History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600, Ecclesiastical epoch 100-1300 · Century 11 · Chapter 3 · Brittany

History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600 · Ecclesiastical epoch 100-1300 · Century 11 · Chapter 3 · Brittany

p. 273Of BRITANNY.

1. AS I touched in the former Century, England was oppreſſed by the Danes in England.Danes, ſo that Swan, a Daniſh King, did bear the Scepter of England; and when he was a dying, he left England to Harald. Denmark to Canut, and Nor way to Swan, his three Sons. Harald lived not long: After him, and the death of the unfortunate Engliſh King Agelred, great contention was in England for the Crown; ſome were for Edmond …ronſide, the Son of Agelred, and ſome for Canut; After many bloody fights, both parties agree to try the quarrel twixt them two onelyonly; in ſight of both Armies they make the eſſay, with ſwords, and ſharp ſtroakes; in the end, upon the motion of Canut, they agree, and kiſs one another, to the joy of both Armies, ann. 10. 6. and they covenant for parting the Land during their lives, and they lived as br…thren. Within a few years a Son of Edrik Duke of Mercia, killed Edmond traitorouſly; and brought his two Sons unto Canut, and ſaid, God ſave our onelyonly King. Thereafter Canut reigned in England twenty years; and all the Counſellors ſwear unto him; By their advice he ſent the two Sons of Edmond unto his Brother Swan, King of Denmark, willing him to put them out of the way; He abhorring ſuch a fact, ſent them to Solomon, King of Hungarie; where Edwin was married with the King's Daughter, and left her ſoon a Widow: and the other Brother, Edward, married Agatha, the Daughter of the Emperor Henry III. It is written that Canut eſtabliſhed Laws Eccleſiaſtical, as well as Civil; among which are theſe: Firſt, All men ſhould holily worſhip God onelyonly throughout all ages; they ſhould moſt religiouſly hold faſt the one rule of Chriſtian Religion: they ſhould with due loyalty and obedience honor King Canut; We further command, that every one of each Order, ſhall diligently, and holily keep the Religion of his own Office, and Function, namely the Servants of God, Biſhops, Abbots▪ Monks, Regulars, and Nuns, and ſquare their life according to their preſcribed rule; Let them pray oft, and much unto Chriſt, both night and day, for all Chriſtian People: And all the Miniſters of God, eſpecially the Prieſts, we entreat and command to obey God, and keep dear chaſtity, that they may eſcape God's wrath, and hells fire, ſeeing they know certainly, it is not lawful for them to have fellowſhip with women for luſt; and who ſhall abſtain from them, let him have God's mercy, and on earth the honor due unto a Thane. Let every The beginning of Kn…ght …oa among Prieſts.one pay his Tithes yearly. Each one ſhould prepare thrice a year (at leaſt) to receive the Euchariſt, ſo that he may eat the ſame to wholeſom remedies, and not to damnation. If any woman commit adultery, to the open ſhame of the world let her noſe and ears be cut off, &c. Spelman in Concil. Canut died ann. 1039. and his Son Hardiknut reigned four years, and his Brother two years; p. 274Then the Danes failed, after they had been Kings of England twenty eight years, and vexed it 255. years.

2. After the death of Grim, King of Scots, Malcolm would not accept Troubles in Scotland.the Crown, until the Law which was made in his Father's time, concerning Succeſſion, were confirmed with conſent of the Parliament. He was moleſted by the Danes; and in token of his two victories, two ſtones were ſet up in Anguiſe, in two ſeveral places, as yet bearing the name of their Captain Came. At that time Malcolm divided a great part of the patrimony of the Crown among his chief Captains, ſo that from that time the Kings Revenues were ſmall; and therefore the Nobility gave unto the King the Wards, and Marriages of their Sons (if yong.) He which was ſo careful of Succeſſion, had no Sons. Duncan, King, the Son of his eldeſt Daughter, was killed by Macbeth, his Couſen-German, and Succeſſor. In a word, while ſome ſtrove for the ancient Liberty, and others for the priviledge of Succeſſion, ten Kings were killed by their Succeſſors, until the year 1103.

3. When England was freed from the Danes, they ſent to Normandy, Alteration in England.inviting Edward the Confeſſor, and Brother to King Edmund, to come. He fearing their inconſtancy, did refuſe, until they ſent pledges to abide in Normandy; and then was Crowned ann. 1045. In his time was that Law made, which concerneth the King's Oath at Coronation: A King, becauſe he is the Lieutenant of the moſt High King, was appointed to this end, that he ſhould regard and govern the earthly Kingdom, and People of God; and above all things his holy Church, and defend her from wrongs, and root out Malefactors from her, yea, ſcatter and deſtroy them; which unleſs he do, he cannot be juſtly called a King. A King ſhould fear God, and above all things love him, and eſtabliſh his command throughout his Kingdom; He ſhould alſo keep, nouriſh, maintain, and govern the holy Church of his Kingdom, with all integrity, and liberty, according to the Conſtitutions of his Fathers, and Predeceſſors, and defend it againſt enemies; ſo as God may be honored above all, and ever had in minde: He ſhould eſtabliſh good Laws, and approved Cuſtoms, and aboliſh evil, and remove them all out of his Realm; He ſhould do right Judgement in his Kingdom, and execute Juſtice by the Counſel of his Nobles. All theſe things ſhould the King ſwear in his own Perſon, before he be Crowned. Mat. Pariſien. deſcribes the manners of the Countrey, at his coming, thus; The Nobles were given to gluttony, and letchery; they went not to Church in the Chriſtian maner in the morning, but onelyonly had a Prieſt, which made haſte with the Mattens, and Maſs, in their Chambers; and they heard a little with their ears. The Clergy were ſo ignorant, that if any knew the Grammar, he was admired by them. All men were ſo given to carouſing, that both nights and days were ſpent in that exerciſe, &c. This King had no Children, and ſent for Edward the outlaw; he came, and died within a year at London, leaving one Son, Edgar, and two Daughters, Margaret, and Chriſtiana. After Edward, Harold, Earl of Oxford, was Crowned; then William, Duke of Normandy, came into England with an Army, pretending a right by covenant with King Edward, and did ſo prevail ann. 1067. that Harold was ſlain; and he was called, William the Conqueror. Within a few years he made a great alteration in the Kingdom; the moſt part of his Knights, and Biſhops, were Normans; and many Engliſh, with Edgar, fled into Scotland, where King Malcolm had married Margaret, Edgar's Siſter; and they incited Malcolm to invade England; and he entered into the North part ann. 1071. At laſt a peace was concluded, upon condition that a Mark-Stone was ſet up in Stanmoor, as the mark of both Kingdom, with the portraict of both Kings p. 275on the ſides of the Stone. Ia. Vſſer. de Eccleſ. ſtatu. c. 6. ſhews out of ſundry Authors, that when the Wars were twixt William and Harold, William ſought the Pope's advice, and Harold diſpiſed the Pope. So Alexander II. then Pope, ſent unto William a Standart, in good luck, or hope of his victory: and when William had obtained the victory, he ſent Harold's Standart unto Alexander. Thereafter the Pope writes unto him thus; Thy wiſdom knows, that the Kingdom of England, ſince the Name of Chriſt was known there, hath been under the power and defence of the Prince of the Apoſtles; until ſome, becoming members of that wicked head, and following the pride of their father Satan, have forſaken God's Covenant, and turned away the Engliſh People from the way