laud bonam & ſufficientem ſecuritatem de ſe bene gerendo, juxta formam & effectum cujuſdam Actus in Parliamento Domini Edwardi tertii quondam Regis Angliae, Progenitoris Noſtri, anno Regni ſui decimo tertio editi, non invenerit; dicto Actu de Anno decimo tertio regni dicti Edwardi tertii in aliquo Nonobſtante. Et Non obſtante Statutis in annis ſecundo, quarto, decimoquarto & Viceſimo ſeptimo dicti Regis Edwardi tertii, & Statuto in anno decimo tertio Regis Ricardi ſecundi Praedeceſſoris Noſtri edito, aut aliquo alio Statuto, Actu, proviſione aut reſtrictione in contrarium praemiſſorum, aut eorum alicui quouiſmodo Nonobſtante. In cujus rei teſtimonium has literas Noſtras fieri fecimus Patentes. Teſte meipſo APUD OXON, duodecimo die Aprilis, Anno Regni Noſtri decimo nono.

By this Arch-Prelates embracing and the Kings granting of this large Univerſal Pardon, of all Treaſons &c. himſelf his Prelaticall Partie, together with his Majeſtie and his Adherents of all ſorts, are eternally concluded to plead his Innocency, proclaim him a Martyr, or Canonize him for a meritorious Saint, as they have done. Yea, his Majeſties Royall care and ſerious endeavour to reſcue ſuch an Arch Traytor as He (impeached of High Treaſon and other grand Crimes by two whole Kingdomes) from the hands of common Juſtice, and the Supremeſt Judicatory in Parliament, by this Regall Charter of Pardon, when as he could not effect it by his Army Royall and force of Armes, diſcovers both His own unhappineſſe and our Kingdomes too in this, that he hath hitherto affected not only Treaſon, but Traytors to our Church and State, more then his faithfuleſt Parliament, or most loyall Subjects: which dangerous Errour, I pray God his Majeſty after all his various miſcarriages, diſappointments, loſſes, by ſuch miſchevous perſons, may now at laſt diſcern, reject, and never henceforth favourany ſuch Traytors, ill Councellors, Prelates, or Archbiſhops more, whoſe extirpation root and branch, your Honours have already voted. And that no doubt upon juſt reaſons, ſince the very beſt and learnedeſt in all the whole pack of Prelates, even the Primate of Armagh, Biſhop Uſher, (of whom moſt men have hitherto had a very honorable opinion, though a great ſervant and Inſtrument of Canterburies in Ireland, as appeares by ſundry originall Letters to him under his hand) hath extreamly degenerated in his Chriſtian zeale for the Proteſtant Religion, even in his own bleeding Country ſince he turned Royaliſt and Cavalier; as appears by this teſtimony under the hand-writing of that valiant Noble Knight Sir Charles Coote; which for Poor dying Irelands ſake (*See the Iriſh Cabinet. to corroborate the late admirable diſcoveries from thence by the Popiſh Archbiſhop of Tuams Papers and others, ſurpriſed by this Sir Charles) I dare not conceal.

I SIR Charles Coote do hereby teſtifie, that being at Oxford the laſt Summer as one of the Agents for the Proteſtants of Ireland, and finding the Iriſh Popiſh Agents then to be very prevalent there, and the Archbiſhop of Armagh to be often preſent at the Debates concerning the buſineſse of Ireland, and conceiving him to have ſome power with his Majesty, I addreſſed my ſelfe to the ſaid Archbiſhop, and beſought him, that he would interpoſe his power with his Majeſty in the behalfe of the Proteſtants; for if the Iriſh Agents obtained their deſires, the Proteſtants in Ireland were deſtroyed and Popery would be introduced: to which the Arch-Biſhop replyed; That was the intention, which he knew better then I did, and ſaid, *Note.WE MUST SUBMIT: Dated this 14. of Aprill. 1645.

CHARLES COOTE.

