A Present for a Papist, Text

A Present for a Papist · Text

p. 1A Preſent for a Papiſt: OR THE LIFE and DEATH OF POPE JOAN, &c.

JOhn Engliſh or Pope Joan, as you may read in Platina's Lives of the Popes, was born at a place called Mentz in Germany, who concealing her Sex in a Maſculine habit, being a young Woman, travel'd with a man of ſingular Learning to Athens, whom ſhe infinitely loved for the excellency of his parts, having ſufficient ingenuity to qualify her for a judge in that particular. Such was her deſire of knowledge, that for ſome p. 2time ſhe wholly baniſh'd her thoughts from every thing that had the leaſt appearance of what was ſenſual, and applying her ſelf ſolely to her ſtudy, in a little time ſhe ſo improved her ſelf in all Arts and Sciences, by converſing with the Learned of thoſe times, with the aſſiſtance of her no leſs Learned Companion, that in Philoſophy ſhe had few Equals, and a while after coming to Rome, in Theology ſhe had as few Superiours. By her indefatigable reading and acute diſputing, ſhe ſoon obtain'd ſo much good will and Credit amongſt all ſorts of Perſons, that ſhe was not only cried up for a great Wit, but a man of unimitable holyneſs and piety, and this vogue ran ſo uncontroulably general among the wiſer ſort, that Leo the Fourth deceaſing, by the conſent of all, as Martinus ſaith, ſhe was choſen Pope. Being hardly p. 3warm in her Papal Seat, her Piety gave place to her Leachery, inſomuch, that admitting either her learned Fellow-traveller, or one of her Menialls, as ſome imagin, into her looſe embraces, ſhe conceived with Child, and as ſhe grew bigger and bigger, every day produced new inventions to conceal her inpregnation, ſo ſuptly contrived, that this growing infamy was known to none but him that was the cauſe thereof: but miſchief on't, not dreaming that her time approacht ſo near, as ſhe was going from the Vatican to St. John Laterans in Proceſſion, between Nero's Coloſſes and St. Clements, ſhe fell in Travel, and was Delivered of a Son, and dyed in that very Place, having ſate as Pope two years one month and four days, and was buried without the leaſt honour and ſolemnity.

Jacobus Bergomenſis differs little in opinion from the aforeſaid relation, p. 4a Man whom Trithemius (Lib. de Eccleſiaſticis Scriptoribus) applauds for being well read in Scripture, a famous Hiſtoriographer, and one that was witty, eloquent, and of a good life and Converſation, and therefore we may dare credit ſuch a Perſon, who ſays,aaSupplement Chron. lib. 11. ad Anno 858. Impreſ. Venetiis. An. 1486. Johannes Septimus Papa, natione Anglicus poſt Leonem Pontiſicem, Pontifex factus ſedit, An. 2. Menſ. 5. Hunc tradunt fuiſſe faeminam, &c. John the VII. by Country Engliſh, was created Pope after, next after Leo, and ſate two years five Months; they ſay this was a Woman, and that ſhe went very young out of England to Athens with a learned man that was in Love with her, and that thereby, hearing good Profeſſors, ſhe profitted ſo much, that coming to Rome, ſhe had few like her in Divinity. Whereupon by her Reading, Diſputing, Preaching, and Praying, ſhe got her ſelf p. 5ſo much favour, that upon Leo his death, ſhe was Choſen Pope in his Room, (as many men ſay by common conſent; but ſee the luck of it, a while after, ſhe was got with Child by one of her acquaintance, and was delivered thereof in the time of her Papacy; for going from the Vatican to St. John Laterans in Proceſſion, between the Coloſſes and St. Clements, e're ſhe was aware, Child-birth Pangs ſeized her e're ſhe was aware, and was delivered in the High-ſtreet without the help of any Midwife, but ſhe dyed preſently, and was buryed without the leaſt ſolemnity in the ſame place, with her Bantling lying by her. Now in deteſtation of ſo foul a fact, and for the continuing the memory of ſo lude an action, the Popes to this day, when they go in Proceſſion, to ſhew their diſlike to the place of her Travel, which was in p. 6the midſt of her way, forſaking it, do turn into by-lanes, and by-ſtreets, till they have left that on their backs, and then returning into the ſame ſtreet again, they go forward with their Proceſſion. And for avoiding the like miſchief for the future, it was decreed: that none ſhould be conſecrated Pope, before the youngeſt Cardinal Deacon had tried by touching, (whilſt the Perſon to be conſecrated ſate on a Cloſe-ſtool) that he was a man.

I am not ignorant how incredulous this ſtory appeares to the Romaniſts, and how fabulous and rediculous ſome have endeavour'd to render it by their ſophiſtry and forgery, which ſhameful practices we need not wonder at, if we conſider how cuſtomary it is for them to avow manifeſt untruths, and deny known truths, eſpecially if they produce any advantage to the vanity p. 7of their Popiſh perſwaſion; all which is as eaſy to prove, as to object againſt them; which though it may be demonſtrated by diverſe particulars, viz. By Parſons and Biſhops, denying that they call the Pope their Lord God: by Bellarmins denying that any Jeſuit had any hand in the Gunpowder Treaſon: by their general denying that Pope Honorius the firſt was an Heritick, &c. Yet moſt apparently their impudence appeares, in denying the report of a Joan that was a quondam Pope of Rome; which I ſhall endeavour to prove by a Cloud of witneſſes, not any of our own Brethren, but the ſons of the Romiſh Church, which purpoſely I have done for the greater confirmation of my arguments; for as Novatian ſays, de Trinitate firmum eſt genus probationis quod etiam ab Adverſario ſumiter, ut veritas etiam ab inimicis veritatis probetur; p. 8that is a ſtrong proof which is wrung out of the adverſary, when the enemies of truth are driven to bare witneſs unto the truth. And asbbVives de Inſtrument. probabilitatis. another, Amici contra amicum et inimici pro inimico invincibile teſtimonium eſt. Which ſounds thus as I conceive; the teſtimony of a Papiſt againſt a Papiſt, and the teſtimony of a Papiſt for a Proteſtant, is without exception. If I have given an impartial and true account of this Joan, the Woman Pope, manifeſtly proving there was ſuch a Perſon who ſate in the Papacy, and dyed therein with infamy, againſt the ſurmiſes and objections made to the contrary, by Robert Bellarmin and Caeſer Baronius Cardinals, Onuphrius Harding, Saunders, Cope, Genebrard, Bernartius, Florimondus, Papirius, Maſo, Parſons, &c. I would then have the Romaniſt lay aſide all prejudice, and bare Witneſs p. 9with me, if he can bring more ſolid arguments to the contrary, I am ready to be convinced, being content to learn of him if he can better inform my judgment, asccLib. 2. Retract. cap. 18. St. Auguſtin did of Tychonius the Heretick. To conclude my proaemium with all ſincerity, I profeſs, that though it may be gather'd out of Campian a Tiburn-martyr, and the Papiſts Champion, that they believe one Heaven cannot hold them and Proteſtants; thoughddFieri nequit ut Lutheranus, Jehennam, evadat, ex externis ignibus eripiatur. Si mentior damner ipſe cum Lucifero, ſaith Coſterus, Reſp. ad Refutat. Lucae Oſiandri Propoſit. 8. pag. ult. Coſteras wiſh ſtrangly that he may be damn'd with the Devil to all Eternity if any of us be ſaved; yet their uncharitableneſs and cruelty towards us from time to time extended cauſeleſly ſhall work no ſuch effect in me, but on the contrary, I wiſh them well, and ſhall conſtantly pray for the welfare of their Souls; that they may have eyes to ſee the truth, and ingenuity to acknowledge it.

p. 10Give me leave now to come to the Proof of this famous Hiſtory of Pope Joan, and by the way, methinks I hear ſome opinionative obſtinate Romaniſt ſay that the whole ſtory of Pope Joan is a fond, vain, and meer fable, a ridiculous fiction, and ſo known to the more learned ſort of Proteſtants among you, but that you will not leave deluding the world with it for want of other matter; beſides, there are ſo many improbabilities and moral impoſſibilities in this Tale; as no man of any mean judgment, diſcretion, or common ſenſe will give credit thereto; but will eaſily ſee the vanity thereof. In a word, I ſayeeImpudentiſſimè ficta, ſtultiſſimè credita. Fernartius de utilitate legendae hiſt. lib. 2. p. 105. he was a Knave that invented it, and he is a Fool that believeth it, eſpetially if he compares it with what is written on the ſame ſubject by Buchingerus in Germani, by Charanza in Spain, by Onuphrius, Bellarmin, and Baronius in p. 11Italy, by Tarianus, and Bernartius in Belgia, by Pontacus in Aquitania, by Genebrard and Papyrius, Maſſonus in France, by Saunders, Cope, Harding, Father Parſons, and others which were Engliſh men.

To all thoſe particulars, and what elſe hath been objected, to prove the nullity of this Hiſtory, I ſhall endeavour to anſwer and refute as mildly as the ſubject will permit, and firſt, did it not paſs for currant, ſans contradiction, till within ſomewhat more than a Century of years, viz. Till the year 1566. That Onuphrius the Fryer began to boggle at it; he was the firſt that ever by reaſon indeavour'd to diſcredit the report of it, and yet confeſſeth that many worthy men as well as vulgar, believed it for a truth: Multos & magni nominis viros hiſtoriam hanc ſuſcipere eam quoque vulgo verum exiſtimary. Beſides, it is to be found in Marianus p. 12Scotus, in Sigibert, in Gotefridus Viterbienſis, in Johannes de Pariſiis, in Martinus Polonius, in Petrach, in Boccace, in Ramulſius Ceſtrenſis, in Johannes Lucidus, in Alphonſus e Carthagena, in Theodoricus de Niem, in Chalcocondilas, in Platina, in Palmerius, in Nauclerus, in Sabellicus, in Trithemius, in Voleteranus, in Bergomenſis, in Schedel, in Laziardus, in Fulgoſus, in Textor, in Gaſſarus, in Mantuan, in Crantius, in Caranza, with many more of the Papiſh faction; ſome Grecians, ſome Italians, Spaniards, French, Germans, Polonians, Scots, Engliſh, and yet not one of them a Lutheran. If theſe Authors added no weight to the verity of this Hiſtory, yet methinks her Image might, which is ſet up among the reſt of the Images of the Popes in the famous Church of Siena in Italy, and is to be ſeen there at this day; which the Biſhop p. 13of that place would not ſuffer to be defaced at the laſt repairing of that Church, though the Jeſuits did urge him much to do it. Moreover, was there not made of old for fear of ſuch like cheats and abuſes a ſtool of eaſement, on which Popes were ſet at their inauguration, for proof of their humanity? was their not a Marble Image fet up as a Monument thereof, in the place where ſhe Miſcarried, viz. In one of the chiefeſt ſtreets in Rome, which Monument was likewiſe to be ſeen within this few yeares, no longer ago than in the time of Pius the fifth. Laſtly, is it not written by men of their own perſwaſion, that all Popes when they go in Proceſſion, refuſe to go through that ſtreet in deteſtation of that fact, but go further about. To this the Romaniſts do anſwer, it is not ſo much in deteſtation of any ſuch ſuppoſed fact that they p. 14leave the ſtraight and nearer way to the Lateran Church, but becauſe that ſtreet is Auguſta & anfractuoſa, a narrow winding ſtreet, and in that reſpect unfit for ſo great a Train as ordinary accompanies the Pope to paſs orderly through, as Onuphrius, Bellarmin, and Remondus have obſerved. But if it be true what Philippus Bergomenſis hath regiſtred, this obſervation is falſe,ffIn Supplement Chron. ad Annum 158. eo omiſſo (ſaith he) ſpeaking of the Popes turning out of that place of the ſtreet wherein Madam Joan was deliver'd without the benefit of a warm Bed, Midwife, Nurſe, or Caudles to comfort her, Declinat ad diverticula vicoſque, et ſic loco deteſtabili poſtergato reintrantes, iter perficiunt quod caeperunt: that is, leaving the way, they turn into by-lanes and by-ſtreets, and as ſoon as they are beyond that deteſtable place, they turn into their way again, and ſo p. 15go on to the perfecting their Proceſſion. Now, if upon their leaving that ſtreet, they enter into by-lanes, &c. And having paſt that ominous place, they turn in again; the reaſon why they leave that ſtreet cannot be becauſe it is narrow and winding in and out, for doubtleſs thoſe by-lanes are as narrow. And by their turning out and returning into the ſame way again, they wind as often in and out as if they went along through the ſame ſtreet, though it were very crooked. In confirmation whereofggDe vitis Pontif. in vita Johan. 8. Platina, who knew Rome very well, and was deſirous enough to cover the Popes nakedneſs herein, as much as he could with any honeſty, confeſſeth that this is probable enough.

As to the Marble Image erected in perpetuam rei memoriam hhLib. de privilegiis & juribus Imperii.Theodoricus de Niem, who was formerly a Secretary to a Pope, ſays adhuc p. 16vetus Statua marmorea illic poſita figurative monſtrat hoc factum, unto this day an old marble Image errected in that place, ſheweth the matter under a figure. Now obſerve what a ſlender evaſion the Romaniſts make uſe of, in acknowledging there was ſuch a Statue but reſembled not in the leaſt a Woman lying In, nor was the Boy engraved by her like a Child in Swadling-Clouts, but like one of ſome years.

This exception is to little purpoſe, for that age was an ignorant, illiterate, witleſs age, and therefore perhaps had no more Skill in Graving, Carving, and Painting, then they had, whom Aelian mentions, who were forced to write over or under their Pictures, Hic eſt Bos; ille Equus; haec Arbor; this is a Bull, this an Horſe, and this a Tree; that men might know what creature it was they Painted p. 17Aeneas Sylvius pointing to a more ingenious time than that of Pope Joan, condemns the Painters and Carvers thereof for notorious bungling Botchers, ſaying thus, If we could take a vew of grav'd or painted Images made two or three hundred years ago, you would find them pourtraed not like men, but Monſters and hobgobblins; ſuch an artiſt probably had the handling of Pope Joans ſtatue; however as ill framed as it was, Pius Quintus thought it as it ſtood, that it diſcovered more than he willingly would have known, and therefore removed it and caſt it into the River Tyber, not becauſe it diſgraced the ſtreet, but, ut memoriam illius aboleret, that he might extinguiſh the memory of that ſhameful action, and this is not onelyonly witneſſed by Travellers, that were in Rome, but by Elias iiHiſt. a Jeſuitici Ordinis cap. 10. de Jeſuitarum Patre & Matre.Haſſenmuller formerly a member of the fiery order of Jeſuits.

p. 18Bellarmin in lib. de Rom. Pontif. will not allow of this Stool of Eaſment; for ſays he, of a ſtool of eaſment to try the Popes Sex, there is no where any mention; Onuphrius averring that it is but a meer toy, and an idle conceit of idle people; yet Philippus Bergomenſis, a man of great learning and eſteem in his time, (as Trithemius atteſts) records it as an undeniable truth, that there was ſuch a thing; for upon mention made of Pope Joans ſtory, Ad evitandos ſimiles errores ſtatutum fuit (ſaith he) ne quis de caetero in B. Petri collocaretur ſede priuſquam per perforatam ſedem futuri Pontificis genitalia ab ultimo Diacono Cardinale attractarentur: for avoiding like errour for the future it was decreed that no man ſhould be held for Pope, till the youngeſt Cardinal Deacon had found by trial, while he ſate upon a ſtoole of eaſment, that he was a man; p. 19which is likewiſe teſtified bykkDe rebus Turcicis lib. 6. pag. 98. Laonicus Chalcho condilas; for upon relation of that ſtory he thus proceeds, Qua propter ne decipiantur iterum ſed rem cognoſcant neque ambigent Pontificis creati virilia tangunt & qui tangit acclamat: Mas nobis Dominus eſt: that is, leaſt they ſhould be deceived again, they make proof of the Popes manhood by feeling, and he that feel-makes it known by crying our Lord and Maſter is a Man. And Sabellinus writing the ſame matter, ſays, There is to be ſeen at this day in the Popes Pallace a Marble Chair wherein the new Pope preſently upon his election is ſet down, that as he ſits, the loweſt Deacon may make trial of his humanity by touching or feeling.

As much may be read in William Brewin, who lived in the year 1470. for in Capella Salvatoris (ſaith he) In the Chappel of our Saviour, there are two or more Marble Chairs with holes in them, wherein p. 20in (as I heard) there they make proof whether the Pope be a man or no.

The Romaniſts confeſs there is ſuch a Chair, but never intended for the uſe afore recited; for (ſay they) he ſits not therein in a corner, but in the great Church of St. John Lateran, where a vaſt concourſe of People come to ſee him; where he is attended by the whole Colledge of Cardinalls, with many Embaſſadours of Kings and Princes; whereas a cloſer place was fitter for that Purpoſe, and they might more conveniently have made tryal of his humanity in the conclave, wherein he was choſen, and ſo they did it ſeemes; for preſently upon their electing of him, before they proclamed him Pope, they ſate him in a Chair in their Conclave, as you may read in the book of holy Ceremonies, dedicated to Leo the tenth, whereby you may ſee how p. 21idlymmLib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24. Bellarmin, talks (if I may be ſo bold to ſpeak ſo of ſo great a Cardinal) who taking upon him to clear the Point, never ſpeaks of his ſitting in the chair in the Conclave, but only of his ſiting in other Chairs at St. John Laterans, as though he had been chaired only Publickly, and not in private, and that he himſelf had ſaid ſufficiently to the Point in queſtion, by proving, that in Publick there was no ſuch concluſion tryed with the Pope; whereas the concluſion was tryed in ſecret. Now, ſhould you ask the queſtion of any of them to what end does he ſet in ſuch a Chair in Publick, I warrant you the reply will be, that thereby he may be put in mind, that he is not God but Man: in as much as he ſtands in need of a Cloſe-ſtool as well as others; ſo ſays Florimondus: and indeed I think he hath need to be put in mind thereof. For p. 22though ſome Papiſts deny it ſhamefully,nnN. D. in his Warnword to Sir. Fr. Haſtings encounter, cap. 2. fol. 30. yet there have been popiſh Paraſits, who have in plain terms called the Pope (as St. Thomas termed Chriſt, Joh. 20.28.) their Lord, and God; and there are ſtill ſuch, who give him ſuch titles as are due to God alone, and rob God of ſome part of his power, to beſtow it on him. See Stapleton princip. fid. doctrin praefect. ad Greg. 13. Plane ſupremum in terris numen.