of truth—for as thou knoweſt well, while the Engliſh were faithful, upon account of their pious devotion, they gave a yearly Penſion unto the Apoſtolical See; of which a part was brought unto the Roman high Prieſt, and a part unto the Church of S. Mary, which is called, The School of the English, for the uſe of the Brethren, &c. King William confirmeth the gift, and, (as it follows thereafter ſome pages) until he was eſtabliſhed, Hildebrand was ſo affected toward him, that he was evil reported by the Brethren, grumbling that he had ſo affected, and helped the committing of ſo many Homicides; and that William was devoted unto the Apoſtolical See, above all others of his condition. But when the Pope was not content with the King's Liberality, and ſought an Oath of Loyalty, William wrote unto him, ſaying, Religious Father, Hubert thy Legate admoniſhed me, in your name, that I ſhould give Loyalty unto thee and thy Succeſſors; and that I ſhould be more mindfull of the Money, which my Anceſtors were wont to ſend unto the Roman Church: the one I have accepted, and not the other: Loyalty I would not give, nor will I; becauſe, neither have I promiſed it, nor do I finde that my Anceſtors have done it unto thy Anceſtors. While I was three years in France, the Money was gathered careleſly; but ſince my returning, by the Divine mercy, what is gathered, is ſent by thy foreſaid Legate—Pray for me, and for the ſtanding of our Kingdom, &c. Hildebrand was not pleaſed with this Letter; and therefore in an Epiſtle unto Hubert, he ſaid, Thou knoweſt very well what account I make of Money, without Honor. And then, ſpeaking of King William, he ſaith, The Roman Church may lay many things unto his charge; none of all the Kings, even of the Heatheniſh, have preſumed to attempt againſt the Apoſtolique See, what he hath not been aſhamed to do; to wit, that any hath been ſo irreverent, and ſhameleſs, as to diſcharge his Biſhops, and Arch-Biſhops, from the Churches of the Apoſtles. Therefore we will that thou, in our name, ſtudy to admoniſh him, that as he would take it ill, if his Subjects give him not due honor; ſo he would not empair the honor of the holy Roman Church; and by giving due thanks, he may procure the favor of bleſſed Peter. For we being mindefull of our former love toward him, and following the meekneſs of the Apoſtle (by God's help) ſo far as we can, have ſpared his fault hitherto; but if he will not put an end unto this, and others his faults, that thou knoweſt, let him ſurely know, that he will grievouſly provoke the wrath of bleſſed Peter, &c. Among his other faults that were offenſive unto Hildebrand, William had impriſoned his own Brother Odo, Biſhop Baiocen, without regard of his Epiſcopal Order; as he writes unto the King, ſaying, One thing toucheth us near, and by touching vexeth us, and among the excellent monuments of thy Royal Vertues, doth violently overcloud the joy of our friendly heart, that in taking a Biſhop, thy own Brother, not providing for thy honor (as it became thee) but preferring thy earthly warineſs, and reaſon, p. 276unto God's Law, thou haſt not taken notice of Prieſtly dignity. The honor of a Brother, and Epiſcopal Dignity, are no way to be matched in compariſon; if you will compare it to the glory of a King, or to the Crown of Princes, theſe are more inferior, then if you would compare Lead unto Gold; So Hildebrand. And nevertheleſs Baronius aſſureth us, that the King made no account of his Interceſſion, nor Argument.

4. Before this time were …o Diocies, or Biſhopricks, in Scotland: and ſure Alteration of the Church▪ di…cipline …n Scotland.it is, by Act of Parliament at Scone, under Conſtantine the II. all Churchmen were forbidden to meddle with ſecular buſineſs; therefore at that time a Church-man, could not be a Parliamentary Lord. But King Malcolm Cammore brought in new Titles of honor into the Civil Eſtate, after the maner of other Nations; and ſo he changed the Government of the Church, and erected ſix Biſhopricks. At that time (as all our Hiſtorians write) many ſtrangers from Hungary, and England (which both were tributary unto Rome, and in great troubles) came into this Land with Queen Margaret, and by her and their information, the King was perſwaded unto ſuch changes, both in the Civil Eſtate, and Church. Here then is a change of the Diſcipline in the Church of this Land, and we ſee by what means it came, even from Rome, where things were very corrupt at that time. But let us look back into former times, and compare all together. Biſhop potſwood, in his Hiſtory, would have the Biſhops to have been more ancient; and ſaith, that Amphibal was the firſt Biſhop of the Scots, who lived in the Iſle of Man, where King Cratili…th built a ſtately Church, to the honor (why would he not ſay; for the ſervice, or worſhip) of our Savior; and called it Sodorenſe Fa…m: and that was the Cathedral of the Biſhops of the Iſles, till the Scots were diſpoſſeſſed of that Iſle; and from thence the Iſle Jona, or Icolmkil, hath been the ſeat of the Biſhops. Then page 7. he telleth of Ninian, the firſt Biſhop of Galloway, or Candida Caſa, and of Palladius, ſent by Ecleſtin Biſhop of Rome; and that he ordained Servan Biſhop of Orkney, and Terva… Biſhop of the Northern Picts. Page 11. he telleth of a Biſhop about Aldham, but (ſaith he) the ſtory doth not expreſs his name: For anſwer, the Hiſtories ſhew that ſuch men were in Scotland; but that they were not Prelates, or Biſhops, (in that ſ…nſe, as of late the name was uſed) is very certain. For firſt, All who have written the Hiſtory of Scotland, do teſtifie, that the Church was governed without Biſhops, and by Teachers, who were called Culdees; that is, The worſhippers of God; or who taught the worſhip of God: and theſe were called ſometimes Monks, for their ſtrictneſs of life; and Prieſts, or Presbyters; and ſometimes they were called Biſhops; either in the ſenſe of the Scripture, or according to the Cuſtom of other Nations; but by that term, declaring them to be lawful Teachers, or Paſtors. Boeth. li. 6. c. 5. calleth them by theſe three names, Culdees, Monks, and Prieſts: and Laurentius the ſecond, Biſhop of Canterbury, calleth them Fratres Epiſcopos & Abbates. And Biſhop Jewel, in defenſe of the Apolo. page 122. ſaith, Theſe three names, Biſhop, Prieſt, and Presbyter, were all one. And it is certain, that at Icolmkil was a Colledge of Students; and there was one, who is ſometime called Abbas, and ſometime Doctor, and ſometime Epiſcopus; as in that Epiſtle written by the Clergy of Rome, after the death of Pope Severin, which is directed unto the Biſhops, Presbyters, Doctors, or Abbots: Theſe Titles are knit with the particle ſive. Likewiſe about the year 600. Columba was the Church-man which was moſt reſpected in Scotland; and he was the Doctor of Icolmkil: for as the King Aidan did uſe his counſel; ſo when he fought againſt the Picts, Columba did call his Colleagues together, and exhorted them to turn their ſupplications into thankſgiving, becauſe the King p. 277had got the victory, albeit the place of the battel was diſtant from Jona (where Columba lived, and was at that time) 200. miles at leaſt, ſaith Biſhop Spotſwood: And the ſame Biſhop calleth Convallan Governor of that Monaſtery after Columba. And Buchanan li. 6. in the life of King Kenneth III. ſaith. The ancient Biſhops of the Scots, were choſen out of the Monaſteries; and theſe Monaſteries were not for Monks, in that ſenſe as they ſpeak afterwards; for in li. 7. Buchanan, ſpeaking of King Malcolm, and the Colledge at Scone, ſaith, Malcolm turned the Colledge of Prieſts, that was there, into a Monaſtery of Monks. Secondly, That the Church of Scotland was not ſubordinate to Rome; and that they loved not