A very ſtrange ſpeech of a Saint-ſeeming Proteſtant Arch-Prelate. What? muſt we ſubmit to the destruction of the Protestants in Ireland, and the introduction of Popery there, and not once oppoſe it? and will ſuch an Arch-Prelate as he refuſe to uſe his utmoſt intereſt in the Kings favour to withſtand it, when deſired? If this be the Doctrine of the zealous Lord Primate of Ireland, that we muſt ſubmit to the introducing of Popery there, (the projected deſign of the Primate and Metropolitan of all England and Ireland too, the better to accompliſh it in England, as we have here and elſwhere manifeſted) the God of heaven for ever deliver us from ſuch an hypocriticall falſe Archiepiſcopall generation of Vipers, whoſe heads and hopes of ſucceſſion in both Kingdomes, we truſt Your Honours have for ever cut off in the decapitation of this Archbiſhop of Canterbury, the very worſt of al his Trayterous Predeceſsors, their crimes being all concentred in him; whoſe famous Triall, Judgement, Execution, ſhall eternize Your memorable Juſtice to poſterity, and deter all other ambitious pragmaticall Clergy men, from treading in his fatall foot-ſteps: the ſign of the Arch-biſhops head, when ſeriouſly beheld, being as good, a Memento for wicked Prelates, Councellors, to ſcare them from his trayterous practiſes, as the ſight of a corrupt Judges skin in Herodotus, nayled to the Tribunall, was to his ſucceſſors, to deter them from bribery and injuſtice.

If I have done any acceptable ſervice for Your Honourable Aſſembly and the Church of God, in pubilſhing theſe first Fruits of my Obedience to Your juſt Deſires, the favourable Acceptance of what I have already compoſed with much difficulty and leſſe exactneſſe then I deſired, will be an incouragement to me (if God ſend life and leiſure) to preſent Your Honours in due ſeaſon with the remainder of this History. In the mean time I ſhall become a dayly Orator to the Throne of Grace, to make and continue Your Honourable Houſes and Committees, a fJer. 31. 23. c. 50. 7.mountain of holineſſe, an habitation of Justice; to gDeut. 33. 21.execute the Juſtice of the Lord, hPſal. 82. 3.to do Juſtice to the afflicted and needy, in ridding them out of the hands of the wicked; and to diſtribute equall ſpeedy judgement to all oppreſſed ones who complain unto, and on all Delinquents juſtly convicted before Your Honours, without any reſpect of perſons, or byaſſe of intereſt or affections, according to the old inflexible rules of Law and Justice; that ſo no perſon whatſoever may have any occaſion to take up the Prophets complaint againſt You, (as iIohn Lilburn in his late Libels; Englands Birth-right, with others.ſome have cauſleſly done) That kIſa. 59. 4. 9. 14Judgement is turned away backward, justice ſtandeth a far off, and equity cannot enter, there is no judgement in their goings. lI ſay 5. 7.We looked for judgement but behold oppreſſion; for righteouſneſſe but behold a cry: mEccl 3. 16.Moreover we ſaw under the ſun the place of judgement, that wickedneſſe was there; and the place of righteouſneſſe, that iniquity was there: nIſa. 1 21.It was full of Judgement, righteouſneſſe lodged in it heretofore, but now murderers and oppreſſers: oIer. 9. 22.Is there no Balm in Gilead? is there no Phyſitian there? why then is not the health of the daughter of our people recovered? But that al ſuch falſ clamours being wholly ſilenced by Your care and juſtice, our whole Nation may unanimouſly trumpet forth theſe worthy prayſes of your Houſes, Committees, that Justice and Judgment are the Habitation of Your Throne (as they are of Ier. 9. 22.Gods) and that, like good King David, you all q2 Sam. 8. 15.do execute juſtice and judgment to all the people; judging them with juſt judgment, without wreſting, perverting juſtice or reſpect of perſons, and that which is altogether juſt do you (r) Deut. 16. 18. 19. 20.follow, Which will be Your Honours brighteſt Crown of glory, our Kingdomes greateſt ſecurity, our peoples moſt deſireable Felicity; yea, is and ſhall be the Vote, the Prayer of

Your Honours moſt devoted Servant, WILLIAM PRYNNE. Lincolns Inne, Aprill 20, 1646.