But methinks they ſhould not need to have ſet him in ſuch a Chair, to ſuch a purpoſe, for his own neceſſity would have compeld him to ſet himſelf thereon ordinarily every day; and his Chamberpot would have ſerved to put him in mind of his humanity ſufficiently: thus Autigonus the elder (asooPart. 2. Moral. lib. de Iſide & Oſiride. Plutarch relates) was convinced that he was a Man and not a God. Beſides, methinks they ſhould not have intended ſuch a Myſtery by p. 23ſuch a Ceremony, becauſe they ſet him therein before he was in his Pontificalibus: for till he be Mitred, till he be Crowned, till he have received the Keys, whereby is denoted his power to bind and looſe; and a Rod whereby is ſignified his power to puniſh; I ſay I ſhould think there ſhould be no fear of forgetting himſelf. Again, had it not been better think you, if they had aimed at any ſuch marke, to have cauſed a Boy to come every morning unto the Popes Chamber door (after the example of Philip King of Macedon) who ſhould have whoopt him out of his bed, and bid him remember that he was mortal.

And now ſee how induſtrious the Romaniſts are, by endeavouring to obliterate, or remove what ever may aſſiſt the continuance of the memory of this Pope Joan; for as Pius Quintus threw into Tyber her p. 24marble Image which ſtood in the ſtreet where ſhe was deliver'd, ſo by Clement the eight, by the perſwaſion of Cardinal Baronius, her Image in the Church of Siena is defaced; now if the preſent Pope will but burne all the books too, which are writ of Pope Joan, all evidences then would be totally loſt, it would be eaſily for them then to prove that there never was ſuch a Pontificial Woman. I but (ſays the Papiſt) what if her Image had ſtood ſtill, is there any ſence, that becauſe of ſuch a portraiture we are therefore bound to believe there was ſuch a Pope; if we believe Painters, and Carvers we ſhould make find work indeed; and ſo we ſhall indeed if we believe their Painters, and Carvers. For we find the Trinity painted by them in the likeneſs of a Man with three faces: ſometimes like a Man with two heads having a Dove between them; p. 25both which faſhions of painting the Trinity is monſtrous inppLib. 2. de Imag. cap. 8. Bellarmins opinion. We find our Saviour Chriſt painted with long hair, as though he had been a Nazarite by vow, which conceit is controuled byqqFor Nazarites muſt drink no Wine Numb. 6.3. yet our Saviour did, Mat. 11.19. and 26, 29.Num 6:3Matt 11:19Matt 26:29 Holy writ. We find him ſet on a Weather-cock on the top of the Temple of Jeruſalem, as though the Temple had aſpire-ſteeple like ours, which is falſe. We find the Virgin Mary treading on the Serpents head, which the Scriptures foretold Chriſt himſelf ſhould do. We find her richly apparel'd in a Gown of wrought gold, whereas, queſtionleſs her habit was very mean and ordinary; and with a pair of beads in her hand; whereas a thouſand years after Chriſt, beads were not uſed throughout the world. Beſides, their Painters recommend unto us a Saint on horſeback, whom they call George, and another on foot, as big as a Giant, p. 26whom they call Chriſtopher, and a She-Saint broken on the wheel, whom they call Catharine, and a fourth drawn in peices by horſes, nick-nam'd Hippolitus: whereas in all antiquity there is no mention made of any ſuch Saints. Thus you ſee we have no reaſon barely to believe painting and carving, but if Book-proof, or Tradition concur with them, we may give ſome credit to them.ppLib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 11. Bellarmin himſelf is of the opinion, that there can be no error in ſubſtance, as long as (beſides book-proof) there are Monuments of Stone or of Braſs for the proof of any antient report: thus if he ſpeak the words of truth the truth is with us; for, beſides Monuments of Stone, we have the Teſtimonies of many authentick Writers: amongſt whom, Charanza a Spaniard, who, Florimondus ſays, diſproved the ſtory of Pope Joan before he undertook the task himſelf; p. 27but he belies him; for theſe are his words,ttIn Sum. Conc. p. 370. Edit. Paris, 1564. Johannes 8. Papa 105. ſub Petro ſedit An. 2 Mens. Dies 4. de hoc ferunt, quod malis artibus Pontificatum adeptus eſt, quoniam cum eſſet faemina, ſexum mentitus eſt; et poſtea à ſervo compreſſa, doloribus circumventa, mortua eſt: in Engliſh thus; John the eight Pope. 105. Pope from St. Peter, ſate 2 years 1 month 4 days. They report of this Perſon that he got the Papacy by evil means, becauſe he feined himſelf to be a man, whereas in truth he was a Woman, who being afterwards begot with child by one of her ſervants, fell in travel and dyed therein.

z. Krantius, who is recommended by Pontanus for a famous Hiſtoriographer, and one that writ before Luthers times, and is therefore the leſs to be ſuſpected for partiallity, ſays thus, Johannes Anglicus ex Maguntia mulier, mentita ſexum, &c. John Engliſh,Mitrop. l. 2. Edit. Colon. 1574. & Francof. 1590. p. 28a Woman of Mentz, diſſembled her Sex, and being of a quick wit, and voluble tongue, and one that could talk Scholaſtically, ſhe won the hearts of all men, ſo that ſhe arrived to the dignity of Pope, no Man knowing any other but that ſhe was a Man, ſave one of her Servants, who afterwards got her with Child: they ſay ſhe was deliver'd near the Coloſſes, before ſhe had ſate too years compleat.

Mantuan, who is commended by Trithemius for an excellent Theologiſt, a knowing Philoſpher, and a famous Poet, the only man in all Italy in his time, hath this ſtory in his deſcription of Hell, and deſcribing what manner of Perſons were there, ſaith he.

Hic pendebat adhuc ſexum mentita virilem

Faemina, cui triplici Phrygiam diademate, mitram

Extollebat apex & pontificalis adulter.

p. 29Here hangs a Woman, once who paſt for man,

Who truckt for Breeches, Peticoats, and Fan.

By her great parts ſhe gain'd, with much renown,

The Phrygian Mitre, with the triple Crown.

Here hangs that Lecher too, by whom 'tis ſed

The Woman Pope did loſe her Maiden-head,

And in the Street 'thout Midwife brought to bed.

Achilles Gaſſarus in his Epitome of all Hiſtories, and Cronicles, collected out of the beſt Hiſtorigraphers, writs thusuuAchilles Gaſſarus, in Epit. Hiſt. &c. Antwerp 1536. John the eight, by Country Engliſh, by calling a Pope, yet by Sex a Woman, ſate ſhamefully as Pope two years and ſix Months.

Raviſius Textor, in his Officina writs thus; Scitum ex Chronicis, p. 30& à Majoribus Scriptum Johannem Anglicum ab Ephebis ſexum verilem ſimulaſſe, et tandem fato neſcio quo, aut Fortuna certè volente, ad pontificatum perveniſſe, in quo Annos circiter duos ſederit poſt Leonem quartum, neque prius innotuerit facti veritas, quam à quodam ex domeſticis impregnata, tandem emiſerit partum; It is a thing well known by the Cronicles, and written by our Anceſtors, that John Engliſh, from her youth upward deported her ſelf in every reſpect like a man, and at length, by I know not what deſtiny, certainly by very great fortune ſhe became Pope, and ſate about two years after Leo the fourth and no body know this fallaſie and deceit till ſhe was with Child by one of her menial Servants,aaDe dictis factiſque memorabilibus lib. 8. cap. 3 Tit. de faeminis quae doctrinâ excel. and deliver'd thereof: and Fulgoſus, who was a noble, and learned man, and ſometimes Duke of Genua affirms the ſame ſtory for a truth, p. 31ſaying, that John the eight was at length detected to be a Woman.

Laziardus is of the ſame opinion; ſo is Hartmannus Schedel a Doctor of Phyſick, yet not ignorant of holy Scriptures, nor atheiſtically inclined, as it is bewailably common for ſuch ſo to be, yet by Florimondus he is accuſed for being one of the brood of the Huſſites, and lived in Nurimberge when that City was infected with Huſſes hereſy, and therefore would fain perſwade his party that no credit is to be given him, becauſe whatever he writ concerning the Popedome of Joan the Woman was partial. In anſwèr to this, I rather believe Florimondus to be one of the brood of abominable Lyars; for Hartmannus Schedel, born in Nurimberg, wasbbEgo Hart. Schedel, Doctor Patavinus, &c. circa Anno 1440. f. 252. ſtudent in Padua, where he was created Doctor of Phyſick by the great Matthiolus, and he was ſo far from Huſſes opinion, p. 32that in the ſame book quoted in the Margent he hath inſerted one whole Chapter about the hereſy of the Huſſites, and their original.zzAnthropologia lib. 22. pag. 503. edit. Baſil. 1556. Volateran, an Hiſtoriographer of good note, makes no doubt of the reality of this ſtory; and Trithemius Abbot of St. Martins Monaſtery in Spanheim, a reverend, well read, and very learned man writes thus, In the ſame year that Pope Leo died, John Engliſh ſucceeded for two years and five months. Now ſome ſay ſhe was a Woman, and that ſhe was known ſo to be but to one only, who was her ſervant, by whom at length ſhe was begot with Child, and thereof deliver'd in the open ſtreet. For this cauſe ſome would not reckon her among the number of Popes, diſliking this villainous action: with whom, in matter of fact, correſponds Sabellicus, a manaaSabellicus vir undecun que ; doctiſſimus claret hodiè apud venetos maximo in pretio. Trithemius lib. de Script. Eccleſ. of great eſteem in Venice, yea the moſt famous in his p. 33time for all manner of learning; of whoſe books, Pius the Third profeſſed he valued as much, as Alexander did Homers Iliads.

Wernerus Roleunick, who is reckoned by Paulus Langius among the moſt famous of the Order of Carthuſians, and commended by Trithemius for a man of profound learning, and ſingular devotion, in confirmation of what is aforeſaid, writes thus:bbFaſciculus Temp. aetate 6. ad annum 854. This John, by Sirname, Engliſh, by his Country, of Mentz, is reported to have ſate as Pope about this time; and ſhe was a woman, but went in mans apparel. She profited ſo well in Divinity, that ſhe had no fellow, and ſo was choſen to be Pope; But after a while, being great with Child, as ſhe went in publick Proceſſion, ſhe was delivered thereof, and dyed. And this ſeems to be the Sixth Pope to this day, which was called Holy and proved naught: And therefore he was plagued by God, as p. 34the reſt before him were plagued, Neither is ſhe in the Regiſter of Popes. Hence ſome ſay, becauſe ſhe was a Germane, a Germane is not permited to be elected Pope, but this is manifeſtly falſe; for ſince, ſeveral Germains have been advanced unto the Popedom.

Mattheus Palmerius, anccTrithemius de Script. Eccleſiaſt. Italian, and one of the choiceſt men which were at the Council kept by Eugenius, the 4. againſt the Council of Braſil; Pontifex 106. Johannes Anglicus (ſaith he) ſedit An. 2. Menſ. 3. fama eſt hunc Johannem foeminam fuiſſe, et uni ſoli familiari cognitam, qui eam complexus eſt, et gravis facta peperit Papa exiſtens; quamobrem inter Pontifices non numerant quidam, ideo nomini numerum non facit; that is John was a woman, yet not known ſo to be, but to one of her familiars, who lay with her, ſhe was deliver'd in the time of her Papacy, and becauſe p. 35ſome reckon her not among the Popes, there are no more Johns for her, than if ſhe had never been. The account that B. Platina gives of this Learned Whore, (or as Mr. Fox calls her the Whore of Babylon) is contradicted by ſome, and ſuppoſed to be never written by the Author aforeſaid, but foiſted in, ſo Bernartius conjectures; and to confirm his groundleſs ſuppoſition (ſaith he)ddBernartius de utilitate Legendae, hiſt. lib. 2. p. 111. Antonius Hetweeld, a man of good report, and Alderman of Lovaine told me, that one Engelbertus Boonius, a reverend Germain Dean had often times told him, that he had ſeen many antient Manuſcripts of Platina in the Zatican at Rome, and perſued them diligently, and yet found not any mention made of this Pope Joane.

Surely this reverend Dean had the luck on't, to light on ſuch antient Manuſcripts, as the Alderman of Lovain informed Bernartius of, p. 36but how comes it about, that neither Onuphrius, Platina's Commentator, Bellarmin, nor Baronius, who have had as free acceſs into the Vatican Library, as any, could never light on theſe Manuſcripts as well as he? And how comes it that none ſince Bernartius thought good to except in that manner againſt Platina, the acknowledgment of thoſe too Pillars of the Romiſh Church, Bellarmin and Baronius, with Onuphrius, that this Story is originally in Platina induceth me to believe, that, either Bernartius, belyed the Alderman, or the Alderman belyed the reverend Dean, or the Dean made a Fool of the Alderman, and made the other ſo too by conſequence: for queſtionleſs had there been any ſuch Manuſcripts, ſome of them would have found them out, and made them publick to wipe off that infamy they more than barely ſtand ſuſpected of. For p. 37they are glad of narrower Fig-tree-leaves to cover their Nakedneſs withal, than ſuch Manuſcripts, could they be produced.

Now ſince it is evident, that Platina did write the life of this Lady Errant Joan, who coming from Athens became at Rome a teeming Pope, the Romaniſts have indeavour'd to find another hole to creep out at, denying that he writ by publick authority, and did not take his Hiſtory out of the publick Regiſters of the Church. The belief hereof is an errour, and a groſs one too; foreeProoemio lib. de Vitis Pontif. in Epiſtola ad Ziſtum. 4. Platina himſelf profeſſeth, that he writ by the command of Sixtus the fourth; and Onuphrius confeſſeth, that he followed Damaſus, Anaſtatius, and ſuch Hiſtorigraphers, as had written before of the ſame matter. I but ſays Florimondus, Platina reported it rather to ſhew his reading, than for that he thought it p. 38true, for, (ſays he) had he imagin'd it true, he would have exaggerated it, and made the worſt on't, that thereby he might have revenged himſelf of the Popes, at whom he was grievouſly incenſed. For Paul the Second (continues he which all men know) racked him, and deveſted him, of all his dignities, and juſtly caſting him into Priſon, kept him there as long as himſelf lived. To this I anſwer; that he was racked, and impriſoned by Paul the Second, is true, but that it was juſtly done, is falſe; for Trithemius chargeth that Pope for ſo doing with cruelty.

Yet ſuppoſe all were true, doth it follow in Florimondus Logick, that becauſe Paul the II. wronged Platina; ergo, Platina hated all Popes? and why not then; Sixtus the fourth gratified Platina many ways, ſetting him at Liberty, and reſtoring him his dignities; ergo Platina p. 39Loved all Popes for his ſake? If one mans Kindneſs could not work Love towards all, it is not likely that one mans unkindneſs ſhould breed hatred or Heart-burning againſt all; wherefore notwithſtanding this we may well think, that Platina wrote what he thought, and the rather for that in the words following, he profeſſeth,ffApparet ea quae dixi ex his eſſe, qui fieri poſſe creduntur lib. 6. pag. 98. that ſuch a thing may likely happen.

That I may not ſeem deficient in the production of teſtimonies for the farther probation of this ſtory, give me leave to inſert ſome more; amongſt none of the meaneſt, obſerve what Chalcocondelas ſays, It is well known that a certain woman was made Pope, by reaſon they knew not her Sex. For all (almoſt) in the Weſtern parts of Italy, ſhave their beards. Now when ſhe was great with child, and came abroad to ſolemnize ſome day, or to ſay ſervice; p. 40as ſhe was at ſervice, ſhe was deliver'd of a Child in the ſight of all the People. Wherefore leſt hereafter they ſhould be deceived in like ſort, they make tryal of his man-hood by touching, and he that toucheth proclaimeth, We have a man to our Pope.

Theſe words are allowed by them to be in the Latin Tranſlation, butggAnnal. Tom. 10. ad annum 853. num. 66. Quamvis apud Chalcocondilum Latinè redditum ejuſmodi fabula reperitur eſſe deſcripta; non tamen ab ipſo Authore poſitum ſcias ſed ab Impoſtore Clauſere fraudulenter appoſitum. Baronius will not admit of them in the Greek; for, (ſays he) Clauſerus, his interpreter, added in his tranſlation this ſtory, which is not to be found in the Greek Copy: and for further perſwaſion, to make men believe it, he ſays, that Florimondus hath excellently well diſcovered the couſonage of Clauſerus, for comparing Clauſerus tranſlation in Latin, with a Frenchmans tranſlation of the ſame in his Mother Tongue, by that he found the Tale was not in Calcocondilas; for there was not one word of it in the French tranſlation. But p. 41why I pray may not the French man leave it out as well as Clauſerus; it may be objected (but how truly I know not) that this French man was a faithful tranſlator, and durſt not have left it out, if he had found it in the Greek, as Florimondus notes. And why may we not hold Clauſerus as faithful an interpreter as the Frenchman, yea more faithful, ſeeing the French man was a Papiſt: foriiGretſer lib. 2. de jure, &c. prohib. lib. malos cap. 10. Papiſts hold it Lawful in tranſlating to omit offenſive matter, and ſo doth no Proteſtant. If Florimondus, or Baronius could have informed us where a man might have ſeen a Greek Copy in which it is not, they had ſaid ſomething to purpoſe, but to go about to diſprove it by a tranſlation of one of their own creatures, they argue ridiculouſly, and if any of them gainſay that in the Weſtern parts of Italy all (almoſt) ſhave nothhFidus Interpres praetermittere non auſus fuiſſet, ſi in Graeco Exemplari exeratum inveniſſet. p. 42their Beards, as ſome have made that vain oppoſition, it is eaſily anſwered: for by the Popes Canons, the Italian Prieſts, yea all the Prieſts of the Weſtern Church are to be ſhaven; ſo ſaithkkChronogr. lib. 2. Pontacus, hic Papa (Anicetus) Clericos comam & barbam radere in ſignum clericatus juſſit. Pope Anicetus commanded the Clergy to ſhave both their heads and their beards, in token that they were of the Clergy. And, Occidentalis eccleſiae clerum, ab ipſis eccleſiae Chriſtianae primordiis barbam radendi morem tenuiſſe, aſserit Gregorius 7. Pope Gregory the ſeventh avouceth, that from the Apoſtles days the Weſtern Clergy did ſhave their beards, to whom llRational. Divin. Offic. lib. 2. de Miniſtris, &c.Durandus who lived about the year 1280, ſubſcribeth: for he acknowledgeth that before, and in his time, they were ſhaved, proving the lawfulneſs of it out of Ezechiel, and ſhewing the myſteries that are imported by p. 43it. Johannes Pierius Valerianus, atteſts the ſame, imputing the Errour of electing Pope Joan to the ordinary ſhaving of Beards, becauſe by that means one could hardly know a man from a woman, which cuſtom is ſhamefully revived in theſe fantaſtical times among our gentry, whoſe cloſe ſhav'd wither'd Countenances, are no ways diſtinguiſhable from an antiquitated Gentlewoman, but by their long Wigs, which ſeem to hide thoſe imperfections which attend on age.