the Diſcipline, nor Rites of Rome, is moſt certain, by that Conteſtation which was in Century VII. Thirdly, That teſtimony of the Synod at Celicyth, in England, about the year 816. is without all contradiction, that at that time were no Prelates in Scotland; ſeeing they teſtifie, that the Scots gave no honor to Metropolitans, nor other Biſhops; and therefore they forbid the Scots to have any Function in England. But in the contrary, Biſhop Spotſwood telleth of Wiro, and Plechelm, which were conſecrate at Rome Biſhop of the Scots, in the year 632. as it is written (ſaith he) in Baron. Annal. ad ann. 632. and he addeth, But, by the Cardinals leave, our Church had no ſuch Cuſtom before that time; nor will it be shewed, that before theſe two, any did go to Rome, either to be conſecrate, or confirmed. And then he addeth, We finde him [Wiro] shortly thereafter turn Confeſſor to King Pipin. But if he was Confeſſor to King Pipin, he was not Biſhop of the Scots: nor was Pipin King of France till the year 750. and ſo Wiro muſt have been above 160. years old, ere he was Confeſſor. I have looked on that place of Baronius, and he ſhews his Author to be Surius, ad Maij diem 8. and all, both Papiſts, and others, hold Surius to be a moſt fabulous writer: as in that particular he writes fabulouſly; for he ſaith, Wiro was Confeſſor unto Duke Pipin; and that Pipin was wont to come unto him with bare feet, when he made his Confeſſion. This (I ſay) is fabulous; ſeeing it is marked as an unmeaſureable ſhew of humility, that Juſtinian II. Emperor, made ſuch obedience unto Pope Conſtantine, in falling down at his feet, and did not caſt off his ſhoes. Nor can it be ſhewed, that any Writer of that Century, hath the word Confeſſor in that ſenſe; or that ſuch an Office was at that time: In the days of the Emperor Theodoſius, ſome ſuch thing had been in uſe upon a particular occaſion; but upon a vile ſcandal it was forbidden. Socrat. Hiſt. l. 5. c. 19. And then Baronius ad ann. 697. calleth Wiro Epiſcopum Deirorum, when he ſpeaks of the Synod at Utrecht. Now it is clear in the life of Pope Gregory I. (prefixed before his works) that a part of England was at that time called Deira: therefore Wiro was not a Biſhop of Scotland; and therein Baronius Plechelm, is called de Candida Maſſa, or Caſa. But Biſhop Spotſwood, page 4. ſaith, No Biſhop in Scotland had any Diocy before King Malcolm III. and ſo that phraſe, de candida caſa, sheweth that Plechelm was born at that place, and not that he was Bishop there. Likewiſe Bishop Spotſwood, page 20. ſpeaks of two Bishops, Sedulus, and Perguſtus, who having aſſiſted in a Synod at Rome, called by Gregory II. in the year 721. after their return, made great diſturbance in the Church for erecting of Images. It is true, in the ſubſcriptions of that Synod, ſuch names are there; and the one, Sedulus, is called Epiſcopus Scotorum, and the other is called Epiſcopus Pictorum. And ſo every Presbyter, who went out of Scotland, was called a Scotch Bishop: but that he was a Prelate of Scotland, it is contrary to that teſtimony of the Synod at Celicyth, in Century IX. which was near a 100. years after Gregory II. And then ſee what he did; he preſſed the worship of Images; and the Culdees denied it to be lawful, ſaith Io. Bale Cent. XIV. p. 278and therefore many of them were depoſed; ſuch was the fruit of their gading to Rome. And Biſhop Spotſwood, page 26. ſaith expreſly, that Kellach was the firſt Biſhop of this Kingdom who went to Rome to ſeek confirmation, and that was about the year 904. This inſtance condemneth what he hath ſaid before, of all thoſe others whom he calleth Scotch Biſhops: Neither was this the Cuſtom of Scotland onelyonly, to Govern the Church by common conſent of Culdees, or Presbyters, which in Scripture are called Biſhops; ſee § 11. but in the primitive times it was the Cuſtom every where. For firſt, They had an Eccleſiaſtial aſſembly, which Origenes contra Celſum li. 3. calleth, a Church Senate: for when he compareth the Chriſtian Churches at Corinth, Athens, and Alexandria, with the multitude of other People there: he addeth alſo, If you compare the Church Senate, unto the Senates of thoſe Cities, you ſhall finde ſome Senators of the Church worthy to govern any place, any Commonwealth eſtabliſhed by God; but theſe Senators, who now every where do govern, have nothing excellent in their maners beyond the common multitude; and in like maner if the Church-Magiſtrates be compared with the Political Magiſtrates, &c. And after eight pages, he ſaith, Chriſtians do ſo much as they can, firſt examine the minde of them which deſire to be their hearers, ere they receive them into their number; they try them firſt privately, and when they appear to have made ſuch progreſs, that they are deſirous to live honeſtly, then they bring them in by diſtinct degrees—and ſome are appointed to watch over their lives and maners, that if any of them do things unlawful, they debar them from the Society; and others they embrace heartily, if they by dayly progreſs become better: and how ſevere is our diſcipline againſt them which are faulty, eſpecially who are defiled with uncleanneſs? our Church caſteth them out of our Commonwealth—and again, when they repent, we receive them no other way, then as if they were raiſed from death; but after a longer trial, then when they were at firſt received to learn the Religion; but upon this condition, that becauſe they have fallen, they ſhall thereafter be uncapable of all Dignities, and Church-Magiſtracy. So far Origen. Hence we ſee, the primitive Churches had their Judicatories, and their Rulers; and how they did cenſure the ſcandalous perſons. Secondly, Who were theſe Rulers? Ambroſe teacheth on 1 Tim. 5. ſaying, Among all Nations, old age is honorable; whence the Synagogue, and then the Church had their Elders, without whoſe Counſel nothing was done in the Church: which form, by what negligence it hath failed, I know not, unleſs by the lazineſs, or rather the pride of Teachers, while they onelyonly will ſeem to be ſomething. Therefore the Rulers of the Church were not onelyonly Teachers, but with them were Elders, which were not Teachers; and theſe were out of uſe in Italy before the days of Ambroſe, about the year 400. But ſee whether they were in the days of Cyprian, who lived about the year 250. In lib. 3. epiſt. 10. he directeth it unto the Presbyters and Deacons; in the beginning he lamenteth, that many of the Presbyters were diſperſed in time of the perſecution: and near the end he ſaith, I am ſorry when I hear that ſome walk diſorderly, and wickedly, and jarring with diſcord; even the members of Chriſt, which have openly confeſſed Chriſt, to be defiled with unlawful luſt; nor can be governed by the Deacons, and Presbyters [or Elders] that by the bad maners of ſome few, the honeſt credit of many, and good confeſſors, is ſtained: they ſhould fear, leſt being condemned by their own teſtimony and judgement, they be deprived of the Society of the godly; for he is a true and famous confeſſor, of whom the Church afterwards hath not cauſe to be aſhamed, but to rejoyce: As for that particular which our Com-Presbyters Donate, Novate and Curdius have written unto me, I being p. 279alone can write nothing, ſeeing from the begining of my Epiſcopacy [I have reſolved to do nothing by my private judgment for ſentence] without your counſel, and without conſent of the people: but when by the grace of God I ſhall come unto you, then as common honor requires we ſhall together treat of theſe things which are done, or are to be done. Hence it is clear that though Cyprian was a renowned Biſhop, yet he never did any thing in point of government by himſelf, or without counſel of Elders and Deacons, and without conſent of the Church; no, not to give advice in that that they did require of him; and theſe Elders and Deacons did rule and cenſure when he was abſent; and he was ſory that the people did not obey their Sentence. Whatſoever exception may be taken againſt the word Presbyter, certainly Deacons had place in giving Counſel, and the Biſhop had not the ſole power of Cenſure. This is put out of doubt in the life of Auguſtine; when c. 4. Poſſidonius (Arch-Biſhop at the ſame time) ſhews that he was choſen one of the Presbyters for ruling the Church of Hippon; and then c. 5. the Biſhop Valerius having experience of Auguſtin's gifts, gave him power to preach; and (ſaith Poſſedo) this was contrary to the uſe and cuſtom of the Affrican Churches: and therefore other Biſhops did revile him, that he had given an Elder leave to preach; but the good man was content that the people were inſtructed, ſeeing he could not deliver his mind ſo freely as Auguſtine could, becauſe he was a Greek; and he knew that the Eaſtern Churches had that cuſtom at that time. Behold a Church with one Biſhop & no Elders, and the Bishop was the only Preacher; and Auguſtine was the firſt Preaching Elder in the Affrican Churches. 3. That the Biſhops had not the whole power, it is clear as the light, if we will believe the writings of the Ancients, as is eaſie to be ſhewed by many teſtimonies. I will name but a few: Baſilius (ſurnamed the Great, about the year 380) in Moral ſumm. 71. c. 1. expounds the texts 1. Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. Conjuctly of Bishops and Presbyters as having the ſame office. Sedulius (when Hen. Oraeus in Nomenclator calleth Presbyter Scotus about the year 440) on Tit. 1. ſaith, Before that factions by inſtinct of the Devil were in Religion, and it was ſaid among the people, I am Paul's, and I am Apollo's; the Churches were governed by the common counſel of the Presbyters: then he brings teſtimonies of Scripture, proving (as he concludes) that among the Ancients was no difference twixt Bishops and Presbyters. To the ſame purpoſe writes Ierom. on Tit. 1. At greater length, and concludes thus; let Presbyters know that by cuſtom of the Church they are ſubject unto him who is their Prelate: and let Bishops know, that by cuſtom rather then by the Lords appointment, they are greater then Presbyters, & that the Church ſhould be governed in community: & in Epiſt. ad Evan. 1. he ſaith; Whereas one was choſen to preſide among others, it was done in remedie of Schiſm, leſt each one drawing the Church unto himſelf, it were rent aſunder: for in Alexandria from Mark the Evangeliſt unto Heraclas & Dioniſius Bishops (theſe were in the daies of Ierome) the Presbyters do alwaies chuſe one of themſelves, & call him Bishop when he is ſet in a higher degree—for except ordination, what doth a Biſhop what a Presbyter may not do? Both France and Britannie and Africa, and India, & all the Nations do worſhip one Chriſt; and obſerve one Rule of Truth: If you ask for Authority, the World is bigger then a City &c. And becauſe they had another cuſtom at Rome, Jerom ſaith there, why ſpeak ye of one City? why ſtand ye for a few, from whom Arrogance hath riſen upon the laws of the Church? Gratian hath theſe words of the Epiſtle, in Dec. Diſt. 43. and there the Gloſſe ſaith, in the Primative Church both the office and name of Biſhops and Presbyters were common: but in the ſecond Primitive Church both names & p. 280offices began to be diſtinguiſhed—therefore theſe names of Bishop, and Presbyter, were altogether of the ſame ſignification, and the adminiſtration was common; becauſe the Churches were ruled by the Common Counſel of the Prieſts. This is confirmed by Ambroſe Biſhop of Millan 1 Tim. 3. ſaying, After the Biſhop, he ſpeaks of the Deacon: why? becauſe the office of the Biſhop, and of the Presbyter, is one; for they both are Prieſts: but the Biſhop is firſt; ſo that every Biſhop is a Prieſt, and every Prieſt is not a Biſhop; for he is a Biſhop who is firſt of the Prieſts. And on Eph. 4. he ſaith, What the Apoſtle writeth, doth not altogether agree with the preſent Order of the Church; for theſe things were written at the ground-laying: for he had created Timothy a Presbyter, and he calleth him a Biſhop; for the firſt Presbyters were called Biſhops, that when the firſt departed, the ſecond might ſucceed: and as yet in Egypt, the Presbyters do ordain, if a Biſhop be not preſent: But becauſe thereafter the Presbyters began to be unworthy to have the firſt place, that order was changed; a Council providing, that not by ſucceſſion, but by merit the Biſhop ſhould be created; and he ſhould be appointed by the judgement of many, leſt an unworthy man attain the place, and be a ſcandal unto many. And to the ſame purpoſe Chryſoſtom (though a Patriarch) writeth on 1 Tim. 3. Why doth the Apoſtle omit the Presbyter? becauſe there is no difference almoſt twixt a Biſhop and a Presbyter, ſeeing the care of the Church is committed unto the Presbyters alſo: and what he ſpeaks of the Biſhops, doth agree unto the Presbyters alſo; and they are above them in Ordination onelyonly; and they ſeem to have onelyonly this more then the Presbyters. Here it is to be marked, that what Jerom, and Chryſoſtom ſpeak of that one prerogative, Ordination, is to be underſtood, not that the Biſhop onelyonly had power to chuſe and enter a Presbyter, (for it was otherwiſe, as follows preſently) but that the Presbyter, being choſen, and approved, the Biſhop onelyonly laid hands on him, and thereby Ordained him: even as at this preſent in Low Germany, the Claſſis, or Presbytery, appointeth one of their number to lay on hands in the name of them all; and yet at that time, both Biſhop, and all the Presbyters, did lay on their hands in the Churches of Affirica; as it is commanded expreſly in that great Council of Carthage. Ge. Caſſander in Conſultat. art. 14. ſaith, All men do conſent, that in time of the Apoſtles was no difference between Biſhops, and Presbyters; but thereafter for keeping of Order, and eſchewing Schiſm, a Biſhop was preferred unto Presbyters; and unto him alone the power of Impoſition of hands was reſerved. It is alſo certain, that onelyonly Deacons, and Presbyters, are the holy Orders; becauſe, as we do read, the primitive Church had not others, as Pope Vrban teſtifieth, &c. Thus we ſee the parity of Biſhops and preaching Presbyters in the primitive Church, by teſtimonies; now behold the practiſe of thoſe ancient times: In a Provincial Council of Numidia, and Mauritania at Carthage, in the time of Cyprian, were about eighty Subſcribers, and they are called Biſhops; and the ninth Subſcriber calls them Coetum Conſacerdotum. But certainly at that time, there could not be ſo many Diocies in theſe two Provinces; unleſs by the word Diocy, a Pariſh (as we ſpeak) be underſtood. And in another Council, in the ſame Town, in the days of Auguſtin, were 214. Biſhops, beſides ſome Correſpondents from other Nations. The number of Chriſtians, and Pariſhes, might be increaſed at that time; but there could not be ſo many Diocies (as we were wont to ſpeak) in theſe two Provinces; wherefore theſe Biſhops muſt be ſo many Paſtors of ſeveral Congregations, as it alſo appears there: for in the Title of Ca. 4. it is ſaid, De Cellula Sacerdotis; and in the Ca. it is ſaid, Epiſcopus non longè ab Eccleſia Hoſpitiolum habeat. There a Prieſt, and a Biſhop, is but one; as Cellula, and Hoſpitiolum: and the like change of theſe names, is in the next p. 281Title, and Chapter. We ſee the like in Cyprian, lib. 3. Ep. 13. ad Stephan. ſaying, The copious body of Prieſts, is conjoyned with the glue and bond of mutual unity, that if any of our Society would attempt to ſpread an