For further proof of the verity of this ſtory, it well be expedient to give you an account what Theodoricus de Niem (Secretary to a Pope) relates:mmDe Privilegiis & juribus Imperii. John, called Engliſh, was a woman born at Mentz, and ſhe ſtudied at Athens, apparel'd like a man, where ſhe profited ſo well in the Arts, that coming to Rome ſhe read there the liberal ſciences and was held, ſo ſufficient p. 44a Reader, that many of the better ſort became her hearers; afterwards with one conſent ſhe was choſen Pope, and lived in that dignity two years, and upwards: But taking her ſelf more than before to idleneſs, and pleaſure, ſhe could not live ſo continently as ſhe did, in her mean, yet ſtudious condition: whereupon one day as ſhe went with the Clergy, and People of Rome (according to the cuſtome of that time) in ſolemn Proceſſion, being attired in the uſual Papal ornaments, ſhe was delivered of her firſt begotten ſon (the Father whereof was her ſervant) near the Temple of Peace, which ſtands in the City; as it is evident by an old Marble Image which ſtands there to this day, to denote ſo much in a figure. And hereupon it is that when the Popes go from the Vatican to St. John Laterans, and back again, they go not the direct way thither but by other ſtreets farther about, and ſo make their journey longer.

p. 45I ſhall relate nothing what Petrarch, Boccace, Lucidus, and our Country-man Higden ſays to this purpoſe, ſince there are none ſo obſtinate, but will confeſs they all have writ thereof, but only a little touch upon whatnnTrithem. de Script. Eccleſ. & Poſſevinus in Apparatu Sacro verbo, Johan. Pariſienſis. John of Paris writes as to this matter, who lived about the year 1280. and read publickly in the Ʋniverſity of Paris, with great, and deſerved commendation, as well in Divinity, as Humanity: he ſhowing how ſometimes a man may lawfully diſpute, and take exception againſt the Pope, in reſpect of his PerſonooDe Poteſtate Regia & Papali. notes, that ſuch a Perſon may be choſen as is not capable: ut ſi eſſ et foemina, vel Haereticus, ſicut fuerunt aliqui qui ob hoc non enumerrantur in Catalogo Paparum. As for example (ſaith he) if he prove a Woman, or an Heretick, as ſome have done, who in that reſpect are not reckoned in the Catalogue of the Popes.

p. 46What an infinite number of witneſſes could I produce to verify this ſtory whoſe Teſtimonies though ever ſo clear, yet the Romaniſts, the oppoſers of truth, will cavil at. Martinus Polonus, becauſe he hath writ the truth concerning Pope Joane (for no other reaſon that I can find) they call him ſimple, ignorant man, given to vanity, and only famous for fables, for that isppMartinus Polonus fabulis tantum celebris, caetero obſcurus homo. Bernartius his cenſure of him. See the raſhneſs of our later generation of Papiſts; forqqArchiep. Cofentinus & Paenitentiarius Papae. Poſſevi…. Apparatus ſacer verbo Martinus Polonus. Polonus was an Arch-Biſhop, and Penitentiary to the Pope; he was learned in the Holy Scriptures, and not ignorant of ſecular learning; he was one, whom Platina relyed on much for matter of hiſtory and applauded by him for a man of a good life, and converſation. He was the man, whom the Author of Faſciculus Temporum, and Jacobus Bergomenſis, two good Hiſtoriographers, profeſſed p. 47that they followed eſpecially; and yet he is abuſed with undeſerved titles of ignorance, for ſpeaking the truth.

The premiſes conſider'd, one would think there needed no other quotations for farther proof of a matter ſo notorious, however ſince we have ſuch plenty of Teſtimonies, it will not be irrequiſit to inſert ſome more, that may for ever ſtop the mouths of Truths objectors and opponers: and firſt, Marianus Scotus, who was born in the year 1028.rrAb omnibus honore habebatur & non ſine opinione ſanctitatis ſepelitur, Trithemius de Script. Eccleſiasticis. a man of eſtimation whilſt he lived, and when dead, was held a Saint, and by Baronius was ſtiled, Nobilis Chronographus, a worthy Chonologer; in his Chronicle, thus we read, Leo Papa obiit Kalend. Auguſti, huic ſucceſſit Joanna mulier An. 2. Menſ. 5. dieb. 4. that is Leo the Pope dyed in the Kalends of Auguſt. after him ſucceeded Joane the woman, who ſate 2 years 5 Months and 4 days: ſſLib. 4. de… Rom. Pont. cap. 24.Bellarmin p. 48contradicts this, ſaying, that he who publiſhed Krantius Metropolis at Colen in the year 1574. doth witneſs; in antiquiſſimis exemplaribus Mariani Scoti non haberi Johannem Papam foeminam: that in the antient copies of Marianus Scotus, there is no mention made of Pope Joane the woman: What this He ſhould be, that gives this Teſtimony, I never yet could learn, nor that he was a man of any credit, beſides, there is no reaſon that a nameleſs Sr. Mr. Anonymus ſhould be credited againſt all printed Copies, eſpecially if it be true, whichttLib. 4. de Rom. Pont. Cap. 13. Bellarmin ſaith in another caſe: Author ſine nomine eſt ſine authoritate: a man without a name is without credit; and Canonus a concilio cujus ne nomen quidem extet facile contemni poteſt: a Canon out of a Councill, whoſe name is not known may very well be ſlighted. But would you know the reaſon why Bellarmin did not name him? p. 49you may ſuppoſe, not becauſe he was ignorant of his name, but becauſe he was but a mean fellow, a Printer, a poor Batchelour of the Law, a man of ſlender reputation; for he is named in the firſt page of the Book Gerwinus Calenius Lippienſis: and what was ſuch a fellow to run away with a ſtory of this conſequence upon his bare word in this manner; n quae hic Author de Johanne foemina refert, in odium Romanorum Pontificum confict a fuiſſe ab illis quos ipſe deceptus ſequitur ut alios omittamus quos Onuphrius in Platinam ſcribens recenſet, teſtantur Marianus Scotus & Sigibertus, quorum quae ſuperſunt M. S. exemplaria fraudem illorum detegunt, qui eorum impreſſis voluminibus id inſeruerunt. That this which the Author hereof reports touching Pope Joan is but counterfeit ſtuff, deviſed to make the Pope odious; to ſay nothing of ſuch proofs as Onuphrius gives in his Annotations on Platina, Martianus, Scotus, & Sigibert,uuAnnotat in lib. 2. Kran… tii Metrop. p. 50do teſtify; whoſe manuſcripts remaining on record diſcover their falſhood who have chopt his tale into their printed volumes; which Bellarmin, nor any other durſt or dare avouch, the contrary being confeſs'd directly by Baronius: xxIn chronico ad An. 184 Printed at Paris. 1513.Sigiberts words are theſe, The report is, that this John was a woman, and that one only, who laid with her, knew ſo much: and that at length, even in the time of her Papacy, ſhe was delivered of a Child. Whereupon it is that ſome reckon her not among the Popes, and that there is not one Pope John the more in number for her. Notwithſtanding this, the Romaniſts deny that there is any ſuch thing in the antient, true, and approved Copies of Sigibert, and if there be any ſuch thing found, ſome paltry fellow, (as Bernartius notes) hath been tampering with his writings, and that Sigibert never writ it is fully witneſſed by Genebrard. Pray here obſerve, the Canoniſts (when Popes p. 51alledge Popes for proof) do note, that it is familiaris probatio; meaning, it may be as much as that in the Proverb, Ask my fellow if I be a Thief. But ſay they in the Monaſtery of Gemble in Flanders there is extant the Original of Sigibert, which wants this Story, and for proof hereof, they have the oath of one Protaſius a Franciſcan, who ſaw it, and there (as he ſaith) Sigibert lived, there he wrote this Book with his own hands, there he left it after life as a Monument of his love. There it is ſhown by the Monks to ſuch as come thither for a piece of excellency and rarity.

Now judge you whether this paltry Fryer is to be believed before Trithemius, who 0436 0106 V 3 (ſays he) lived not there when he writ the Book; for he writ that, and many others in the Monaſtery of St. Vincent within the city of Metenſis.

The Monks ſhewing this Book as Sigiberts own to all comers, isyyDe Scriptoribus Eccleſiaſticis Sigibertus cum in Caenobio. 8. Vincentio Metenſi ad inſtruend. pueroseſſer poſitus ſcripſit. Hiſt. lib. p. 52a very ſlender argument to prove that it is his: for I have read of azzVergerius Annot. in Catalog. haeret. Romae conflatum An. 1559 fol. 17. Monk who gave out that he had brought from the Eaſt ſome of the ſound of the Bells which hung in Solomons Temple, and**ibid. that he could ſhew among other reliques, ſome of the hairs which fell from the Seraphical Angel when he came to imprint the Five wounds of Chriſt in St. Francis's body, and I have**Bellonius obſer: lib. 2. cap. 33. read of others who ſhew the Pilgrims who go to Jeruſalem a three corner'd ſtone, aſſuring them it is that very ſtone whereof David ſpoak, ſaying, The ſtone which the Builders refuſed, is the head of the corner. Pſal. 118.22.

Now as Monks and Papiſts couſen others, ſo they are often cheated themſelves; for many of them do verily believe they have that which they have not. Do not many of them perſwade themſelves that they have that Syndon wherein Chriſts body was lapped, p. 53when it was interred, wherein (as they ſay) is to be ſeen to this day the Picture of Chriſt. Others think they have the Nails wherewith Chriſt was nailed to the Croſs, and in like manner are they deceived in a thouſand ſeveral ſorts of reliques.

But grant that this ſtory of Pope Joan is not to be found in ſome Copies of Sigibert, that does not argue that it was never writ by him; it is probable it may be left out by ſome, who have tranſcribed his Manuſcript, which we may as well be induced to believe, and upon as good grounds, as that the words of Aelfricus, which oppoſe Tranſubſtantiation were cut out of a fragment of an Epiſtle of his in the Library of Worceſter, asaaAct. & Monum. allegations againſt the 6. Articles, Pag. 1304. edit. 1570. Mr. Fox doth prove apparently. Thus is this ſtory of Pope Joan cut out of a very fair Manuſcript of Ranulfus p. 54Ceſtrenſis which is now to be ſeen in the Library of New-Colledge in Oxford: we need not wonder at ſuch unjuſt proceedings of the Papiſts, ſince they give direction, that,bbIndex lib. prohib. per Clementem 8. de Correct. lib. qua famae proximorum, & praeſertim Eccleſiaſticorum, & Principum detrahunt, corrigentur, atque expurgentur. That ſuch things ſhould be alter'd, or put out, which tend to the Diſcredit of the Clergy; and doth not this touch their Eccleſiaſtick eſtate to the very quick? doth not Poſſevin adviſe, that theccJoh. Neviſon Sylva Nuptialis. pag. 319. note in John Neviſon the Lawyer, which makes mention of Pope Joan ſhould be razed out? Dele (ſaith he) quia Johannes haec foemina Chimaera eſt, & impoſtura calumniatorum; blot it out (ſaith Poſſevin) becauſe John this Woman was a meer Chimaera, and a forgery of Calumniators.

For further proof that this John was a meer fiction Cardinal Baronius p. 55would make us believe, that thoſe of the beſt Credit in Hiſtory, and who have writ moſt of her, do not poſitively aver that there was ſuch a Woman Pope, but make their report of her with a ſic aiunt, or an ut aſſeritur, but he brings no other proof thereof than teſte meipſo: which however it may go for proof among Princes, yet is no proof among Scholars: and for my part without proof I will believe nothing, let who will be the aſſertor, eſpecially if he be a Papiſt. For asddRerum Memorab. Paralipom. Hiſt. Abbat Ʋrſperg. annexa. pag. 394. Sigiſmund the Emperour ſaid of Julian the Cardinal Legate at the Council of Baſil, when one commended him highly to him; tamen Romanus eſt; yea but he is a Roman; ſo I may ſay of any Romaniſt reporting things unknown, yea but he is a Romaniſt, or Papiſt.

And now I pray ſuppoſe it be ſo as Baronius ſaith it is, why may p. 56it not be true though it be delivered with an ut aſſeritur? It may be objected that Lyes and falſe reports are midwiv'd into the world after that manner with, ſo ſome ſay, and thus it is ſaid. I confeſs that many lies, nay groſs ones too, paſs in ſuch general terms: as for example. Men ſay (ſaith the Popiſh Golden Legend) that St. Patrick drove with his ſtaff all the venemous Beaſts out of Ireland; and, that he obtein'd of the Lord, that no Iriſh man ſhould abide the coming of Anti-chriſt: the former of which Harpfield Cope confeſſeth to be a Lye, and ſo I think all underſtanding Papiſts acknowledg the latter; elſe why do none of the learned Clergy of the Church of Rome alledg it, to clear the Pope from being Anti-chriſt. Men ſay (ſaith Nangiacus, as Genebrard reporteth) that Kentiſh men have tails like bruit Beaſts, p. 57becauſe their Anceſtors mocked Auſtin the Monk when he came to preach among them; nay by ſome this is believed as a truth to this day, for but lately a Kentiſh-man traveling with a Fleming, and being conſtrain'd to lye together, the Dutchman would not go to bed till he had ſatiſfied his Eyes with the truth, or falſhood of a Kentiſh-long-tail; that this is a lye, there is nothing more evident and yet this is reported with a, ſo 'tis ſaid. When Boniface the Martyr was demanded whether it was Lawful to uſe a wooden chalice at the adminiſtration of the Lords ſupper; it is ſaid he anſwered thus (ſaitheeDe ſacris Eccleſiaſt. benefic. ac Min. lib. 2. cap. 4. Duaren) Olim aurei Sacerdotes ligneis vaſis, nunc lignei aureis utuntur: In former times Golden Prieſts uſed Wooden Chalices, now Wooden Prieſts uſe Golden ones: in like manner it was written that Pius p. 58the 2. was wont to ſay, Marriage upon juſt reaſon was forbidden Prieſts, but now upon better reaſon to be reſtored to them again: of which ſaying of his there is no queſtion to be made, as may appear by this, thatffPiſanus de Continentia cap. ii. a Jeſuit only thus replies, That it was recanted by him, and denieth not that it was ſpoken by him. That Alexander the third trampled the Emperour Frederick under his feet, and commanded one to ſay, thou ſhalt walk upon the Lyon, and aſp, the young Lyon, and the Dragon ſhalt thou tread under thy feet Pſal. 91.13.ggDuaremus de ſac. Eccl. Min. lib. 1. cap. 2. this is reported with an, ut fertur, and yet they have little to ſay for themſelves who call the truth thereof into queſtion. That merry Cardinal, who ſeeing after the death of Clement the fourth, that his Brethren the Cardinals called ſtill for the aſſiſtance of the Holy Ghoſt, and could not agree upon the election of a new Pope, cryed outhhOnuph. Annotat in Plat. de vitis Pon. tif. in vit. Gregorii 10. Domini p. 59diſco operiamus tectum camerae hujus, quia Spiritus Sanctus nequit ad nos per tot tecta ingredi; Sirs, let us untile the roof of this room; for I fear the Holy Ghoſt cannot get to us through ſo many ſlates: this is meerlyiiOnuphr. ib. reported upon election of Gegory to have made theſe Verſes.

Papatus munus tulit Archidiaconus unus,

Quem Patrem Patrum fecit diſcordia fratrum.

kkDiſput. ſuper mater. Conc. gen. quae habetur in Faſciculo Rerum. expetend. Col. 15 35. fol. 21.Nicholas Clemangis Arch Deacon of Baion in France writes upon hearſay, that when Balthaſar, commonly known by the name of John the 23. held a Council at Rome, and cauſed, according to cuſtom, before the firſt Seſſion A Maſs to be ſaid for the aſſiſtance of the Holy Ghoſt; immediatly upon the Councils ſitting, and Balthaſars advancing himſelf into the Chair of State; an Owl, of a prodigious bigneſs (an evil preſage) came out of a hole p. 60whooping and hollowing after a dreadful manner, and flew to the middle balk of the Church, ſtaring juſt in Balthaſar's face, to the great aſtoniſhment of him, and the whole Council, which immediately hereupon broke up. He further writes, that at the next Seſſion ſhe appear'd again, ſtaring in the Popes face as before, and could not be frighted away with what extraordinary noiſe was made for that purpoſe; at length one throwing a ſtick knockt her down, and killed her. No man will queſtion the truth hereof, ſince he confeſſeth, that he had this ſtory of a faithful friend, who aſſured him it was true upon his credit. That the worſt Chriſtians in Italy are the Romans; that of the Romans, the Prieſts are moſt wicked; and of the Prieſts, the lewdeſt are made Cardinals, and the baddeſt choſen to be Pope; llSir. Edward Sands of the Religion uſed in the Weſt, pag. 91.it is written but with, aſſeritur: p. 61yet to the skilful in Hiſtory, and ſuch as are acquainted with the affairs of Rome, this doth not ſeem improbable. In Bavaria palam ferunt Jeſuitas dolium in Collegium ſubvex…ſſe, è cujus fundo effracto, Meretrix in publicas plateas prolapſa ſit (ſaithmmLib. 2. de verbo dei cap. 16. Haſſen Muller) They ſay openly in Bavaria, that the Jeſuits cauſed a Tub to be carried to their Colledge, which breaking by the way, a Wench dropt out of the end on't into the open ſtreet: And why may not this be true, though it go but by report. The Papiſts believe far more incredible reports than this, which tend to the defamation of us Proteſtants.

If any ſhould object, that there were many learned men, and great Writers who lived in her time, ſometime after, who though they were the Authors of ſeveral books, yet make no mention of any Woman that was ever Pope of Rome. p. 62Beſides Rupertus, an Engliſh Biſhop, who, becauſe he was excommunicated by the Pope, invented, and raked together all manner of lyes againſt the Pope, yet notwithſtanding objected not this.