Hereſie, and divide or waſte the flock of Chriſt, others may contribute their aid, and as profitable and merciful Shepherds, may gather the Lord's ſheep into the flock. Here a Council is a copious body of Prieſts, and howbeit one cannot command another, yet each one is ſubject unto the Society; as Cyprian ſpeaketh in the beginning of that Council. And in the ſame Epiſtle he ſpeaketh of Novatian, that he was condemned by the Council of many Prieſts. And li. 1. Ep. 4. ad Feli. Presbyt. and others, he uſeth the words Praepoſitus, Sacerdos, and Epiſcopos, as ſignifying the ſame Office; ſaying, The People, obeying the Lord's commands, and fearing God, ſhould ſeparate themſelves from a wicked Overſeer [Praepoſito] nor meddle with the Sacrifices of a ſacrilegious Prieſts, ſeeing they [ipſa, plebs] eſpecially have the power of chooſing worthy Prieſts, or refuſing the unworthy; which we ſee to flow from divine Authority, that a Prieſt ſhould be choſen in the preſence of the People, before them all, that he who is worthy, and fit, may be approved by publique judgement, and teſtimony—God doth inſtruct, and ſhew, that Ordination of Prieſts ſhould not be, but with the knowledge of the People aſſiſting; that the People being preſent, the faults of the wicked may be diſcovered, and the worthineſs of the good may be proclamed; and ſo there may be a juſt and lawful Ordination, when it is ſcanned by the judgement and ſuffrage of them all: as was obſerved in the Acts of the Apoſtles, by Divine direction, when Peter ſpoke unto the People concerning a Biſhop to be choſen in the place of Judas—and we obſerve to have been done, not onelyonly in chooſing Biſhops, and Prieſts, but of Deacons alſo—therefore it is to be obſerved diligently, according to Divine tradition, and the practiſe of the Apoſtles; which is alſo done among us, and almoſt through all Provinces, that all the neighbor Biſhops of the Province do conveen, and a Biſhop be choſen, the People being preſent; for they do beſt know the life of each one: as alſo we have ſeen it lately done in the Ordination of our Colleague Sabinus, that by the ſuffrages of all the Fraternity, and the Biſhops meeting together, and by their judgements which ſent Letters unto us, the Epiſcopacy was conferred on him, and hand was laid on him in place of Baſilides. So far he. Hence it is clear, that firſt theſe above-named titles, are given unto a Paſtor of a Congregation. Secondly, Such Paſtors meeting together for ordering Church-affairs, are indifferently called a Council, Society, Fraternity, Synod, copious body of Prieſts, &c. Thirdly, Ordination was done in preſence of the People, and ſpecially by their ſuffrage. Fourthly, A hand was laid on the elected, manus imponeretur; and this was all the Rites that were uſed at the Ordination of a Biſhop, as is clear alſo elſewhere. But in Scotland, after the diviſion into Diocies (as they ſpoke) was much buſineſs for Ordination, or (as they called it) Conſecration, or running to York, or Canterbury; and after the year 1200. they muſt all go to Rome for Conſecration, or elſe it was not reputed valid; which maner practiſed at Rome, or places ſubject thereunto, yet was no where elſe. And as it was unworthily (and, I may ſay, ſuperſtitiouſly) done, ſo it is unworthy to be reported; albeit that kinde of men have taken pleaſure in practiſing, and writing ſuch fooleries, as if none were lawfully called, without theſe lately deviſed toys. Now to knit all this purpoſe together, I add from Biſhop Spotſwood, Hiſt. pag. 51. that before the Abbey of St. Andrews was founded, the Culdees were the onelyonly Electors of the Biſhop; and thereafter they were excluded by a Bull of Pope Innocent II. and the election was committed to the Prior, and the Canons; whence p. 282aroſe a great ſtrife among them, which by the Authority of good King David, was agreed in thoſe times, that ſo many of the Culdees as would be Chanons, and enter into the Monaſtery, ſhould have voice with them. But (ſaith he) to elude this appointment, a Mandate was obtained from the Pope, to admit none into the Convent, without the advice of the Prior, and moſt part of the Chanons: and thus the Culdees were held out, and deprived of all voice in the election. In the year 1298. William Cumine, Provoſt of the Culdees, ſuppoſing to get ſome advantage in thoſe troublous times (this was after the death of King Alexander III.) did oppoſe the election of William Lamberton, and the matter by appeal was drawn to the Court of Rome; both parties went thither; Lamberton did prevail, and was conſecrate by Pope Boniface VIII. This turned to the diſgrace of the Culdees, ſo that after that time, we have no more of them, ſaith he. And thus by Authority of Antichriſt, the ancient Government of this Church was extinguiſhed, and Epiſcopacy ſet up: Is not therefore Epiſcopacy a branch of Antichriſtian Hierarchy? As for England, ſince the Saxons, or Engliſhes receiving the faith by The firſt Bishops in England.Auguſtine, they had always Biſhops; for they had their pattern from Rome, as it was then: But if we look up to the ancient Britans in that Land, we ſhall finde it otherways. I have ſaid in Century VII. Chapter IV. that ſeven Biſhops, and one Arch-Biſhop, came from the Britans unto Auguſtin; and there I followed the words of Biſhop Jewel, in the defence of the Apology, page 14. Edit. ann. 1570. where he quoteth Beda, Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 2. and in the ſame page he repeateth theſe words, and citeth Galfrid. lib. 8. cap. 8. What I wrote then upon truſt, I have afterwards examined; and I finde that Beda ſpeaks not ſo: for in the Edition, in fol. at Cambridge ann. 1643. he ſaith, Loc. Cit. Auguſtin called the Biſhops, or Doctors, of the neareſt Province of the Britans; and in the ſame page, he, ſpeaking of the ſame perſons, ſaith, A blinde Engliſh boy was brought unto the Prieſts of the Britans; and again, They ſaid they could not depart from the ancient Cuſtoms, without the conſent and licenſe Suorum. In the margent it is ſaid, in the Saxon Language it is, without the permiſſion and licenſe of their Nation. Then ſpeaking of the ſecond conference, he ſaith, Then came ſeven Biſhops, (as they ſaid) and more very learned men, eſpecially of that famous Monaſtery, of which the Governor at that time was Dinooth. In a word, Beda hath not one word of an Arch-Biſhop; not in all his Hiſtory, nameth he a Biſhops See, nor any Biſhops name: and whom he calleth Biſhops of Britan, he calleth them Doctors, or Teachers, and Prieſts, yea he calleth them oftner Prieſts; nor calleth he them ſimply Biſhops, as he calleth them ſimply Prieſts; but Biſhops, as they ſay, or Biſhops, or Teachers. Certainly Beda could diſtinguiſh between a Biſhop, and a Prieſt; for lib. 3. cap. 3. ſpeaking of Aidan, and other Scots, who came at the entreating of Oſwald, King of Northumberland, he ſaith, They were eſpecially Monks that came; and Aidan himſelf was a Monk, for he was ſent from the Iſle of Hij; the Monaſtery of which [Iſle] was the chief of all the Monaſteries of the Northern Scots, and of all the Pichts—and the Doctor of that Iſle was not a Biſhop, but a Presbyter, and a Monk. Then cap. 4. he ſaith, Laurence [Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury] with the other Biſhops, ſent unto the Prieſts of the Britans, to confirm them in the Catholique unity; but how they did prevail, the preſent times do declare, ſaith he. He meaneth, the Prieſts would not yield unto the Biſhops, or the Britans continued in their old Cuſtom; What can be concluded out of all thoſe words, but that no Biſhop, or Prelate, was among the Britans, other then Prieſts? As for Galfrid, it is no marvel that he wrote according to the ſtyle of his