This objection may be eaſily anſwered thus in a word: That moſt of all thoſe Authors who are quoted by the Romaniſts to have made no mention of Pope Joane were no hiſtoriographers, but ſuch who employ'd their Pen, and time in the ſtudy of Philoſophy, or Divinity, and therefore it is no more a wonder that theſe learned men ſhould be ſilent, as to this matter, than for a Mathematician to write of Lines and Tangents only, and not to write of Pharmacy, and Phyſick. Again, this Rupertus (comonly called Groſthead) well skil'd in Greek and Latin, a Reader of Divinity in the Schools, an excellent Preacher, and a man ſo eminent for a holy life p. 63and converſation, that it was the opinion of the whole Clergy of England and France, that there was not ſuch another among the Prelates of that time; yet Innocent the fourth call'd himnnQuis eſt ille delirus▪ ſurdus & abſurdus ſaith Innocent the fourth. Mat. Paris. Old Fool, ſurd, and abſurd fellow, and his reproaches were attended with menaces. The reaſon is apparent in that he oppoſed the Pope, and had divers cavils with him, in ſo much that in one Letter he did not ſtick to tell him plainly, That by his Writs (with (non obſtante) he brought a deluge of miſchiefs on the world, whereby the purity of the Church was defiled, and the quietneſs of the Republick impeded and deſtroyed: that by his Reſervations, commendoes, and Proviſions of Benefices for Parſons, who ſought to fleece, and not to feed the flock of God, he commited ſuch a ſin, ſo contrary to the Doctrine of the Apoſtles, p. 64and Evangeliſts, ſo hateful, and deteſtable, ſo abominable to Chriſt Jeſus, as never Sin was, but the Sin of Lucifer, nor never ſhall be but the Sin of Anti-chriſt, whom the Lord ſhall deſtroy with the Breath of his Mouth at his coming. He further ſignified that no man could with a good conſcience obey any ſuch mandates as he ſent abroad, though they came from the higheſt order of Angels: for they tended not to edification, but the utter ruin of the Church. Are theſe Lyes, by reporting whereof he ſought to revenge himſelf on that preſent Pope? Sure it cannot be, ſince theooƲt vera fateamur vera ſunt quae dicit ſaid the Cardinals, Mat. Paris. p 1192 Colledge of Cardinals confeſſed before the Pope, that they could not blame him for writing thus, having ſaid nothing but what was juſtifiable. And here give me leave to recite what another, Matthew Paris, hath p. 65regiſtred to poſterity concerning Popes and Papiſts. In his Hiſtory of England, in the life of William the Conquerour, in the year 1072, page 10. he reports how Satanas, & omnes contubernium inferorum; that the Devil and all his helliſh crue writ Letters gratulatory to all the rabble of the Romiſh Clergy, acknowledging their kindneſs, in that following their pleaſures, and deſiſting from inſtructing the people, they ſuffer'd more Souls to go to Hell than ever went before.

ppIbid. An. 1074.That Gregory the ſeventh ſet the whole Church in an uprore by depoſing married prieſts from their prieſthood, and forbidding the Laity to hear them ſay ſervice, becauſe he had no preſident for ſo doing, and becauſe as ſome thought it was unadviſedly done, contrary to the opinion of the antient Fathers, who wrote that the Sacraments of the Church, by the inviſible p. 66working of the Spirit have like effect, whether they be adminiſtred by good or bad men.qqIn Hen. 1. ad An. 1125. pag. 93. He reports how a Cardinal Legate, at a Council held in London inveighing againſt the Miſſes or Wenches of the Clergy, was taken the ſame night after in bed with a Whore or Bona Roba.

rrIn Hen. 3. p. 617.He reports, how Germanus, Arch-Biſhop of Conſtantinople, informed the Cardinals of Rome, that the Grecians ſtumbled much at this, that the Cardinals deſired to be accounted his Diſciples, who ſaid, Silver and Gold have I none, and yet none ſo rich, and covetous as they.

ſſIn Hen. 3. pag. 712. ad …. 1240.He reports how the Pope enjoined by one mandate to the Biſhops of Canterbury, Lincoln, and Salisbury, that they ſhould provide for 300. Romans in Benefices next vacant; and that they ſhould diſpoſe of no Benefice, till ſo many p. 67were compleatly provided for.

ttIn Hen. 3. p. 1089.He reports, how Hugh the Cardinal brag'd, when Innocentius departed from Lions, that whereas there were four Stews, or Bawdy-houſes at his coming thither, he had left them but one, and that reached but from one end of the Town to the other.

uuIn Hen. 3. p. 1100.He reports, how the Franciſcans and Minorites by Commandment from the Pope appointed all ſorts of people, young and old, men and women, ſound & ſick, and of all conditions, to go for recovery of the Holy Land, and yet the ſame day, or a little time after, for money diſmiſſed them again.

He reports, how Innocentius the fourth inſtigated the people of Brabant and Flanders to commence a War againſt Conradus the Emperour, promiſing them for ſo doing forgiveneſs of all their ſins; yea, not only a pardon for their own p. 68ſins, but the like for their Relations.

Theſe, and the like ſtories he records againſt the Pope being manuducted thereunto by Truth it ſelf; but he meddles not with any thing which was done by any Pope within 1000. years after Chriſt; and therefore it is no wonder that he ſpeaks nothing of Pope Joane.

That I may not omit any material object ion that the Romaniſts alledge to diſprove the verity of the ſtory of Pope Joan, I muſt here inform the Reader, that as they ſay many learned Latin writers ſay nothing of Her, ſo Greek Hiſtoriographers, Zonoras, Cedrenus Caropalatas, and others who wrote before Martinus Polonus concerning the Latin Church, and were enemies to the ſame, and would have been glad of ſuch an advantage againſt it, write nothing thereof at all; from whence ſome infer there was no ſuch matter.

p. 69To ſhape an anſwer to this argument I muſt beg this queſtion; doth not Platina confeſs there was a Pope called Mark, who ſate two years, eight months, and ten days; and another Pope called Marcellus, who ſate above five years; and yetwwLib. 2. Chronogr. Pontacus, andxxChronol. lib. 3. Genebrard confeſs, that all the Greek Writers in a manner omit to ſpeak of the former; and that all Greek Writers without exception omit to ſpeak of the latter. Now if we ſhould be perſwaded (notwithſtanding their paſſing by theſe inſilence) that theſe were Popes, why may we not as well believe that there was a Pope Joane, though they paſs her by in like manner, not ſpeaking one word of her: we may believe many things of which they write not a ſyllable. We read in the Golden Legend, yyBreviar. Rom. in officio exalt. S. Crucis.Breviary, &c. that Heraclius the Emperour, when he would have entred in by the gate, by which our Saviour, went to his p. 70Paſſion, clad in his Royal robes with the Croſs on his ſhoulders, was miraculouſly hindred, and could not get through, til he had deveſted his body of it's Princely apparel, and put off his ſhoos, and ſtockings. This is verily believ'd by many Romaniſts, and yet Gretſer ſaith, that the Grecians, Zonoras, Cedrenus, and the like, write nothing of it, yet profeſſeth withal he likes it never the worſe for their ſilence; for they (as he farther obſerves) omitted many other material truths whereof no man of reaſon will ever call them in queſtion; and though Hermannus Contractus, Conradus, Ʋrſpergenſis Abbas, and others ſpeak nothing of this Joane, we muſt not therefore conclude that there was never ſuch a Woman once a Pope. Do arguments taken from authority of few men hold negatively? Is it a good Argument, St. Paul, St. Luke, and Seneca do not ſay that St. Peter was at Rome? p. 71Ergo St. Peter was not at Rome. I anſwer withzzLib. de Rom. pontif. cap. 8 Bellarmin, negative arguments are nothing worth; for it follows not that St. Peter was never at Rome, becauſe St. Luke, St. Paul, and Seneca do not report that he was ever there: for theſe three were not bound to report all that was true. Certainly (ſaith one) magis credi debet tribus teſtibus affirmantibus quam infinitis nihil dicentibus; a man ſhould rather believe t…ee witneſſes ſpeaking to a cauſe, than infinite who ſpeak neither pro nor con. Again, Denis Biſhop of Athens was afterwards Biſhop of Paris, though Ado Biſhop of Triers in Germany, and Suidas, a Greek Author, make no mention of his removal to another Biſhoprick. Lipomannus reſolves upon Metaphraſtes and one Michael Syngelus in theſe words, that Denis was Biſhop of Paris, though Ado, and Suidas ſay nothing of it. Why then though theſe and many more p. 72ſay nothing of Pope Joan, might there not be ſuch a Pope, ſince as many, and as learned as they, do place her in the number of Popes. aaProligom. 6 in Evangelia.Salmeron a learned Jeſuit ſaith thus, Ea lex apud Hiſtorigraphos obſervatur, ut quando unus ex duobus hiſtoricis aliquid affirmat quod alius ſupprimit, non deroget affirmanti qui tacet; That when one Hiſtorian reports what another paſſeth by, the latters ſilence doth not prejudice the truth of the others relation.

I muſt confeſs there is not a word of her in all thoſe ſix or ſeven Tables which are in the Vatican; yet ſuppoſe theſe Tables be of greateſt eſtimation, yet ſhall we conclude that he that is as Pope regiſtred therein was a Pope; I know not how ſafely we may believe it, ſince Baronius condemns ſuch for ſilly credulous people, who believe reports the rather becauſe they are to be found in p. 73Books belonging to the Popes Library. Beſides Leo the 8 is regiſtred in the Catalogue of Popes, and in ſome of thoſe ſeven Tables, if not in them all, yetbbAnnalium. tom. 10. ad annum. 964. Baronius, and his followers conclude him an intruder, and Uſurper, and did not in the leaſt deſerve that glorious Title of a Pope. Now if this be no good argument Leo the 8 is numbred among the Popes in ſeven Tables, in the Popes Library, or in ſeven as authentical, Ergo Leo the 8 was a Pope; from hence may be ſaid, that Joan the Woman Pope is not numbred amongſt the Popes in thoſe ſeven Tables in the Popes Library: Ergo there was no ſuch Joan, a Woman Pope. But conſider if ſeven Tables ſpeaking for a Pope do not convince the being of ſuch a Pope, why ſhould their ſilence argue the contrary? might there not be as well, one left out that was a Pope, as commemorize p. 74one that never was? Beſides, there are ſeveral reaſons why it was requiſit ſhe ſhould be left out, either for her Sex ſake, being a Woman, and very ſalacious, or elſe ſhe would never have rambled over ſeveral Countries with a man, who undoubtedly in their travels lay together; or elſe in regard of the foulneſs of the fact, which as it brands her Memory with perpetual infamy, ſo it cannot but prove a great blot in the Papal Eſcutcheon.

This omiſſion of her name need not ſeem ſtrange, if you will but obſerve, that other Popes, upon other occaſions, have been paſt over in ſilence by ſeveral Writers as no Popes; as for example; Faelix the 2. was both Pope and Martyr (asccLib. 4. de Roman. Pontif. cap 9. Bellarmin affirmeth) and he ſate as Pope one year, four months, and two days, as you may read inddInvita Faelicis. Platina: yet byeeChronol. lib. 3. ad annum. 368. Genebrards confeſſion, p. 75Marcellinus omits to ſpeak of him, in his Chronicle, becauſe he was ſuſpected of hereſy; and for the ſame, or ſuch like cauſe St. Auſtin, and Optatus, mention him not among the Popes in their Memorials. That one Cyriacus was Pope is acknowledged by divers, yet it is rare to find him in any Clatalogue of Popes of whom Johannes de Pariſiis, a great Papiſt, in his Treatiſe de poteſtate regia & papali, writes thus; Iſte Cyriacus in Catalogo Paparum non annumeratur, quia credebant ipſum non propter devotionem ſed propter oblectamentum Virginum dimiſiſſe Epiſcopatum. Cyriacus is not in the Catalogue of Popes, becauſe it was thought he left the Popedom not for Devotion but for the ſake of Wenching. Damaſus the ſecond hath his name regiſtred in manyffPlatina in vita Da…aſi 2. Polo…s in Chronic. circa an. 1040. Popiſh Chronicles in the throng of Popes; yet there areggPlatina l…c… citato. many on the otherſide who let him p. 76go for a Scabby ſheep. Thus Platina, cenſent nonnulli hunc inter Pontifices nequaquam numerandum eſſe; ſome judge this fellow no ways fit to be regiſtred among the Popes; and in like manner they deal with many others.

ButhhFlorimondus Cap. 22. p. 190. ſome may ſay if Pope Joan was omitted in the regiſters of ſome for the filthineſs of her fact, why was that Cloſe-ſtool reſerved, and that Monument of hers erected where ſhe was publickly deliver'd; for the Stool, and the Image were as like to continue the memory of her, as any record in writing. To this I anſwer may not ſome be of one opinion, ſome of another? May not ſome think good to continue the memory of that which others for ſhame would willingly have forgoten? Hence not ſome Papiſts in France denied that John Chaſtel was taught by the Jeſuits to murther Henry the fourth of France, p. 77becauſe they were loath the Jeſuits ſhould ſeem odious? and yet did not others contribute their aſſiſtance in the erection of a ſtony Pillar near the Kings Palace, whereby ſo much was notified; If any man ſhould affirm that the ſame man who omited Pope Joan for the filthineſs of her fact, erected ſuch a Monument for her in one of the High-ſtreets in Rome, and proſcribed ſuch a Stool to be kept for that purpoſe I know not how he could free himſelf from contradiction.

For further Proof whereof I think this worth the conſideration, that when Paul the Third moved with the Spirit of God (asiiIn his Rejoinder to Biſhop Jewel about the Maſ… p. 177. Harding ſaith) and deſirous to reform the Church gave charge to the moſt Learned, Wiſe, Pious, and Zealous men he knew, viz. four Cardinals, three Biſhops, and two others to enquire and ſearch p. 78out what abuſes and diſorders were in the Church, and eſpecially in the Roman Court; which they did accordingly, and preſented him a Libel conteining the ſum of all their proceedings. Some thought their Labours merited Regiſtring; others thought them fitter to be committed to the fire, which appears by this, that the Libel is Printed in Crabbs edition of the Council, anno 1551, and yet inſerted in the Index librorum prohibitorum by Paul the fourth, (one of thoſe four Cardinals that exhibited it to Paul the third) and left out of Dominicus Nicolinus his Edition of the Councils at Venice auſpiciis Sixti Quinti, in the year 1585. and out of Severinus Binnius his Edition at Colen 1606.

kkBell. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24.But ſay the Papiſts again, grant that Pope Joan ſhould be omitted for the filthineſs of her fact, yet ſhould there have been mention p. 79made of the vacancy of the See for that time ſhe was Pope, elſe there will bee a manifeſt errour in Chronology.

A foul errour indeed to miſs two years in reckoning; there may be fouler than this, and yet the matter ſalved well enough. For Onuphrius reckons 230. Popes to Gregory the 13, and Genebrard and Maſſonus 234. whereas Platina accounts 235; for he reckons to Ziſtus the fourth, with whom he ends, 221 Popes: afer whom, to Gregory the 13, every one reckons 14,l Anaſtaſ. de Vita Evariſt. which compleats the number of 235: yet Verſteganus, in his Table printed at Antwerp 1590, numbers no more than 231. Moreover do not ſeveral Chronologies written by k Romaniſts record, that Evariſtus ſate 13 years, whereas others ſay, he ſate butmmBaron, Annal. tom. 2. ad annum. 121. Num. 1.Num 1 nine years? do notnnBaron. Annal. tom. 2. ad Anno 172. Num. 21..Num 21 ſome of thē ſay that Denis ſate;ooAnnaſtas. de vita Dionyſii▪ others that he p. 80ſate but two years. I think theſe differences, and ſuch as theſe are argue manifeſt errours in their Chronologies; If no further inconveniencies follow upon Pope Joans omiſſion, than a manifeſt errour in Chronology, for that ſpace ſhe lived, we may well enough believe that ſome omitted her, not becauſe there was no ſuch Perſon, but becauſe they were aſhamed of her; for two years, and odd months break no ſquare in their Chronologies, no more than a miſtake of two inches in a foot with a bungleing Carpenter.

I, but ſays Florimondus, no man ever writ of her till four hundred years after her death; and is it poſſible that all writers ſhould ſo conſpire together, that the truth thereof could never be certainly known, till ſo long a time after the expiration of her Popeſhip?

p. 81I have already proved by the books that are yet extant, that this ſtory was ſooner diſcover'd. But ſuppoſe we had no Author who lived within 400. years of Pope Joane to produce for proof, muſt therefore the ſtory be rejected? Do not the Papiſts recommend, as truths, many ſtories, for which they can bring no teſtimony out of any Writer who lived within 400. years after?ppBell. lib. 2. de Image cap. 10. They tell us of an Image of Chriſt which was made by Nicodemus, who came to our Saviour by night for fear of the Jews; and of it runs a report of ſtrange Miracles it effects: yet are not able to name the man who wrote of this 600. years after Nicodemus. qqBel. loco citato & Gretſer de Cruce lib. 2. cap. 1.They tell us that St. Luke drew certain pictures of the Virgin Mary, butrrLib. 1. Collectan. Theodorus Lector is the firſt man that makes this report, and he lived at leaſt 500. years after. Not to trouble you with many more inſtances, p. 82ſſBaron Annal Tom. 1. ad An Chriſti. 31. Nu. 61.they write, that our Saviour wiping his face with a handkerchief, imprinted his own Effigies therein, and ſent it to Agbarus for a token; but for proof hereof, there is no Author to be produced, but onettBaron. Annal. Tom. 8. ad An. 594. Nu. 30. Evagrius, who lived 600. years after Chriſt. That the Virgin Mary made that coat of our Saviours which was without ſeam theuuAnnotat. in Joh. 19.23. in Margine.John 19:23 Rhemiſts peremptorily affirm, andxxLudolphus de vita Jeſu. part. 2. cap. 63. p. 221. Coloſs. 2.Col 2 others of the like faction add, that as our Saviour grew in height, and breadth, ſo the Coat on his back grew in like manner. I cannot read any Author they have produced that writeth hereof for above 400 years ſince.

But how comes it about that Pope Joan ſhould be called John, as ſhe was ſuppoſed a man after her election, ſince Popes upon their election do now change their names from a laudible cuſtom (ſaith Florimondus) that Sergius (a few years before Pope Joan) p. 83introduced, which was that the Pope elect ſhould not ſtep out of the Conclave till he had changed his proper name.

It is confeſt, thatyyFaſcic. Temp. ad An. 844. Pol. Virg. de Rerum Invent. Stella de vitis Pont. in Sergio. 2. ſome ſay that, becauſe Sergius had a filthy beaſtly name before his election, viz Swines-ſnout, he changed it after his election; but they are miſtaken who ſay Sergius the 2 changed his proper name, for ex paterno nomine a principio Sergius eſt appellatus; from his birth he was called Sergius after the name of his father, ſo writes Baronius in his Annals Tome the tenth, to the year 844. The firſt who changed his name was Sergius the third, and yet not for the filthineſs of his name, but in reverence to St. Peter. Cum enim ille Petrus vocaretur indignum ſe putavit vocari eodem nomine, quo Chriſtus primum ej…s ſedis Pontificem Principem Apoſtolorum ex Simone Petrum nominaverat: for his name p. 84being Peter, he thought it not fit, to be called by that name whereby Chriſt called the firſt Biſhop of that See, even the Prince of the Apoſtles, whoſe name be changed from Simon to Peter, as may be further read in that Learned Cardinal, Caeſar Baronius. Notwithſtanding this poſitive aſſertion, of Baronius, I ſee this great Scholar, as well as other Bug-bears of wit, and controverſy may not only groſly miſtake, but down right contradict themſelves; for (ſaith he) in another place, Tom. 10. Annal. ad Ann. 955. Nu. 4. ſpeaking of John the twelfth. Hic revera primus inventus qui mutavit ſibi nomen, ut qui ex Octaviano vocari voluerit Johannes pro mutata non exuta tyrannide: This, in truth is the firſt who changed his name, who of Octavian would needs be called John; not that he meant to leave his tyranny, but to uſe it in another p. 85kind; for he, who was called by his Father Octavian, in reſpect of his temporal authority in the City, would now in reſpect of his ſpiritual, be called John: either becauſe his Uncle John the 11. was called ſo, or for that he deſired to hear well at leaſt for his nameſake, whilſt in clawing, and fawning acclamations the people baſely applyed unto him that good ſpeech, there was a man that was ſent from God whoſe name was John. Thus Baronius; and now Florimondus not knowing almoſt what to ſay, asks the queſtion, who was Pope Joans Father, quinam hujus Pſeudopontificis pater; if ſhe had a Father, certainly he would have been mention'd in Hiſtory, as well as the Father of Linus, Clerus, Clemens, and of all the reſt of Popes, in anſwer hereunto, that the Hiſtories expreſly ſet down the Fathers of all the reſt of p. 86the Popes is falſe. For by Hiſtory no man knows of what parentagezzAnaſtaſ. de vit. Pont. in vita Higini. Higinus was; Higini genealogia non invenitur, neither can we find out the Anceſtors of Pope Denis; as Anaſtaſius, afore quoted, doth acknowledge; Dioniſii generationem invenire non potuimus; And it is unknown of what Sir-name or Country John the 19. was:aaStella de vitis Pant. in vita Johan. 19. Johannis 19, cognomen et patria ignoratur.

In Hiſtories it is expreſly written, that Ʋrban the fourth was begotten by a Cobler,bbOnuph. Annot. in Plat. in vita Ʋrbani. 4. ex patre Sutore veteramentario; that John the two and twentieth was the Son of a Botcher,ccLongius in Chron. ad An. 1316. Filius Ʋeteramentarii, reſarcitoris ſcilicet ſotelarium: That Benedict the eleventh was the Son of a poor Laundreſs;ddibid. Filius Lotricis pauperculae: that Benedict the twelfth was the Son of a Milner Molitoris filius; That Sixtus the fourth was the Son of a Mariner,eePapyr. Maſſ. de urbis Epiſcop. lib. 6. in Sixto 4. patre ortus qui ſemper nauticam exercuit; that p. 87Adrian the ſixth was the Son of a Cloath-worker, or as ſome ſay a Brewer: ThatffCicarellus in Vita Sixti 5. Sixtus Quintus was the Son of a Swin-heard, but what the names of theſe mens Fathers were, that is not expreſly written.ggPapyr. Maſ. de Ʋrbis Epiſ. lib. 6. in Alex. 5. Alexander the fifth confeſſed; Se nec parentes, nec fratres, nec aliquem ex agnatis, cognatiſque ſuis unquam vidiſſe: That he never ſaw either his Father, or Mother, or Brother, or any of his kindred; who then can tell his Fathers name?

Beating ſome of the Romaniſts from this idle interrogatory, they fly to this; either this Pope Joan was young, or old when ſhe was choſen. If ſhe was young, it was contrary to cuſtom to admit of any ſuch election; as may appear by the great number of Popes that lived in the dignity above the number of Emperours that ſucceeded often in their youth. But if ſhe were old when ſhe was choſen, p. 88then how did ſhe bear a Child publickly in proceſſion? the ground work of this argument, that Pope Joan was either young, or old, may be eaſily deſtroyed thus; if we conſider that learned men divide the whole courſe of mans life not into youth and old age; but into Pueritiam, pubertatem; adoleſcentiam, juventutem conſtantem mediumve & ſenectutem. Now middle age is from 35. to 49. wherof ſhe might have been, and ſo neither old, nor young; for Leo the 10 was choſen Pope at 38 years of age, being not 46 years old when he died, and yet he ſate as Pope 8 years, 8 months, and 20 days; and Gregory the 11. was about 35 years old when he was choſen, ashhNiem Ʋnionis Tract. 5. cap 39. Theodoricus de Niem, and Maſſonus teſtify, beſides, ſhe might have been choſen young for any Popiſh cuſtom there is to the contrary. ForiiMaſſon. de Ʋrbis Epiſcop. in Boniface 9. Boniface the 9 at p. 89the age of 34 was choſen Pope; and Innocent the 3 was but 30. I know not but our Joan might have been one of the youths of the Pariſh; For not to ſpeak of the Boy Pope kkGlab. Radul. hiſt. lib. 5.Benedict the 9. who was choſen Pope about twelf years old, one, who at that age better underſtood a Gig, and Bowlingſtones, than the diſciplin of the Church, I ſay not to reflect on him particularly,llPaulus Langius in Chron, Citizenſe ad An. 1389. John 13 alias 12 In juvenili & florida aetate creatur Pontifex, He was conſtituted Pope when he was in his youth and flouriſhing condition; that is about the 18 year of his age, asmmAnnal. Tom. 10. ad anno 955. num. 3. Baronius gathereth by circumſtances.

But why might ſhe not have been old, ſince we read, and have known experimentally that old women have born children. Henry the Emperour begat Frederick the 2 on a Wife who was fifty p. 90years old, ſo ſaith Maſſonus: and Machutus the Biſhop (ſaith Petrus de Natalibus) was born when his Mother was above threeſcore: and ſaith Franſciſcus Junius in his annotations on Ruth; Hic in Palatinatu ante annos aliquot vidi meis occulis & vocatus interfui partus cujuſdem foeminae amplius annos 56 natae, quae binos mores enixa eſt eodem partu: A few years ſince I was intreated to ſee a woman above 59 years old, who was deliverd of two Boys at a Birth; why may not then Pope Joan (though fifty) be deliver'd of a Son.

Again let us conſider, that the multitude of Popes above the Emperours was not by reaſon of their age, but by other accidents. In the firſt 300 years while the Popes were Generally good, they were cut off by Martyrdom, for though it be not true (as Onuphrius very well obſerves) that all the p. 91Popes from St. Peters time to Sylveſter were Martyrs (which is confidently avouched by ſome of the Romiſh party) yet I grant it for a truth, that moſt of them were ſo. Now in ſucceeding times their number grew the greater by their poiſoning and murdering one another. Diligently peruſe the Hiſtory of their Lives, and you ſhall find that of forty Popes deceaſed, there was not one ſate a full year:nnFaſcic. Temp. ad an. 904. you ſhall find that in a little more than nine years, there were nine ſeveral Popes: you ſhall find that one man, in 13 years, poiſoned ſix Popes: Laſtly you ſhall find, that God in his juſtice did cut them off for their wicked and abominable lewd Lives and converſations.

Liberius ſate about ſome ſix years, ſaith Cardinal ooSum. de Eccleſ. lib. 4. part. 1. c 9.Turrecremata, and then died an evil Death, mala morte precibus Sanctorum extinctus p. 92eſt; he died not for age, but with curſing.

Anaſtaſius the ſecond ſate not two years but God ſtruck him ſuddainly for his wickedneſs, and he died miſerably: for he died as ſome ſay, as Arius the Arch-heretick, of which opinion isppPlatina in vita Anaſtaſii 2. Platina andqqStella de Vit. Pont. ad annum 498. Stella, who ſay, Sunt qui ſcribunt eum in Latrinam effudiſſe inteſtina dum neceſſitati naturae obtemperat; In a houſe of office he evacuated his guts with his excrements.

Clement the ſecond continued in the Papacy but nine months, and died not of old age but poyſon: ſo ſays Genebrard and Aeneas Sylvius.

Damaſus the ſecond, who had a hand in poyſoning this Clement, kept the Popedom but 23 days, not that he died of old age, but by the juſt judgment of God, that he might be an example to others p. 93(as Platina obſerves) who climb to that dignity by unjuſt and indirect means, to which they ſhould aſcend by virtue, and true merit.

Benedict the ſixth lived Pope no longer than a year and a half, and then died in a Goal by ſtrangling, or famine, asrrAnnal. Tom. 10. ad anno 974. Baronius is of opinion.

Victor the third was no longer Pope but one year, and four months and died by Poyſon, ſo ſays Platina, Genebrard, Charanza, and Polonus; by the ſame means (as is ſuppoſed) died Pius the third.

John the thirteenth (alias twelve) was ſlain in the very act of adultery, whether thruſt through by one that ſaw him in that beaſtly poſture (as Platina believes) or murdred by the Devil (as Luitprandus imagins) Hiſtorians agree not in; butſſTurrecremata ſum. de Eccleſ. lib. 2. cap. 103. Turrecremata, a Cardinal, takes that as more likely, that is moſt p. 94dreadful: for becauſe (ſaith he) the Life of Pope John was deteſtable, and intolerable offenſive to the Chriſtian People, therefore Chriſt himſelf pronounced againſt him ſentence of condemnation: for, whilſt he was abuſing, and vitiating a certain mans Wife, the Devil ſtruck him ſuddainly into the temple of his head, and he died as ſuddainly without repentance.

Boniface the ſeventh ſate but ſeven months, and a few days, and then the Beaſt dyed, ſaithttMetrop. lib. 5. cap. 1. Krantius.

Marcellus the Second lived but 22 days in the Papacy, not that he was very aged when he died (for he was but 55 years old) but for that he was poyſoned, and which is ſtrange, it is obſerved, that he was poyſoned, becauſe ſome thought he would prove an honeſt Pope. Obiit die 22, non ſine veneni ſuſpitione, quod nimium rectius quibuſdam p. 95videretur, ſaithuuChron. lib. 4. ad annum 1555. Genebrard.

That Sixtus Quintus, after the ſixth year of his Reign was fetcht away by the Devil, by whoſe help he came to that place,xxIn his Declarat. made at Vendome Jan. 28. 1601. Sr. Francis Breton, a Monk of the order of the Celeſtines, proteſted that a Prior of St Benets order aſſured him at Rome and the Jeſuits at Italy ſeem to believe no leſs by their own reports. To conclude, it is the confeſſion of many Pontificial Writers, that many Popes were ſhort liv'd, becauſe God ſaw they proved Monſters inſtead of pious men, and became a ſhame, and ſcandal to the true Religion; wherefore God in his juſtice ſnatcht them off from the face of the Earth. Thus this argument of years hath its anſwer.

Another objection they alledg; that it is a moſt unlikely thing that the whole Roman Clergy would chuſe a Pope without a beard, eſpecially, p. 96if all the Clergy in thoſe days, (as ſome write) were ſhaven. For men by ſhaving may make themſelves look like women, and women by often ſhaving may make them ſelves look like men,yyPro barbis Sacerdotum, fol. 21. ad Card. Medicen Lond. Anno 1533. Johannes Pierius Valerianus a learned man, imputes the errour of the choice of Pope Joan to this, that the Clergy in thoſe days were generally ſhaven: for by the means of ſhaving (ſaith he) the people were ſo diſguiſed, that men and women were in a manner undiſtinguiſhable, and by this it hapned, that a woman was choſen Pope of Rome to the perpetual ſhame, and infamy of that ſacred dignity; of the ſame opinion iszzLib. 5. de Rebus Turcicis. Chalcocondilas. Thus then ſince it was an ordinary thing for the Clergy to be ſhaven, why ſhould they diſlike her the more for want of a beard.

p. 97But ſome may ſay, that it is very ſtrange, that in all that time, neither voice, countenance, not actions ſhould not diſcover her. To this I anſwer, that if there be truth in Popiſh Writers; diverſe Women have lived longer among Men in Mens apparel unknown, than Dame Joan lived in the Popedom. For Marina (as i Textor reports) lived all her Life among Monks in a Maſculine habit, and none knew any thing to the contrary, but that ſhe was a Monk bbPet. de Natal. in Catalog. ſanc. lib. 2. cap. 3.Euphroſina lived thirty ſix years among Monks, and was reputed for a Monk; ſo did Eugenia, Pelagia, and Margareta, and their Sex the while was unſuſpected. In our late Civil Wars, I knew a woman that was ſixteen years a Soldier, at length, being tired with that ſtarving kind of Life, returned to her relations, and reaſſuming her priſtin proper habiliments,aaText. in Officina Tit. Mul. hab. viril. ment. p. 98was in a little time Married, and had ſeveral Children afterwards.

The Romaniſts, to make this ſtory the more fabulous, and improbable, do ſay, that certainly this Woman Pope (had there been any ſuch Perſon) would not have been guilty of ſo much indiſcretion (eſpecially having the repute of ſo much Wit, and Scholarſhip) as to go abroad in publick, being ſo near her time, and venture to go in Proceſſion, where ſhe muſt conſequently have the eyes of many thouſands fixt upon her, whereby, if no other accident ſhould happen, ſhe runs the hazard of a diſcovery. To this I anſwer, that the time of Child-birth is uncertain, for commonly women go ten months, yet ſometimes they come ſooner, at nine, eight, yea, and at ſeven months, asccLevin. Lemnius de occult. Nat. miraculis lib. 4. cap 22. & 23. Phyſicians have obſerved. Honeſter women than Pope Joan have fallen in p. 99Travail upon the high-way; nay in the ſtreet, their unexpected pangs have come ſo faſt upon them that they have been forced to take ſanctuary at the next houſe they could come at, and make bold with a ſtranger in a mean habitation, rather than be delivered in the ſtreet; ſuitable to this is an obſervation of Theophilact; novit mulier quod pariet, quando vero non novit: nam non paucae 8 menſe pepererunt, etiam in itinere, nihil praeſcientes; (ſays he) a woman knows ſhe ſhall be deliver'd, but the time when, ſhe knows not: for diverſe have been deliver'd in their eight month, as they have been on a journey, not imagining they were ſo near their reckoning. Thus may this poor Gentlewoman, Pope Joan be miſtaken, and the rather, becauſe this was her firſt that ſhe was deliver'd of, as ſhe went to St. John Laterans, for we p. 100do not read, that ſhe had a Baſtard before ſhe was Pope, not, but that we may believe it upon good grounds, that her fellow Traveller, or Gallant was not wanting in his indeavours to give her that carnal ſatisfaction ſhe deſired; and it may be ſhe proved upon it too, but had an Art, which the Devil taught her, to carry it off again by medecine, a practice of late too much uſed by ſome inſatiate Meſſalinas of this Kingdom: whether ſhe uſed it or not, we know no other proof but bare conjecture, but certain it is, ſhe was deliver'd of a Son in the open ſtreet, and both expired immediately thereupon, who were buried together without any ſolemnity, and though ſhe had born the greateſt offices belonging to the Romiſh Church, yet ſhe was interr'd without the common ceremonies of Burial.

p. 101The Sacred Scriptures do inform us, that God in his juſtice doth uſe to ſerve the greateſt Princes ſo, who diſhonour him. Do we not read that Jehoiachim King of Judah was to be buried as an Aſs was buried, &c. Jerem. 22.18, 19. and we read in Hiſtory, that many Popes have had as ſmall ſolemnities. Boniface the 7. (ſaithddAnnal. Tom. 10. ad An. 985. è veterê Pontif. vaticano codice. Baronius) who ſate after John the 15, in four months dyed a ſuddain death, and was ſo hateful to his own followers, that after his death they ſhowed their deteſtation of him, by revenging themſelves with Blows on his ſenſleſs Carkaſs, whilſt others with ſwords ran him through, and through; after this they draged him by the feet ſtark naked, till they came to the field which is near the place where Conſtantines Horſe ſtands, there they threw him from them, and ſo left him. p. 102Debora Rebecca's Nurſe, was buried under an Oak and Rachel Jacobs Wife, (a far honeſter woman than Pope Joan) was buried in the way to Ephrath. This woman Pope could not have a burial too bad for her; a fact ſo extraordinary, deſerved an extraordinary uſage, wherefore Papyrius Maſſonus queſtions the truth of this ſtory, becauſe ſhe was not ſhameful enough handled; for (ſaith he) had there been any ſuch Pope, the Romans could have done no leſs in equity, than after Death, to have hanged her up in chains. But how comes it about, if ſhe was deliver'd of a Boy, that ſhe dyed inſtantly? Florimondus accounts this, as one of the adſurdities which attend this …able, Maſculum pepererat (ſaith he) quid igitur mortem repentinam attulit? If a Woman be once deliver'd of the fruit of her Womb, there is no danger of Death in his opinion. p. 103In the firſt place, ſhe did not die inſtantly, though ſuddainly, for ſhe was deliver'd of a Boy before her death, in the next place, I would fain know, whether it is not common for women to dye in Child-bed, as well as in Child-birth. Rachel was delivered of her Son Benjamin, and yet died ſhortly after, Gen. 35, 17.18. Phineas wife was deliver'd of her Son Ichobod, and yet dyed preſently after. And if they dyed ſo, why not Pope Joan.