own time; that is, the year 1150. But if we will aſcend higher then Beda, none can be had p. 283but Gildas, a Britan Presbyter; he lived after the coming of the Saxons, and before the coming of Auguſtin: and he ſaith, If his Countrey-men have written any thing at all, it cannot be found; but was either burnt by the enemies, or carried away with the Captives. He ſhews, that in the days of Tiberius Caeſar, the Son of righteouſneſs ſent into that Land his beams, that is, his Word: and the Prince did forbid the preaching of it; but the Council would not conſent unto him; and ſo the Goſpel was ſpread there without impediment, until the perſecution of Diocleſian: and after that, the Chriſtians gathered again out of their Caves, and lurking-holes, and kept the truth in ſimplicity, untill the peſt of Arianiſm (which infected all the world) came over the Sea into this Iſland; ſemper aliquid novi audire gaudenti, & nihil certi firmiter retinenti. Beda lib. 1. cap. 8. repeateth the ſame words. Then Gildas rebuketh the vices of the ſeveral degrees of men; firſt of the Princes, and Civil Eſtate, in his Book De excidio Britannico; and then of the Church-men, in the Book Caſtigatio in Eccleſiaſticum Ordinem: he diſtinguiſheth Church-men into Biſhops, or Prieſts, (as he ſpeaketh) and the Clerks: of the firſt ſort, he expoundeth the firſt part of the third Chapter of 1 Tim. and he expoundeth the ſecond part of the Clerks; and from that Chapter he convinceth them both. He nameth no other degree of Church-men; but certainly he had named them, if any other had been among them, becauſe he ſpeaketh ſo diſtinctly of the ſeveral ranks of men, both in State and Church. He calleth the firſt ſort ofteſt Sacerdotes ſimply; but never Epiſcopos, unleſs he add ſive Sacerdotes. The book is in Bibliotheca Patrum de la Bigne. We may conclude then, the ancient Britans had no Church-men above the degree of Prieſt-hood. Now if that were added, which followeth in this Chapter, concerning Ireland, we have found four National Churches that have been governed without Prelates, to wit, the Affrican, ancient Britan, the Scots, and Iriſh, ſome for the ſpace of 500. years; yea, untill the Britans were ſubdued by the Engliſh: and ſome for the ſpace of 1000. or 1100. years. And we have found, that there was a Church-Council, conſiſting partly of Rulers, who were not Teachers; beſides that, Ambroſe, and others teſtifie, that ſuch were every where. Yea, and in Rome it is moſt probable, that the firſt Teachers Of the firſt Bishops of Rome.were of equal Authority; I ſay, probable; becauſe Hiſtories are not clear in this point. Epiphanius Haereſ. 27. ſaith, Peter, and Paul, were the firſt Biſhops there; but whether Linus, and Cletus, were Biſhops there while the Apoſtles were alive, I cannot well ſay: It may be (ſaith he) becauſe the Apoſtles went into other Nations to preach, and Rome could not be without a Biſhop; for Paul went into Spain, and Peter did oft viſit Pontus, and Bithynia: and poſſibly when Clemens had refuſed (I cannot ſay it certainly) and Linus, and Cletus were dead, he was compelled to take the Biſhoprick. So conjunctuarily writeth Epiphanius. Jerome in Catalog. Scriptor. ſaith, Clemens was the fourth Biſhop; and he nameth Peter, [but not Paul] Linus, and Cletus; but (ſaith he) many Latins ſay, Clemens was next unto Peter. Theodoret on 1 Tim. 4. ſaith, They ſay Linus did ſucceed unto great Peter. Io. Naucler in vol. 2. Generat. 3. ſaith, In the year of our Lord 70. Linus ſucceeded unto bleſſed Peter, although bleſſed Peter had ordained that Clemens ſhould ſucceed; but Clemens conſidering that it was an ill example, that one ſhould ſucceed his Succeſſor, he renounced the Papacy, and Linus was choſen, then Cletus, and fourthly Clemens. Rufinus in praefa. before Clemen. Rocognit. ſaith, Some do ask, ſeeing Linus, and Cletus, were Biſhops of Rome before Clemens, how could Clemens, writing unto James, ſay, that Peter had given unto him the Chair of Teaching? we have this reaſon of it, Linus, and Cletus, were Biſhops of Rome before Clemens; but while Peter was p. 284alive, they had the charge of the Bishoprick, and Peter fulfilled the Office of Apoſtleship. Dion. Petavius, a Jeſuit, in Rationa. par. 1. lib. 5. cap. 5. ſaith, When Peter was killed by Nero, Linus governed the Church of Rome, as ancient writers affirm—and they aſſign unto him eleven years, two moneths, and ſome days; ſo that he died in the year 78. Unto him ſucceeded Cletus, whom Irenaeus calleth Anacletus; and he ſat twelve years, and ſeven moneths; and ſuffered martyrdom ann. 91. and Clemens was his Succeſſor. The Jeſuit Io. Hart in Collog. cum Io. Reynold, c. 6. ſe. 4. affirmeth, That Peter, before his death, ordained onelyonly Clemens to be his Succeſſor. Others have other opinions; as it is in Collog. ca. cit. ſe. 3. therefore I ſaid, Hiſtories are uncertain in this point, albeit a great part of the Romish faith is grounded upon it; but it is moſt probable, that Clemens, Linus, Cletus, and Anacletus, were Sympresbyters: and the writers in following Ages, ſpeaking conformable to their own practice, do name, ſome one, and ſome another; But it is more certain, that others were the firſt preachers of equal Authority at Rome, then that any of theſe four were the firſt preachers there. That Peter, or Paul were Biſhops of Rome, it is not probable, becauſe they were Apoſtles, and did the work of their Apoſtleship; and the Scripture sheweth their diligence from time to time: and it is certain, that in the mean while other preachers were at Rome, whom Paul ſaluteth, Rom. 16. Aquila, Epenaetus, Andronicus, Junias, &c. theſe he calleth of note among the Apoſtles, and his fellow-laborers in the Lord. Sedulius ſaith, Whom he calleth fellow-laborers, he meaneth, in the work of teaching; and it is not without reaſon thought, that the Romans believed by their teaching. Ambroſe (or whoever was the Author of the Commentaries) ſaith, Thoſe were not idle at Rome; for they were zealous in devotion: And it is underſtood, that all thoſe whom Paul ſaluteth, came for confirmation of the Romans: for which cauſe he ſaith, that not onelyonly he, but all the Churches of the Gentiles give them thanks; and he admonisheth the Romans to obey them. In 2 Tim. 4. Paul mentioneth Linus to have been at Rome at that time; and in the ſame verſe he nameth others before him, to wit, Eubulus, and Pudens, which he would not have done, if Linus had been their Prelate. Wherefore there was a Church at Rome before Peter, or Paul, came thither; as Paul writeth unto them as a conſtituted Church, and teſtifieth, that their faith was ſpoken of throughout the world, c. 1. 8. and their obedience was come abroad unto all men. It is certain alſo, that they had many Preachers, and other Officers, to whom he directeth chap. 12, 6, 7, 8. nor can any man prove, that thoſe Preachers had ſuperiority one over another: therefore it deſerveth conſideration, Whether the Roman Church was not once conſtituted with purity of Teachers? and, Whether the Church of Antioch was not of the like conſtitution? See and conſider Acts 13. 1. and many Elders, or Bishops, were at Epheſus, Acts. 20. 17, 28. and ſo at Theſſalonica, 1 Theſſ. 5. 12. The word, foreign, in Revel. 2. will not prove any imparity, ſeeing it is attributed unto all Prieſts generally, Mat. 2. 7. and the the particle foreign, is too weak a foundation for ſuch a building; ſeeing it implieth not always a ſingularity, but often an indefinite thing; and anſwereth unto our particle a, or, an, oftner then unto the particle the; and ſo it may well be tranſlated there, To an Angel, ſeeing many Bishops were at Epheſus. And this putteth the queſtion out of all doubt to me, that as the Scripture is the firſt and main foundation, commanding to Ordain Elders, or Bishops (theſe are one in Scripture-language) in every Church, Acts 14. 