I but can ſhe be ſaid to have gon from the Palace of St. Peter to St. John Lateran, whereas the Popes laid not then in the Vatican, but at St John Lateran it ſelf, thiseeBellar. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 24. Bellarmin, and others do object; and Platina (ſays ſome) doth juſtify, that the Popes lay not in the Vatican till the year 1350, which was in the time of Boniface the Ninth.

p. 104This is a great miſtake, for Boniface the Ninth lived in the year 1390, not 1350, the like miſtake there is in fathering ſuch a fancy uponffIn Vita Bonifac. Platina. For Platina reports only, that the Vatican was repair'd by Boniface the Ninth; he ſaith not it was firſt inhabited by him, though if he had, the Pope might have gone to ſee the Lateran; for he had more than one houſe to ſolace himſelf, and accommodate his retinue in beſides the Lateran. He dwelt not always in that,ggDe vitis Pontif. in vita Gregorii. for Gregory the Fourth, built two ſtately Fabricks for the Popes uſe, as Anaſtaſius teſtifies: and Leo the Third, (as you may read in the ſame Author) built another no leſs glorious, near to St. Peters Church, which ſtands in the Vatican, wherein Leo the Fourth gave entertainment to Ludovike the Emperour. Beſides, Hiſtory doth not mention that ſhe p. 105went from St. Peters Palace to the Palace of the Lateran, but from St. Peters Church to the Lateran Church, and yet dwell in the Palace by the Lateran; for Popes begin not their Proceſſion from the next Church adjoyning to them. Leo the Third appointed to go in Proceſſion three ſeveral days before Aſcenſion day; and he began the firſt day at one of St. Maries Churches, and ended at St. Saviours Church: the ſecond day he began at St. Sabina the Martyrs Church, and ended at St. Pauls: and the third day he began at St. Croſſes Church in Jeruſalem, and ended at St. Laurences without the Walls; ſo that this objection I conceive is fully anſwered, and I ſhall endeavour to do the like to ſeveral others; and firſt, the Romaniſts do cavil much about her different names before her Papacy; ſome ſay ſhe was called Agnes, p. 106h Platina in vita Leonis.ſome Gilbert, ſome Iſabel, ſome Margaret, ſome Tutta, or Jutta, and others Dorothie.

This is a meer Forgery, for I cannot Read in any Antient Writers, that ſhe was called by any of theſe Names; in ſome of later time I find ſome difference, one calling her Gilbert, and another Agnes, but of all thoſe whom I have here inſerted, to aſſert the truth, and give in evidence againſt her, there is not above one or two, who either before or after her Papacy, gives her any other Name than Joan.

Secondly, they ſay, that ſome of theſe Authors I have alledged to vindicate this truth, do claſh and differ in opinion, ſome calling her John the 7, ſome John the 8, and others John the 9. and ſo ſaith Baronius.

Baronius by his good leave quotes no Author for his Aſſertion, p. 107and therefore I muſt beg his pardon if I believe him not; for my belief ſhall extend in this no farther than reaſon ſhall direct it. Beſides, whether ſhe be John the 7, or 8, the difference is not ſo great, for the like may be demonſtrated in other Popes, whom the Romiſh party cannot deny to be Popes. But who ſtiles her John the 7, or John the 8. aſſuredly, neither Marianus Scotus, Sigibert, Gotefridus, Viterbienſis, Polonus, Platina, Palmerius, Trithemius, Faſciculus Temporum, Krantius, Alfonſus è Carthagena, nor Textor call her neither John the 7, nor John the 8, but plainly John, or Joan. Onuphrius indeed would perſwade the credulous, that Platina ſtiles her John the 8, in theſe terms; Johannes hic omnino 8, non 9, eſt ut à Platina deſcribitur: Nam etſi Johannes foemina Papa quam profitetur, fuiſſet, non tamen numeri natam p. 108habere debuiſſet ſacri or dinis non capax; that is, this John queſtionleſs is the Eighth, not the Ninth, as Platina accounts him; for tho John the Woman, whom he talks of, had been Pope, yet ſeeing ſhe was not capable of Prieſt-hood, ſhe ſhould not go for one in the number of Iohns.

This is another falſity; for Platina calls her not Iohn the eight, and therefore Onuphrius, or ſome perſon elſe, hath abuſed him: For proof whereof, I appeal to Platina, Printed in the year 1481, which was the year wherein Platina died, and to the next Edition 1481 who ſpeaking of Iohn the Woman in thoſe antient Editions, he places no numeral note on her head, but begins his Story thus, Johannes Anglicus ex Maguntiaco oriundus, &c. John Engliſh born at Mentz, neither ſtiles he the next 9, but 8; for coming to that Popes life,i Platina moritur Romae, Anno 1481. Trithem. de Script. Eccleſiaſt, verbo Bartholomaei. p. 109Johannes 8, Patria Romanus, &c. ſaith he, Iohn the 8, by his Country a Roman, &c. for further proof of which later point, I appeal to the later Editions, whereunto Onuphrius his annotations are annexed; for though we read thus in them, Iohannes nonus Patria Romanus, &c. yet that that reading is falſe, and the Antient reading true, appears by that which is written of the next Popes life, to wit Martin the ſecond, even in thoſe later Editions. ForllDe vitis Pontif. in vita Martins. Platina ſhowing how Martin lived in the time of Charles the Third, adds preſently, Quam ab Iohanne 8, Coronam accepiſse ſcripſimus. Now Charles the third was crowned by Iohn next before Martin, according to Platina, wherefore the next before Martin was Iohn the 8, according to the opinion of the ſame man, and not Iohn the ninth, as Onuphrius would have us believe. Which overſightk Such as that of Colen, 1574. p. 110or fraud of Onuphrius was not ſo great, but that by this means he is forced to alter Platina his numeral note, ſet to all the Iohns that follow to call him Iohn the tenth, whom Platina calls Iohn the ninth; to call him the eleventh, whom Platina calls the tenth, and ſo unto the laſt Baldeſar Coſſa, who was in number of Iohns according to Antient Editions the 23, and not the 24, as he is numbered in the Editions which Onuphrius comments upon.

Now, whereas the Romaniſts do alledge that the diſagreeing of Authors about the time wherein ſhe commenced her Papacy, and the time of her continuance therein, is an argument to prove the nullity of this Story, I ſay no ſuch matter: in the firſt place, let them conſider the diſagreement that is among themſelves. Some that have written of Pope Lucius, ſay p. 111he was ammPlatina in vita Lucii. Roman, ſome annAnaſtaſius in vita Lucii. Tuſcan, ſome ſay he was theooIdem. ibid. Son of Lucinus, and others ofppPlat. & Onuph. loco citato. Porphyrie. Some ſay he was choſen Pope in the year 253, ſome 254, ſome 259, and others 275. Some ſay he ſate Pope 3 years, 3 months, and 3 days, ſome 3 years and 5 months, and ſome three years 7 months, and 6 days, which you may find in the Authors quoted in the Margent, and yet no man denies that Lucius was Pope.

Again, do we not read the ſame difference in the Reign of Sergius the third; ſome will have it begin inqqMat. Weſt. Flores Hiſt. ad annum 905. 905, others inrrPolon. in Chron. ad an. 907. 907, &c. ſome write that he ſucceededſſHerm. contract as circa an. 907. Benedict the fourth, others that he followedttLuitprandi Chron. Formoſus, othersuuBaron. Annal. Chriſtopher, &c. yet, whoever denied that there was ſuch a Pope.

We read that the Carkaſs of Formoſus was taken up out of his Grave by one of his Succeſſors,x Baron. A…. Tom. 10. ad. an. 897. p. 112and brought into Judgment before a Council of Biſhops, and that it was deveſted of its Papal Robes, and clad with a Lay-mans garment, that it was Indicted, Arraigned, and Condemned: but among thoſe that report this, there is a great diſagreement. For ſome ſay it was taken up by Sergius the third, ſome by Steven the ſixth, ſome ſay it had two fingers cut off, ſome three; ſome ſay the Head was chopt off, and ſome deny it; ſome ſay the Trunk was thrown into Tyber, and ſome ſay it had Lay-mans Burial: and yet who of the Romaniſts will deny the truth of this Story, by reaſon of theſe differences. Onuphrius denies it point blank, ſaying, quae de Formoſi cadavere ex Sepultura à ſucceſſoribus eruto dicuntur, proculdubio fabulae magis quam vero ſimilia ſunt, quod illorum qui de ea re ſcripſerunt diverſitate & repugnantia facile liquet. p. 113The report which goes concerning the digging up Formoſus body out of his Grave by ſome of his Succeſſors, are queſtionleſs ſabulous and not true, which is apparent by the diſagreement, and diſconveniencies which are to be found among them who write of it. Notwithſtanding the manifold differences in circumſtances, Baronius durſt not caſt it off, as Onuphrius. For he ingeniouſly confeſſeth, it was ſuch a villainous prank, as was never plaid before; Intentatum hactenus ſcelus, and by reaſon of its barbarouſneſs incredible; prae ſui immanitate omnibus incredibile; yet he grants it true, and avows that they foully err, who deny what was done to the carkaſs of Formoſus, looking on the report no better than a Fable.hhLib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 5. Bellarmin ſaith true in this, that ſaepiſſime accidit, ut conſtet de re & non conſtet de modo vel alia circumſtantia. p. 114g Annal Tom. 10. ad an. 897. nu. 3.It often happens, that men are ſure ſuch a thing is done, when yet they are not ſure of the manner how it was done, or of ſome other ſuch like circumſtance. The difference among Witers about circumſtance doth not weaken any mans argument touching the ſubſtance: if it do, I would have the Romaniſts for ſhame blot out St. Ʋrſula and her fellows Holy-day out of theiriiOctob. 21. Kalendar, and all the Prayers they make to them in their Primers, Porteſſes, and Breviaries; for there was never greater diſagreement among the Relators of any Story, than among the Relators of that. Some ſay, that Ʋrſula was the King of Scotlands Daughter, others ſay the King of Cornwalls Daughter; ſome ſay her Father was called Maurus, others Dionethus, or Dionatus, or Dionicus: the Husband ſhe was to marry, ſome ſay, was King of p. 115Little-Brittain, and one calls him Aetherius, another Holofernes, and a third Conanus. Now in her company they ſay there were only 11000 Ladies and Gentlewomen, all Virgins, others ſay there were 60000 Country Maidens over and above: beſides, there were divers Biſhops, and Lords temporal, who accompanied them; yea, Cyriacus the Pope of Rome, like a good fellow, and a Truſty Trojan, left his Papacy, and followed theſe Pilgrims, as ſome ſay, though others deny it. For ſome ſay they went in pilgrimage to Rome, though others do not hold that probable: ſome ſay they were martyred on the Sea-coaſt; ſome ſay before the Gates of Colen. Laſtly, ſome ſay that if any be buried in St. Ʋrſula's Church, though they be Infants newly baptized, the ground will caſt them up again; though others ſay p. 116that that is a tale of a Tub, and others ſay it is as damn'd a lye as e're was hatcht.

But to proceed, our Adverſaries do ſay, that Athens was utterly deſtroyed at that time, when it was ſtoried John Engliſh, afterwards Pope Joan travel'd thither, as a Trickery Mate with her learned Companion, to ſtudy Arts and Sciences. I utterly deny it, for Paulus kkLib. 8.Aemilius writes, that Gotefridus was made Duke of Athens, and Prince of Achaia about the year 1220, and afterwards that certain Pirates invading the Country of Greece, ſlew the Duke of Athens, who was of the houſe of Brennas, and took the City. In like manner we read inllIn Hen. 3. ad an. 1252. pag. 1112. Mat. Paris, that Johannes de Baſing-ſtocks, Arch-Deacon of Legria, who died in the year 1252. ſtudied at Athens, and that there he learned many things unknown to the Weſtern p. 117Churches. Beſides Aeneas Sylvus, who lived ſince that, doth juſtify that in his time Athens was not totally demoliſhed, but carried the ſhew of a pr…tty Town. For Civitas Athenienſis (quoth he) quondam nobiliſſima fuit, &c. eadem noſtro tempore parvi oppidi ſpeciem g…rit. So that the exception aforeſaid, doth no way prejudice the truth of this Story.

Having driven them from this poor Sconce, this ſlender ſhelter, I ſhall purſue them to another, which is grounded on what C. Bellarmin writes, That there were no Schools for learning at that time, neither in Athens, nor any part of Graecia, (ſaith he)mmLib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 24. Conſtat eo tempore neque Athenis neque uſquam alibi in Graecia fuiſſe ulla Gymnaſia literarum. This he endeavours to prove, firſt by Syneſius, who lived a little after St. Baſil, and Nazianzens time, whonnIn Epiſt. ult. ad fratrem ſuum. writ to his p. 118Brother, that Athens retained only the bare name of an Univerſity. And ſecondly, he makes uſe of Zonoras and Cedrenus to back the former, who record, that in the ſole Reign of Michael the Emperour, about the year 856, Bernardus Caeſar reſtored Learning, Cum uſque ad illud tempus per annos plurimos ita fuiſſent extincta omnia ſtudia ſapientia in Graecia, ut ne veſtigium quidem ullum extaret.

And doth this import think you, that in Syneſiius his opinion there was no Ʋniverſity at Athens: I am of the opinion that Syneſius meant thereby, that Athens was an Ʋniverſity, though nothing near ſo famous and flouriſhing as heretofore, Queſtionelſs whenooBernardi Epiſt. 193. St. Bernard writ, that Peter Abailard had nothing of a Monk, but the name, and the Cowl, his meaning was not that Peter was no Monk, but a ſory one. And I am the rather p. 119induced to underſtand the words of Syneſius to be ſo: becauſe Athens in St, Baſils time (about ſome 40 years before Syneſius) was held the Mother of Learning, and in regard therof called Golden Athens by Greg. qqIn Monodia in Baſ Magni vitam.Nazianzen. For who can think in ſo few years, Learning ſhould quite be quenched, and that ſo famous an Ʋniverſity ſhould in ſo ſhort a time be utterly decayed; but ſuppoſe there was no Ʋniverſity in Athens in Syneſius his time: what is that to prove there was no Ʋniverſity in Pope Joans time at Athens, which was 400 years after? That Ʋniverſity might revive, and get new Life in ſo many years; as it did: for two years after Syneſius his time, Boethius went to ſtudy at Athens, teſte Baronio, adding further that the ſtudy of Philoſophy was revived there in thoſe days.p Baron. Annal. Tom. 3. ad an. 354.

p. 120As for Cedrenus, and Zonorus, Bellarmin wrongs them both in bringing them in to witneſs, that there were no Schools in any part of Graecia in Pope Joans times. For they ſay no more, but that Learning was not regarded a long time before Bardus Caeſar: they do not ſay that it was quite extinct, but almoſt: Philoſophia neglecta jacebat, ac propè omnino extincta erat, ut ne ſcintilla quidem ejus apparet. Bardus Caeſar added Life to it by erecting Schools for all the Liberal Sciences and appointing Publick Profeſſors, and giving them ſtipends out of the Exchequer, as Cedrenus and Zonoras do writ; but certainly he raiſed it not up ſimply to Life; for had it been ſtark dead, how could he ſo ſuddainly have gotten Profeſſors to furniſh his Schools? We may read in Zonoras, that at the ſame time there was a matchleſs Philoſopher called Leo who ſtudied p. 121at Conſtantinople, and had to his Scholars many skilful Mathematicians. Moreover it cannot be denyed, that about the year 680 there was kept a General Council at Conſtantinople, wherein there were many eminent Biſhops of Greece, and among the reſt therrConc. Conſt. 6. Act. 17.Acts 17 Biſhop of Athens. There was another Council kept at Nice, and 100 years after, viz. about the 780 at which there were more Biſhops of Greece, than at the former. There was a third Council held at Conſtantinople which did exceed in number either of the former two, about the yearttBellarm. loco citat. 870: and how is it credible ſo many Councils conſiſting of many Biſhops ſhould be kept in Greece, and yet Greece utterly without Learning.

Now as theſe abuſers of truth deny that there was any Learning at that time in Greece, ſo they will not allow that there was anyſ Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 5. p. 122open Profeſſion of Learning in thoſe days in Rome, becauſe they will gainſay the truth of Pope Joans going thither, and that as ſhe profeſſed publickly all manner of Learning, whereby the greateſt Doctors there became her Scholars, ſo ſhe preached, and wonderfully ingaged the Ears, and Hearts of her Auditors.

uuMat. Weſtmon. Flores Hiſt. ad an. 727.Hiſtory makes appear, that Ina (one of our Saxon Kings) did build a School in Rome a little before the days of Pope Joan in the year 727, to this end, that the Kings of England, and their Children, the Biſhops, Prieſts, and the reſt of the Clergy might repair thither to be inſtructed in the Catholick faith, and afterwards return home, which School flouriſhed in the raign of KingxxIbid. ad an. 794. Offa which was in the year 795, and continued at leaſt till Alfred's time. For we Read, that Marinus, who p. 123was Pope in the year 883, freed it from all payments at the requeſt of Alfred. Now is it likely that ſuch a School was built, and maintain'd for ſuch a purpoſe, where no Learning was publickly profeſſed? Moreover we read of many other Schools kept in the ſame City, in the time of Steven the 6, in the year 885. For all the Schools in Rome with alacrity concurred, and brought Steven the ſixth to the Palace of Lateran, and Stephen was troubled, he had not wherewith to gratify them: thus ſaith Anaſtaſius in the Life of this Pope; and is it reaſon to believe theſe Schools were without Maſters, Readers, and Profeſſors?

But now it is time to introduce that which Cardinal Baronius thinks will knock 'ith' head and bury this ſtory in perpetual oblivion; and that is thus; ſaith he, if Leo the fourth lived to the year 855, then Marianus Scotus, the firſt promoter p. 124of this ſtory, told a manifeſt untruth, in reporting that this Joan was choſen Pope in the year 853; for by his confeſſion ſhe ſucceeded Leo the 4, but Leo the 4 lived to the year 855; Ergo Marianus Scotus lyes, &c. Anno octingenteſſimo quinquageſimo tertio, Leo Papa, obiit Kalend. Auguſti; huic ſucceſſ it Johanna Mulier annis duobus, menſibus quinque, diebus quatuor. In the year 853 Leo the Pope died on the Kalends of Auguſt, and Joan the woman ſucceeded after him for the ſpace of two years, five months, and four days.

You may ſee the falacy of this Cardinal; for theſe are not Marianus words, for he ſets not down the year preciſely, but in numeral figures in the Margent. And it is plain by conference of years, that he meant to note out the 855 for her entrance, and not the 853. For Benedict the 3. who ſucceeded her, entred not by his account till the year 857; now if ſhe had entiedy Conſult Marianus Chronicle and you will be throughly ſatiſfyed. p. 125in 853, ſhe had been Pope 4 years, or there abouts: whereas he plainly notes, that ſhe was Pope but two years, five months, and four days. Secondly, it is plain by Marianus Scotus, that Sergius the 2 began his Popedom in the year 844 and ſate 3 years; and it is as plain, that Leo the 4, next ſucceſſor to Sergius, began his in the year 847, and ſate 8 years; now add theſe three odd ſums to 840, and the product will be 855, ſo that whoſoever ſucceeded Leo the 4, muſt begin in the year 855, and that was Joan the Woman Pope in Marianus his opinion.

zzFlor. in c. 25. nu. 3.Florimondus would make us believe, that the Moon is made of a Green Cheeſe; for, (ſays he) we read nothing in Hiſtory of her reforming the Church; of her determining of cauſes, and queſtions uſually propoſed by Biſhops to them that are Popes; of any intercourſe, p. 126or affairs that ſhe had with King, or Emperour; wherefore certainly, had there been any ſuch Joan a Pope, her actions, as well as her bare name would have been regiſtred by Hiſtorians.