23. or in every Town, Tit. 1. 5. Or foreign, ſaith Clemens Bishop of Rome, in his Epiſtle ad Corinth. So for Practice, and Hiſtory, it cannot be shewed, that when the conſtant Moderators were appointed, under the name of a p. 285Biſhop, that any Biſhop (ſo called) had any Juriſdiction without, or larger then one Town, within the ſpace of the firſt 300. years. Rhegium, a little Town, had a Biſhop of as great power, within his Town, as the Biſhop of Rome had within his Town; as witneſſeth Jerom ad Evangr. and neither of them had power in the others Town. And therefore if men will leave the direction of Scripture, and follow the firſt declination of Antiquity, every Town should have its own Bishop. We have read of more Bishops in one Town; but for the firſt 300. years, two Towns were not under one Bishop. Or who will shew it, Erit mihi magnus Apollo? Object not a Canon of Nice; I crave a teſtimony within the firſt 300. years: and if the word foreign, in that Canon, be taken in the Apoſtles ſenſe Acts 15. 7. for a good while ago; certainly it carrieth not a long ſpace of time. In ſum, every Town should have their own Church-Council, whether the Praeſes be per vices monethly, or quarterly, or yearly, or ad vitam, or ad culpam; and ſo, that the Church-Council may act without the Praeſes, being neceſſarily, or wilfully abſent; but not he without his Colleagues: as Cyprian teſtifieth of himſelf, in Epiſt. 10. ad Presbyt. & Diacon. edit. Baſil. ann. 1521. Let this be underſtood without the prejudice of larger Synods, which Antiquity did ever acknowledge. Now, becauſe I would joyn all this purpoſe together; for the more clearing of it, I add three particulars; Firſt, Of the ground and platform of The firſt pattern of Epiſcopal degrees.Bishops. Secondly, Of the Election, and Conſecration of them. Thirdly, Of the riſe and growth of their Juriſdiction. Concerning the firſt, Lombard li. 4. Di. 24. §. 9. teacheth thus, The Canons judge excellently, that onelyonly two Orders are holy, Deacons, and Prieſts: for the primitive Church had onelyonly theſe, ſo far as we read; and we have the commandment of the Apoſtle concerning them onelyonly: for the Apoſtles ordained Bishops, and Elders, in every City: we read alſo, that the Apoſtles ordained Levites, of whom the chief was Steven; but afterward the Church ordained Sub-Deacons, and aco luthi. And in ſe. 11. he ſaith, The Order of Bishops is four-fold, to wit, Patriarchs, Arch-Bishops, Metropolitans, and Bishops—This diſtinction ſeemeth to have been brought from the Heathens, who called their Prieſts, ſome Flamines ſimply, others Archy-Flamines, and others Proto-Flamines: for the Heathens called their Prieſts Flamines; &c. Lombard was a Bishop, and knew Antiquity; if he could have ſaid more for the credit of his Order, he would not have been deficient. For the ſecond, Pope Vergil. de inven. rer. li. 4. cap. 6. ſaith, Of old, in Conſecration of a Bishop, was no Their conſecration.other Ceremony but the people, which for that end (as Cyprian witneſſeth, not in one place onelyonly, eſpecially in Epiſt. 4. ad Felic. Presby.) were always preſent at the Election of Bishops, did pray, and the Presbyters laid on their hands; this was the Conſecration uſed at firſt by the Apoſtles, and Fathers—Leſt any be miſtaken, the prieſtly Order can no way be ſaid, to proceed from the Bishop of Rome, unleſs it be underſtood among the Italians onelyonly, &c. In c. 10. he ſaith, The power of chooſing Bishops, Prieſts, and Deacons, from the beginning; did belong unto the Apoſtles, and then unto the Prieſts of the Cities; yet not without the ſuffrage of the people, and the judgement of neghboring Bishops. Cyprian witneſſeth, not in one place onelyonly, eſpecially in Epiſt. 4. ad Felic. that this Cuſtom continued a long time; and there he diſcourſeth of this clearly: but ſeeing that Law is long ſince out of date, it is to no purpoſe to repeat his words. When a Bishop was choſen ſo, the other Bishops did initiate him; and this was done by a Decree of the Synod at Nice; where it was ordained, that a Bishop should be entered, if poſſible, by all the Bishops of the Province; but if that could hardly be, at leaſt by three, and not without the Authority of the Metropolitan: But now both thoſe p. 286belong unto the Roman High Prieſt; for he createth a Biſhop, and initiateth him; or according to the Nicen Order, he commandeth him to be initiated, that is, conſecrated. But afterwards the creation of Biſhops was turned into another form by Boniface the Third, He ordained that they ſhould be choſen by the people, and Society of Prieſts, the Prince of the place not gain-ſaying, and the Roman High Prieſt conſenting, with theſe words, Volumus & jubemus. But this Decree, as too good, went ſoon out of uſe, all things falling into worſe: then they began to adviſe with the Emperor; but Lewes, Son of Charles the Great, renounced unto the High Prieſt Paſchalis the right, which Hadrian had given unto the Father Charles: but now many Princes gripe faſt to this; yea, not onelyonly declare, and call Biſhops, as they pleaſe, without the ſuffrage of Prieſts, and people; but, by their onelyonly Seals, give inferior Benefices; which Simplicius, and Gregory, did altogether forbid. So far he. In theſe days ſome plead much for Antiquity in Government of the Church; and yet their pretences go not higher then the corrupt times: It may be truly thought, if ſome queſtions (much ſtood upon now) had been asked of Cyprian, he had anſwered, I know not; as, What difference between the Ordination of a Miniſter, and the Conſecration of a Biſhop? what is a Preſentation? what is a Patent? what difference between Ordination, Inſtitution, and Collation? what is a Chappel, where Miniſters are Ordained, and not one of his flock preſent? and many ſuch others. As to the riſe and growth of Epiſcopal Juriſdiction, Pe. Soave in Hiſt. Concil. Triden. li. 4. ſheweth it fully, ſaying, This place requireth (ſaith he) to ſhew the original of this Juriſdiction, that it may appear by what degrees it hath come unto this power, which is envied by Princes, and feared by all Nations: When Chriſt did commit unto the Apoſtles the preaching of the Goſpel, and adminiſtration of the Sacraments, he gave unto them, in the perſon of all Believers, a great commandment, that they should love one another, and forgive wrongs mutually; commanding each one, to mediate twixt diſſenting brethren, and to compoſe jars: and as the laſt and higheſt remedy, commending that charge unto the body of the Church, with this promiſe, that it ſhould be bound, or looſed in heaven, what they ſhould binde, or looſe on earth; and the Father will give, what they with mutual conſent do crave: to wit, this pious duty of Charity, in procuring ſatisfaction unto the injured party, and pardon unto the offender, was the continual work and exerciſe of the primitive Church. And according to this commandment, Saint Paul exhorteth, that when Civil queſtions ariſe twixt brethren, they ſhould not go to the Benches of Infidels, but ſuffer their controverſies to be judged by wiſe men, choſen among themſelves. This had a form of Civil Judicatory, as the other was like a Criminal Court; both which were different from worldly Courts, in that the one had execution by the Authority of a Judge, forcing men unto obedience; and the other by the onelyonly willingneſs of ſubmitting parties: which if they refuſe to obey, the Eccleſiaſtical Judge could do no more, but commit the cauſe unto the judgement of God; which, as it pleaſeth God, ſhall be executed in this life, or that to come. And upon good