He might as well queſtion, whether there ever was an Anaſtaſius the third, who ſate two years, and upward, and yet no Hiſtorian tells what he did in that affair; only Platina writes, he acted nothing worth commemoration. We read of no great matter done by Leo the ſeventh, who ſate 3 years 6 months, and was as very a Drone as the other, for any thing we read; he neither reformed the Church, nor reſolved any Biſhop his doubts, nor intermedled with the affairs of Princes; and whereas the Author aforeſaid may pretend, that in that age wherein Pope Joan lived, there was great controverſies between the Eaſt and Weſtern p. 127a Platina in vita Anaſtaſii 3 nil memoria dignum Ceſtum eſt.Church, that in it many Princes and Emperours reigned, who were as much ſignalized for their virtue, as royal dignity: that in it many men of great learning lived, and therefore if there had been any ſuch monſter then, they could not have paſt her by in ſilence. No more they did, as I have already proved, neither was there more variety of matter fell out in that age, than ordinary; though ſome would have us believe, that between the Eaſtern and Weſtern Churches, there was a great controverſy, and contention about Images, and that many Councils were held, &c. this is a poſitive untruth; for all ſtories teſtify, that the difference between thoſe two Churches about Images, began in the former ages; and that though they continued ſome few years after the year 800. yet there was no talk of that matter for diverſe years before Pope Joans days. p. 128And as for the Learned men of that age, Baronius gives an account of them; qui ſciret tantum Grammaticam iſto ſeculo rudi, Doc…ſsimus habebatur. Theſe went for learned men in that age, who were but bare Grammarians: and therefore were they never ſo many, Pope Joans acts might paſs unwritten.

If any conjecture that this Pope Joan did never inaugure, and crown Dukes, Princes, Kings, or Emperors, I may anſwer, did every Pope inaugure, and crown them, and though our Antagoniſts ſay, that in that age the Emperours themſelves had ſuch a reverend eſteem of the Roman Popes, that they would not undertake the rule, and government of their people, except they gave them their conſent, and crowned them; and for proof of this they alledg, that Adrian the firſt baptized two Sonsb Baron. Annal. Tom. 9. ad an. 802. nu. 12. p. 129of Charles the great, and after that anointed them Kings.

This is eaſily anſwer'd, for this happened in the year 781, asccBaron. Annal. Tom. 9. ad an. nu. 2. Baronius obſerves and not in that age wherein Pope Joan lived. It is not to be imagin'd that every Pope in that age inaugured ſome Dukes, Princes, Kings, or Emperours; for we do not find that Eugenius the Second in the year 824; Valentinus in 827; Gregory the 4 who ſucceeded him; Sergius the 2 in 844, or Pope Leo the 4, who ſate in the year 847 inaugured, or crowned any of them, but this Pope laſt mention'd, who anointed Alfred, the youngeſt Son of Athelwulſus King of England which aſſiſted him not, nor further'd him to the attaining of the Kingdom; for till the Death of his three Elder Brethren, notwithſtanding the Popes anointing, he lived like a Subject, not like a King, wherefore p. 130though Pope Joan inaugur'd, or crowned no ſuch Perſons, it muſt not thereupon be concluded, there was no Pope Ioan. But this we read, that contulit ſacros ordines, promovit Epiſcopos, miniſtravit Sacramenta, caeteraque Romanorum Pontificum exercuit munera; ſhe gave Orders, ſhe made Biſhops, ſhe adminiſtred the Sacraments, and performed all other offices belonging to the Papacy; this truth is teſtifyed not only by Iohn Bal…, but byddDe vanitate Scient cap. 62. de ſectis Monaſticis. Cornelius Agrippa, a man highly commended byeeLib. 1 Epiſtol, Epiſt. 38. Leo the 10, and in a Book of his ſolemnly priviledged by Charles the 5.

And let me not forget to anſwer one grand objection more, which the Papiſts alledge againſt the truth of this ſtory; Ratio i…l…tabilis, ſaith Genebrard in his Chronology, and this is it.ffLeo 9 Epiſt. ad Michael. Epiſc. Conſtantinop. cap. 23. About 170 years after this invented fabulous election of Pope Ioan, in the year of our Lord p. 1311020, the Church, and the Patriarch, of Conſtantinople being in ſome contention with Rome, Leo the 9 wrote a Letter to Michael the Patriarch of Conſtantinople reprehending certain abuſes of that Church, and among others that they were ſaid to have promoted Eunuchs to Prieſthood, and thereby alſo a greater inconvenience fallen out, that a woman had craftily crept in to be a Patriarch. Now no doubt (ſay they) Leo would never have durſt to write thus, if the Patriarch might have returned the matter back upon him again, and ſaid, this was but a ſlanderous report, falſly raiſed againſt the Church of Conſtantinople▪ but that a woman indeed had been promoted in the Roman Church.

This argument is very weak in my judgment, for any to preſume in this, that Leo would never object that againſt Conſtantinople, whereof p. 132Rome it ſelf might be convinced; to prove this no unanſwearable argument, it is uſual for the Papiſts to object that againſt others, whereof they themſelves ſtand moſt guilty; and with the Proverb, cry Whore firſt. How do they exclaim againſt the Clergy of England for want of Continency? and yet is it not well known, how their Prieſts, and Monks, likeggJerem. 5.8.Jer 5:8 fed horſes, have neighed after their Neighbours Wives, and their Nuns have opened their feet (to uſe thehhEzech. 16.25.Ezek 16:25 Prophets phraſe when he ſpeaketh of ſuch like Light-skirts) to every one that paſſed by, and have multiplied their Whoredoms. Taceo de fornicationibus, et adulteriis a quibus qui alieni ſunt, probro caeteris ac ludibrio eſſe ſolent Spadoneſque, aut Sodomitae appellantur, ſaithiiDe Praſulibus Simoniacis in Bibliotheca Patrum. Paris 1576. p. 655. Nich. Clemangis, ſpeaking of the Romiſh Prieſts. I ſay nothing of your Prieſts fornications, and adulteries, from which p. 133crimes, if any man be free, he is made a laughing ſtock to the reſt, and either called an Eunuch or a Sodomite.

Laici uſque adeo perſuaſum habent nullos caelibes eſſe, ut in pleriſque parochiis non alitervelint Preſbyterum tolerare, niſi Concubinam habeat: quovel ſic ſuis ſit conſultum uxoribus, quae ne ſic quidem uſquequaque ſunt extra periculum, ſaith the ſame man. The Lay people are ſo convinced of the incontinence of all Prieſts, that, willingly they would not admit of a Pariſh Prieſt, unleſs he have a Whore of his own, that ſo they might preſerve the Chaſtity of their own Wives; and yet fall ſhort of their expectations, by reaſon of the leachery of the Prieſts.

Fornicantur complures Monialium cum ſuis Praelatis, ac Monachis, et converſis, et in Monaſteriis plures parturiunt filios, et filias quos ab iiſdem Praelatis Monachis et Converſis p. 134fornicarie, ſeu ex inceſtuoſo coitu conceperunt, ſaith Theodoricus de Niem, Secretary to Pope Ʋrban the 6, thus proceeding, et quod miſerandum eſt nonnullae ex hujuſmodi Monialibus aliquos foetus earum mortificant, infantes in lucem editos trucidant, &c. Nuns commited fornication with Biſhops, Monks, and Converts, and are delivered of ſons and daughters within their Monaſteries, which were got by thoſe Perſons Fornicator-like, if not inceſtuouſly; and which is moſt to be lamented, very many of theſe Nuns by internal receptions deſtroy the fruit of their womb; and many kill them after they are born.

kkClemangis de corrupto Eccleſ. ſtatu.Quid obſecro aliud ſunt hoc tempore pu…llarum Monaſteria, niſi quaedam Veneris execranda proſtibula & Iaſoivorum, et impudicorum juvenum ad libidines explendas receptacula? ut idem ſit bodie puellam velare, quod & publice ad ſcortandum exponere? p. 135what are Nunneries I pray now, but curſed Stews, and Meeting-places for wanton, and ſhameleſs youth to ſatisfy their luſts in? So that now it is all one to make a Wench a Nun, and to make her a Whore.

llHe. Huntingdon, hiſt. lib. 7. ad ann. 1125. Roger Hoveden Annal. pars prior in Hen. 1.1126.Johannes Cremenſis, a Romiſh Cardinal, held a Council at London in the year 1125, wherein he inveighed bitterly againſt ſuch Prieſts, as kept Concubines, ſaying, ſummum ſcelus eſſe a latere meretricis ad corpus Chriſti conficiendum ſurgere; it was a damnable ſin for a Prieſt to ariſe from the ſide of a Whore, and go and adminiſter the Body of Chriſt; yet he himſelf loved a Whore with all his heart; for we may read in our Engliſh Stories, ipſe cum eodem die Corpus Chriſti confeciſſet cum meretrice poſt veſperam interceptus eſt; he himſelf was taken with a Whore the ſame night after he had ſaid Maſs, ipſo facto.

p. 136Again, they condemn us of ignorance, ſaying, we dare not diſpute with them in matter of Religion, and if any of us are ſo confident, we are eaſily baffled, being not able to produce ſo many arguments in our own defence as ourmmBriſto… M…riu…. 3. Adverſaries do for us, applauding themſelves, and debaſing us, and yet it is eaſy to prove that their Prieſts, and Monks are generally like the threeſcore thouſandnnJonas. 4.11.Jonah 4:11 Ninivites, who had not ſo much wit as to diſcern between their left hand, and their right.

Videas admitti in Sacerdotium caeteroſque ſacros ordines homines idiotas & illiteratos, &c. ſaith Clemangis, ſpeaking of the ignorance of the Romiſh Clergy, thou maiſt ſee ignorant and illiterate perſons advanced to the Prieſt-hood and other holy orders, which can hardly read; and farther complains; how many are there now adays preferred p. 137to Biſhopricks, who ſo much as curſorily have neither read, or heard, or learned the holy Scriptures: and ſaithooDe Sac. eccleſ. Miniſt. Beneſ. lib. 1. cap. 11. Duarenus, Hoc ſaeculo Epiſcopatus & Sacerdotia indoctiſsimis hominibus, & a religione alienis deferri ſolent— hodie Epiſcopi noſtri (paucis exceptis) ſacrarum literarum ſcientia caeteris ex populo longe inferiores ſunt. In this age Biſhopricks and Perſonages are beſtowed on moſt unlearned and irreligious men, &c. and ſaith,ppComment. de dictis & fact. Alfonſ. Regis lib. 2. Apothegm. 17. Aeneas Sylvius, pudeat Italiae ſacerdotes, quos ne ſemel quidem legiſſe conſtat novam L…gem. It is a ſhame to Italy that her Prieſts never read over the New Teſtament: and as another ſays, Eccleſiarum regimina minus dignis (Romae videlice…) committuntur qui ad Malos magis quam homines paſcendos & regendos eſſent idonei, that the government of the Churches even at Rome, is commited to unworthy Perſons, who p. 138are fitter to look to the keeping of Mules than Men.

qqDe corrupto Eccleſ. ſtatu.Clemangis ſpeaking of the Roman Worthies, ſaith, Siquis deſidioſus eſt, ſiquis a labore abhorrens ſiquis in otio luxuriari volens ad ſacerdotium convolat: quo adepto, ſe ſtatim caeteris ſacerdotibus adjungit, qui magis ſecundum Epicurum, quam ſecundum Chriſtum viventes & cauponulas ſeduli frequentantes, potando commeſſando, pranſitando convivando cum teſſaris & pilo ludendo tempora tota conſumunt, &c. If there be any lazie fellow, one that will not work, but indulge his ſenſes he is reſtleſs till he is be-prieſted, and when he is made one, and hath gotten a Benefice, he conſorts with his fellow Prieſts as ſenſual as himſelf, and then he and they live more like Epicures than Chriſtians; Drinking, Eating, Reveling, Playing, Damming and being tippled, Swear and Fight, whilſt p. 139others as they come reaking hot from filthy carnal ſatisfactions, addreſs themſelves to the Holy Altar.

Aſciſcuntur nunc (ſaithrrIn vita Sozimi. Platina) non modo ſervi & vulgo concepti ac nati verum etiam flagitioſo quoque geniti. Now adays not only Servants and vulgar Perſons are admited to be of the Clergy, but every vile fellow, and the brats of ſuch like Perſons.

And ſaithſſPanopliae lib. 4. cap. 77. p. 405. Lindan, ex Aulicis perditiſſimus & quod omni aetate fuit poſt Chriſti annorum memoriam inauditam ex militibus deploratiſſimis iiſ que ſanguinariis Dei loco ad Eccleſiae collocantur; imo repente intruduntur gubernacula quid quod puerilis & adoleſcentulis creduntur haec tractanda. The worſt of Courtiers forlorn and bloody Soldiers (a thing never heard of before among Chriſtians) are all on a ſuddain thruſt in upon the Church to manage it in Gods p. 140ſtead, yea, Boys and youngſters are made Biſhops and Prelates in the Church.

As the Papiſts tax us with ignorace, ſo they do with falſehood, of which they themſelves are moſt guilty. For inſtancettIn Epiſtola …. ad Impera…rem. Agatho a Pope avoucheth, that the Roman Church never ſwarved from the tradition of the Apoſtles, that ſhe never gave Ear to novelties, that the Popes Predeceſſors had ever boldly ſtrengthened their Brethren according to Chriſts commandment to Peter; for proof hereof, he appeals to all the world. In like manner Pope Nicolas boaſts, that none of the Popes was ever ſuſpected to have held an errour; and Victor was ſuppoſed to have held, that Chriſt was pure man and not God, which is atteſted byxxHiſt. Eccl. lib. 5. cap. 28. Euſebius: Zepherinus u In Epiſtola 1. ad Michaelem.was ſuſpected of Montaniſm, ſo ſaithyyContra Praxe…m. Tertullian: Marcellinus ſacrificed to Idols according tozzIn Pontificali in vita Marcelli. Damaſus p. 141his report, and acknowledged by Bellarmin, though denyed in part by Baronius: Liberius ſubſcribed to the Arian hereſy, ſo ſay …hanaſius, Jerome and Sozomen, and to be ſhort, that Honorius the firſt was a Monothelite, and for that condemned by name in the ſixth and ſeventh general Councils. From hence I gather, that Pope Agatho was not Infallible in his judgment, neither am I apt to believe that the Sons of that Church are leſs fallible. It is not their bare ſaying that this is ſo and that not ſo, but the proof they produce muſt be conſider'd, according to validity.

And now the Papiſts, not knowing hardly what to ſay for themſelves, ſuggeſt this,aaOnuph. Ann…at. in Plat. in vita Johan. 8. Harding in his Anſwer 10 Ep. Jewel… Apology. that though men at that time had been ſo far bewitched or mope-eyed, as not to diſtinguiſh a man from a woman, yet God himſelf, who appointed and ordained the Seat of Peter to be p. 142the rule and direction of the whole Church, ſhould never have departed ſo far from his merciful providence, as to ſuffer the ſame to be poluted by a woman incapacitated for holy orders, and a Puttana Errant… to boot.

I would willingly underſtand why might not the Almighty ſuffer that Church to be polluted by a Woman, as by ſo many Monſters and Beaſts of Me…, as ſeveral Pontificial Writers have diſcovered, who ingeniouſly, rather than they would prejudice, have confeſſed the wild actions of their brethren to their everlaſting ſhame and infamy. Why might ſhe not fit there as well asbbFaſcicul. Temp. ad an. …14. Sabinian, whom though a Pope, I muſt call by reaſon of his exorbitant wicked life; I cannot call that miſcreant by a name bad enough, and as he lived ſinfully, he died fearfully. VVhy might ſhe not ſit there as p. 143well as Stephen the 6, who dig'd up the Carkaſs of Pope Formoſus his Predeceſſor, and as if living, had it arraign'd before a Council of Biſhops, and condemn'd, &c. as I have afore recited. VVhy might She not ſit there as well asccPlat. in vita Bonif. Boniface the ſeventh, who robbed St. Peters Church, and fled for a time to Conſtantinople, who afterwards by Simony, and the Murther of two Popes, got into the Papacy, who in miſchief, excelled all the Ruſſins and Bandities of his time for cruelty, and for the Ruin of his Country Sylla and Cataline come ſhort of him. Thus muchddAnnal. Tom. 10. ad annum 985. nu. 1. Baronius confeſſeth, and at length as he lived like a Brute, ſo he dyed like a Beaſt; theſe are his words, Bonifacius 7 annumerandus inter Famoſos latrones & potentiſſimos graſſatores atque patriae proditores Syllas & Catalinas horumque ſimiles quosomnes ſuperavit ſacrilegus iſte turpiſſima p. 144nece duorum Pontiſicum. And why might ſhe not ſit there as well as Sylveſter the 2 that famous Conjurer, who gave himſelf both body and Soul to the Devil, that he might get the Popedom, and whilſt living was hurryed away whither no mortal ever yet could tell. Platina, in his Lives of the Popes, writes thus of him, that ambitione & diabolica dominandi cupiditate impulſus, largitione primo quidem Archiep…ſcopatum Rhemenſem inde Ravennatem adeptus Pontificatum, poſtremo majore conatu adjuvante Diabolo conſequutus eſt hac tamen lege ut poſt mortem totus illius eſſet cujus fraudibus tantam dignitate adep us erat: Sylveſter the 2, being damnable ambitious, got firſt by bribery the Arch Biſhoprick of Rhemes, then that of Ravenna, and after that by the Devils help, the Biſhoprick of Rome, yet upon this condition, that when he dyed he ſhould be wholly his, by p. 145whoſe means he had attained ſuch dignity: Sigibert confeſſeth in a manner the ſame thing, for he ſaith, non per oſtium intrare creditur, he got the Popedom by indirect courſe, for a quibuſdam Negromantiae arguitur, he was ſuſpected of Negromancy; the like is affirmed by CardinaleeDe vita & geſtis Hildebrandi. Benno, byffIn Chron. ad an. 1007 Martinus Polonus, byggDe vitis Pontif. in Sylveſt. 2. Stella a Venetian, byhhSupplement. Chron. ad annum 997 Philippus Bergomenſis, byiiIn Polychron. lib. 6. cap. 14. &c. Ranulfus Ceſtrenſis, by Matthaeus Weſtmonaſterienſis, by Faſciculus Temporum, by Charanza, and by Aeneas Sylvius.

William of Malmsbury, having related the ſame Story in effect with the above named Writers, ſuppoſeth that ſome might reply, this is but a made Tale, Sed haec vulgata ficta crederet, aliquis eo quod ſolet Populus literatorum famam laedere dicens illum, loqui cum Daemone quem in aliquo viderint excellentem opere; becauſe the common people p. 146are wont to ſay, that Scholars, who are ſingular or excellent in any thing, are cunning men, or deal with the Devil; yet he concludes, that he believes it for true, for mihi vero fidem facit de iſtius ſacrilegio inaudita mortis excogitatio, kkLib. 2. de geſtis Rerum Aug. cap. 10. fol. 36.ſaith he, I am verily perſwaded Sylveſter was ſuch a Villain, becauſe of the ſtrangeneſs of his death, Nam curſe moriens excarnificaret ipſe ſui corpor is horrendus Laniſta niſi novi ſceleris conſcius eſſet? For why ſhould the Butcherly fellow have torn his own fleſh as he did, but that he was guilty of ſome ſtrange ſin.

To proceed, why might not Pope Joan ſit in the Papal Chair as well as Benedict the ninth tha… ugly Monſter, as Platina calls him, Teterrimum Monſtrum, who got the Popedom when he was 12 years old,llSigonius de Regno Italiae, lib. 7. ad annum 1048. who when he was caſt out for his unworthineſs by ſtrong hand, p. 147got it again within few dayes after, and for fear he could not keep it long, ſold it to another for mony: who after his Death appeared partly like an Aſs, partly like a Bear, confeſſing that he carried ſuch a ſhape, becauſe he lived ſo much like a Beaſt in his life.

Why might ſhe not ſit in St. Peters Chair as well asmmPet. Crinitus de honeſta diſcip. lib. 8. cap. 13. Boniface the eight, who when according to cuſtome, on Aſh-Wedneſday, when he ſhould have laid aſhes upon an Arch-biſhops head, and religiouſly told him, that he was but Aſhes, and ſhould return to Aſhes, he caſt them in the Arch-Biſhops face and eyes, malitiouſly telling him, that he was a Gibelline, and that he ſhould dye with the Gibellines; of whom Caeleſtinus his Predeceſſor, a man famous as they ſay for Miracles,nnAſcendiſti ut vulpes, regnabis ut Leo, morieris ut Canis, & it a ſane contigit, Tho. Walſingham in Edu. 1. profeſſed that as he entred life a Fox, he ſhould reign like a Lyon, and die like a p. 148dog, which fell out accordingly.

Why might ſhe not ſit there as well as Gregory the 7, commonly known by the name of Hildebrand, who ſet theooAbbas Ʋſpergenſis in Chron. ad an. 1080. Church and Commonwealth on fire; who hired a villain to tumble down great ſtones from the Battlements of a Church upon the Emperours head, to ſqueeze him to pieces, whilſt he was at prayers, as Cardinal Benno reports, who caſt the Sacrament into the fire, who uſually carryed about him a Conjuring-book; who ſoundly baſted his Predeceſſor Alexander; who wreſted the Scriptures to cover his lewdneſs:ppFlorentinus Vigornierſis in Chron. page 641. Mat. Paris in Guil. Conqueſt. An. 1086. who at his death confeſſed, that the Devil ſet him on work to provoke God to wrath againſt the World.

Why might ſhe not ſit there as well as John the 23. (Onuph. Appendix 24,) who was fitter for the Camp than for the Church; for p. 149Profaneneſs, than for Piety; as knowing no Faith, no Religion at all; who openly profeſſed that there was no life after this, (—poſt mortem nulla voluptas) but that it was with Men as with Beaſts: who, in a word, lived ſo ſcandalouſly, that he was commonly called the Devil Incarnate.

Why might ſhe not ſit there as well as John the 12.qqLuitprand. Hiſt. de Europ. geſtarum, lib 6. cap. 7.8. & 10. who made Deacons in a Stable, who made a Boy of ten years old a Biſhop; who made the Lateran a common Bawdy-houſe; who drank to the Devil; who, when he was at Prayers, invoked Jupiter and Venus, and other Idolatrous Gods of the Heathens, who at length was ſlain even by the Devil himſelf, whilſt he was committing Adultery, as I ſaid before. If it cannot be denyed that God hath ſuffer'd theſe and as many as wicked p. 150as any of theſe (except the laſt recited) to ſeat themſelves in St. Peters Chair, we need not wonder withrrPart. 2. Tit. 16. cap. 1. Sect. 7. Antonius at the ſtory of Pope Joan, and ſay, oh the depth of the Wiſdome of God, how incredible are his judgments! &c.

And now let me ask any Romaniſt this queſtion: how ſhould this tale of Pope Joan ariſe if there had not been ſuch a Pope; Was there ever ſuch a Smoak and no fire; ſuch a report, and no Probability: To this ſome Romaniſts do ſay, that great lyes do always ariſe out of ſome Truth: omnia inſignia mendacia ab aliqua veritate originem habent, ſaith Onuphrius in his notes on Platina in the Life of Pope Joan, and ſo did this, confeſſing that John the twelfth was a Whore-maſter, and among other of his Bona Roba's, or Wenches that he kept, there was one called Joan, who was all in all with him, p. 151and ruled the roaſt. Now the people perceiving what intereſt ſhe had in, and power over him, contemning him, gave her the appellation of Pope. Whereupon the Churches enimies took occaſion to ſlander the Church, as though the Church had (indeed) a woman Pope. And thisſſLoco ſupr▪ citato. Onuphrius proves out of Luitprandus Ticinenſis a Writer of that Age, who affirms, that John the 12 had three famous Strapping Whores, of whom the handſomeſt, and conſequently the beſt beloved, was called Joan. In anſwer hereunto, I read inttLib. 2. cap. 6. & 7. Luitprandus, in the place cited by Onuphrius, that John the 12 kept one eminent whore whom he called Raynera, whom he made Governour of many Cities, and on whom he beſtowed many Golden Croſſes, and Chalices belonging to St. Peter, and relates further, that he kept another called p. 152Stephana, and that he debauched and vitiated marryed wives, widows, and Maidens, who came to viſit the Apoſtolical Churches, and withal writes, that he kept a third called Anna, who was a widow, and not ſo, but kept her Neece to boot; making the Palace Lateran no better than a Bawdy-houſe, but he nowhere mentions any Joan, on whom that continent and worthy head of the Romiſh Church John the 12 doted. Onuphrius, I ſuppoſe, wanting Spectacles miſtook Joanna for Anna.

I but ſay ſome, John the 9 was made Biſhop of Bonony, then of Ravena, and at laſt Pope of Rome, by the means of one Theodora a very famous Whore, who in thoſe days, at Rome over-ruled all affairs Eccleſiaſtical or Political. Now it being generally obſerved how prevalent this Theodora was with this John, and howmuch a p. 153ſlave he was to all her Humours and commands, he was concluded to have deſerved rather the name of a woman than a man, and therefore called him Joan, not John; and upon this account aroſe the report of a Pope Joan; and to back this aſſertion,uuAnnal. l. 4. Aventinus a Germane is produced; but Genebrard, who is a profeſt rigid Papiſt, differs in opinion; for ſaith he, Aventinus lib. 4. Annal. fabullam eſſe aſſerit a Theodora nobili ſcorto ortam; ego vero a recentioribus adulatoribus in Romanae ſedis odium; that is Aventinus holdeth that this tale aroſe by reaſon of a noble Whore called Theodora; but I think ſome later ſycophantiſing Paraſyts of the Emperors, invented this ſtory, to diſcredit the Papal ſeat: I know not but that Genebrard may be as authentick as Aventinus, ſince he ſpentxxPrafatio Chronog. ad Pontacum. 10 whole years upon his Chronicle.

p. 154Beſides, ſuppoſe we allow that John who was firſt Biſhop of Bonony, then of Ravenna, and laſtly of Rome, came to thoſe Biſhopricks by the means of Theodora a famous Whore; in reſpect whereof, Cardinal Baronius queſtions whether he was a Pope or not, and terms him ſometimesyyAnnal. ad annum. 912. num. 12. Pſeudopontifex, and Anti-papa, a falſe Pope, and Anti-pope,zzAd annum 928. num. 2. ſometimes intruſor & detentor injuſtus Apoſtolicae ſedis; an intruder and an Uſuper of the Apoſtolical chaire; yet I deny that this was John the 9, but John the 10: John the 9 took no indirect courſes to gain the Papacy, but lawfully and honeſtly, and died naturally, as the ſaidaaAnnal. Tom. 10. ad annum 901. num. 1. Cardinal reports: but ſo did not this;bbFrodoard Hiſt. Rhem. lib. 4. cap. 19. This confirmed a Child under five years of age in the Arch-Biſhoprick of Rhemes, at which fact Baronius ſtands amazed, and could not forbear ſaying; than thisccAnnal. num. 11. turpior p. 155nullus cujus ſicut ingreſſus in Cathedram Petri infamiſſimus, ita & exitus nefandiſſimus: there was never a filthier fellow than this. This entred with infamy and dyed fearfully: this was ſtifled with a pillow by the procurement of one as famous for Whoredom as Theodora who preſerved him.

Now ſuppoſe he was John the ninth; if his looſe carriage with Theodora gave occaſion of the report of a Woman Pope, why was it not recorded, as hapning in his time, but above forty years before his time; John the ninth was conſtituted Pope in the year 901, yet this ſtory is recorded as hapning about the year 854, to this the Romaniſts reply, that this came to paſs by the ſubtlety of the reporters, for ſayddFlorimond. cap. 30. nu. 8. they, about the year 800, the Empreſs, who in a manner ruled all the world, was called Theodora. Now theſe trifling p. 156Tale-tellers (to uſe their own words) hearing of a Pope Joan in Theodoras time, chopt it into the time of Theodora the Empreſs, who lived about thirty years before Theodora the Harlot.

I do think this rather argues ſimplicity than ſubtlety in the Reporters; for Cui bono, whether it hapned in the one or the other Theodoras time? But it carries no colour of truth with it; for Theodora the Empreſs never carried any ſway in Rome at all. At Conſtantinople for a while, in the time of her Sons minority, ſhe had great power:eeBaron. annal. Tem. 10. ad an. 855. but in Pope Joans time ſhe was turned out of office or deveſted of that Power ſhe had aſſumed in Conſtantinople, nay, ſhe was depoſed of her regency, and thruſt into a Monaſtery where ſhe was deteined till the Expiration of her life.

p. 157Now, ſince this fallacy will ſtand them in no ſtead, they imagin this tale, as they call it, aroſe from John the 8, for John the 8, ſay they behav'd himſelf not like a man to Photius Patriarch of Conſtantinople, but ſheepiſhly, and like a woman; for he received Photius into Communion, who was excommunicated by his Predeceſſors. John the 8, ſuffer'd himſelf to be overcome by half a man, whereupon, in reproach, he was called, not Papa ſed Papiſſa, and this they farther on Baronius, of which he writes in his Annals; but how juſtly let any judge, ſince he is one of thoſe who affirm that the rumour of the Church of Conſtantinoples overſight, in ſuffering a woman to creep in to be Patriarch, occaſioned this tale againſt Rome, according to his own words, quae ita erant fama vulgata de Eccleſia Conſtantinop. converſa in Romanā Eccleſiā a ſchiſmatibus …a… p. 158odio proſequentibas, & calumniis proſcindentibus quis non intelligat, ſaith Baronius in his Annals, who is he ſo ignorant, that underſtands not that what was reported of Conſtantinople, the ſame was turned by Schiſmaticks as ſpoken againſt Rome.

With what honeſty can he affirm both, ſinceffAnnal. Tom. 10. ad annum 853, nu. 66. he acknowledgeth if there had been but ſome flying tale of any ſuch accident at Rome in former days, Pope Leo ſhould firſt have cleared it before he had charged the Church of Conſtantinople with the like. And was there not ſuch a flying report of a woman Pope before Leo the 9 his time, in Baronius time? How then did John the 8 occaſion ſuch a report who lived 140 years before Leo.

Many more objections I could here inſert, and anſwer, but that I think I have produced enough p. 159already to convince any man unbiaſſed, of the reality and the truth of this Story, that there was a Pope Joan. But ſuppoſe this Story to be true, what prejudice is this to the Church of Rome? Yes, very much, for if ſhe was Pope, then it will neceſſarily follow, that the Roman Church once hopt headleſs; for the Church according toggBellar. lib. 3. de Eccleſia. cap. 2. Bellarmin, is defined to be a company of Chriſtian-men profeſſing one Faith, under one head, to wit, the Pope: but ſhe, however ſhe carried the name of Pope, was no Pope:hhRhem. annot. in 1 Cor. 14. v. 34.1 Cor 14:34 for a Woman is not capable of Holy Orders: wherefore a Woman cannot play the Pope; therefore all the time of Pope Joan, the Church hopt headleſs.

The Papiſts do acknowledge this for a great inconvenience, that the Church ſhould lack a true Head for the time, but that's not p. 160ſo great a matter cry they: for ſo ſhe doth when any Pope dieth, till another be choſen. If this be granted, what a pittiful caſe is the Church in then? Since Chriſts time above 250 Popes, and by conſequence, then the Church hath been headleſs 250 times, yea and ſometimes between the death of one Pope, and the chooſing of another, there have paſſed many days, many months, and ſome years, as you may read in Hiſtory, and particularly Bodin, that after Faelix, ſometimes Duke of Savoy, St. Peters Chair ſtood empty Ten years. Now, if the Church be headleſs, where lies her underſtanding; what ſhall guide her when ſhe is bereaved of her Head?

But let us weigh another objection, did not (ſay they) St. Auſtin hold this opinion upon ſuppoſition of a like caſe, that the Church of Chriſt ſhould not be prejudiced? p. 161Did notkkAuſtin. Epiſt. 165. ad literas cujuſdam Donatiſt. he, having recited the Popes Names from the time of Chriſt to his days, make this demand? VVhat if any Judas or Traytor had entered among theſe, or been choſen by the Errour of Men? and anſwereth preſently, Non praejudicaret Eccleſiae, & innocentibus Chriſtianis. According to the body of the Popiſh Doctrine this muſt be denyed: for the Papiſts hold that the Pope is head of the Church, and that it is neceſſary to ſalvation to acknowledg him the head; but ſo did not St. Auſtin. The Papiſts hold that in a true Church, one Biſhop muſt lawfully ſucceed another, or all is daſht out; but ſo did not St. Auſtin: for he puts the caſe, that ſome Traytor ſuprepſiſset, that is, had come in not orderly into the Biſhop of Romes ſeat: and yet reſolves that that was not prejudical to Gods Church. Let the Papiſt p. 162conform himſelf in theſe two points of the Popes head-ſhip and ſucceſſion to St. Auſtins judgment, and, then he may the better ſay in this caſe of Pope Joan, that which St. Auſtin ſaid in the caſe propoſed; that ſhe had not prejudiced the Church of Chriſt.

Now if it be true that there was a Pope Joan, the Church of Rome muſt be diſcarded as no true Church: for thus I argue, that is no true Church which cannot give in plain authentical writing, the lawful, orderly, entire, (without any breach) and ſound ſincere ſucceſſion of Biſhops: but your Church if Joan was Pope, cannot give in plain authentical writing the lawful, orderly, entire, &c. For by reaſon of her, Benedict the 3 could not orderly ſucceed Leo the 4; for ſhe was a bar to his ſucceſſion; by her a breach was made in the rank of Popes; and as ſhe was p. 163a notorious Whore, ſo ſhe was no fool; as ſhe ſhamefully baffled the Doctors with her learning, ſo ſhe outwitted them with her policy, and ſate in that ſeat which properly belong'd to men, to the confuſion of the Romiſh Church and perpetual infamy of her Clergy.

Laſtly, if it be granted there was ſuch a Pope, then Popiſh Prieſts may well doubt of the lawfulneſs of their Miſſion, and Lay-Papiſts of the ſufficiency of their abſolutions which the Prieſts give them on auricular confeſſion, and of the truth of the real preſence and tranſubſtantiation.llTolet. ſumma Caſuum Conſcientiae lib. 1. cap. 1. For unleſs the Popiſh Prieſts be admited by a lawful Biſhop, their Prieſthood is inſignificant and of no effect:mmConcil. Trident Seſſ. 14. Can. 10. unleſs Lay-Papiſts be abſolved by a Lawful Prieſt, their abſolution is nothing worth: andnnBellar. l. 4. de Eucha. cap. 16. unleſs the words of Conſecration be uttered by a lawful Prieſt, intent upon his p. 164buſineſs, ther follows no ſubſtantial change in the Creatures of Bread and Wine. Now how can the Prieſts ſay they were inducted by lawful Biſhops, or the Lay-man abſolved by lawful Prieſts, or Maſſes ſaid by them, ſeeing we read (as I ſaid before) that Pope Joan gave orders, Pope Joan made Deacons, Prieſts, Biſhops, and Abbots. For it may be well enough ſuppoſed that the Prieſts of this preſent age are deſcended from thoſe who received orders from her. Her ſucceſſors dealt not with her Shavelings, as Pope John the 12 did with Leo the 8 his Shavelings.ppSigibert in Chron. ad an. 963. Baronius Turrecremata &c. John the 12 degraded them all, and compelled every one of them to ſubſcribe a Paper, wherein was writ Epiſcopus meus (meaning Leo the 8) nihil ſibi habuit, nihil mihi dedit, he had naught for him ſelf, and gave naught to me: but ſo did not Benedict the third with p. 165Pope Joans. To what hath been ſaid I know not what any Romaniſt in any probability can reply, unleſs he ſay as Lawyers in the caſe of Barbarius Philippus, Communis error facit jus; yet that will not ſerve the turn, for though it may be ſo in matters of the Commonwealth, in matters of the Church it cannot be ſo; for an errour in the begining touching the Church, proves often an hereſy in concluſion. In matters of the Church preſcription adds no credit to actions of evil beginning.

FINIS.

End of the text · Alexander Cooke, A Present for a Papist (1675)