ground was the name of Charity given unto the Eccleſiaſtical Judicatory, becauſe by it only was the defender moved to ſubmit unto the Church, and the Church to judge, with ſo great ſincerity of the Judge, and obedience of the offender, that there was no place left unto corrupt affection in the one, nor of repining in the other: and this great love, made the puniſhment of chaſtiſing ſeem the more grievous, even unto the chaſtiſer; ſo that in the Church was never any cenſure inflicted, without great mourning of the people, and greater of the Rulers: and hence it came to paſs, that at that time the word mourning, was uſed for chaſtiſing. So St. Paul, p. 287rebuking the Corinthians, that they had not cenſured the inceſtuous man, ſaid, And ye have not mourned, that he that hath done this deed might be taken away. And in the other Epiſtle, I fear, leſt when I come, I shall not finde you ſuch as I would—and leſt I shall be wail many which have ſinned already. Now it ſeemeth, the judgement of the Church (as is uſual in all Societies) was ordered by ſome one which was Preſident, and propounded things, and after deliberation gathered the ſuffrages; which part, ſeeing it is moſt convenient unto the moſt able and fit man, without doubt was conferred on the Biſhop; But when the Churches were multiplied, the propoſitions, and deliberations, were done by the Biſhop, firſt in the Colledge of Presbyters, and Deacons, which were called the Presbytery; and there purpoſes were brought to ripeneſs, that they might have the laſt ſtroke in the publique meeting of the Church. This was yet the Cuſtom about the year 250. as is clear in the Epiſtles of Cyprian, who writing of them who had ſacrificed unto Idols, unto the Presbytery, ſaith, It is not his maner to do any thing without their advice, nor without conſent of the people: and he writeth unto the people, that when he ſhall return, he will in their preſence, and according to their judgement examine the cauſes, and merits: and unto the Prieſts, which by themſelves had received ſome delinquents, he writeth, that they give account unto the people. Becauſe of the ingenuity, and charity of the Biſhops at that time, it came to paſs, that all men almoſt did reſt on their opinion; and the Church, when charity became cold, and the charge that Chriſt had laid on them was careleſly performed, left all unto the Biſhop; and ambition (which is a ſlie affection, and ready to creep into the heart with the ſhadow, and ſhew of vertue) did perſwade the Biſhops to accept it gladly. But that alteration came not to the height, till the perſecutions were ceaſed; for then the Biſhops did as it were ſet up a throne unto themſelves, which became moſt frequent, by the multitude of pleas, with the acceſſion of temporary riches: And this form of Judicatory, albeit differing from the former, wherein all things were carried with conſent of the Church, did yet continue in the ſame ſincerity. And therefore the Emperor Conſtantine, having tried the fruit of this Court in deciding controverſies, and how the vertue of Religion was able to diſcern many tricks, and guiles, which the Judges had not perceived, made a Law, that there ſhould be no appealing from the Biſhops ſentence, and the Judges ſhould put them in execution. Yea, and when a cauſe was begun before the Secular Judge, whatſoever was the ſtate of it, if either of the parties, howbeit the other were unwilling, did appeal unto the Biſhop, the cauſe, without delay, ſhould be referred unto his conſideration: And then the judgement of the Biſhop began to be Courtly, and when he had the Magiſtrate to be the executioner of his Decree, he taketh unto him the names of Epiſcopal Iuriſdiction, Epiſcopal Audience, and ſuch Titles. Likewiſe the Emperor Valens, thought good in the year 365. to enlarge this Court, by giving unto them the inſpection of the prices of things ſet forth to be ſold; which buſineſs was not acceptable unto the good and moderate Biſhops: for Poſſidonius reporteth, that when Auguſtine had been taken up with ſuch work untill noon, and ſometimes till night, he called it Angaria, a forced toil, whereby his minde was diſtracted from things more properly belonging unto him; and for theſe ruſling broyls, he left more uſeful things undone: as neither did Paul go about theſe things, which were not ſuitable to a Preacher, but left them unto others. Nevertheleſs, when not a few of the Biſhops did abuſe that Authority, that was granted unto them by Conſtantine's Law, the ſame Law, after 70. years, was recalled by Arcadius, and Honorius, and it was ordained, that Biſhops ſhould judge in cauſes of Religion onelyonly, and in Civil p. 288no other way, but with conſent of parties: and alſo it was declared, that they had no Court of Judgement. This Law was little regarded in Rome, becauſe of the great power of the Biſhop: therefore in the year 452. Valentinian, living in the City, did renew that Law, and cauſed it to be put in execution. But the ſucceeding Princes did ratifie unto them again that power, as Juſtinian did eſtabliſh the Biſhops Court, and Audience, and aſſigned unto them, not onelyonly the affairs of Religion, but the Eccleſiaſtical faults of the Clergy, and ſeveral powers over the Laicks. By theſe degrees, Correction, which was appointed by Chriſt upon the account of Charity, was turned to Dominion, and was the occaſion of loſing the ancient reverence, and obedience, wherewith Chriſtians were wont to regard their Biſhops. I know well, that in words they will deny their Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction to be Dominion, like the Secular; but I cannot ſee what real difference they can ſhew: Certainly St. Paul, writing to Timothy, and Titus, ſheweth a clear difference, Let not a Bishop be given to lucre, not a ſtriker: But now it is moſt uſual to pay unto the Biſhop the expences of Law, and at his command to put into priſon, even as in Secular Courts. But when the Provinces in the Weſt were divided, and the Empire was made up of Italy, France, and Germany, and Spain became a Kingdom, in theſe four Countreys the Princes made choiſe of Biſhops to be their Counſellors; and then by the confuſion of ſpiritual, and temporal power, oh how the Authority of the Biſhops Court augmented! within 200. years they drew unto them all criminal and Civil power over the Clergy, yea, and over the Laicks in many particulars, pretending that the cauſe is Eccleſiaſtical. They they forge a mixt Judicatory, wherein either a Biſhop, or a Magiſtrate, which of the two, ſhall firſt intend the Action againſt a Laick; and on the account of this Court, they are moſt attentive unto their own gain: and, leaving nothing unto the Seculars, they uſurp upon all men, as under their reach: Or if any eſcape this ſnare, there remaineth one jin to catch them, to wit, a general Rule for the foundation of faith, Every Action belongeth unto the Eccleſiaſtical Court, if the Magiſtrate will not do right, or if he delay to do it. And if the pretenſions of the Clergy had held within theſe bounds, the condition of the Chriſtian Republique had not yet been undone; for it had been in the power of Nations, and Princes, when they tolerably exceeded the bounds of equity, to have reduced them by Laws into ſome tolerable meaſure, as in time of extream neceſſity it had been done. But he who hath laid the yoke upon Chriſtians, even he hath taken away all way of ſhaking off the yoke; for after the year 1050. when all the Actions of the Clergy are made proper unto the Biſhops Court; and ſo many Actions of Laicks, under the pretence of ſpirituality, and almoſt all others, upon the account of the mixt Court, do ſome way belong unto that Court: and laſtly, They have made Secular Power ſubject unto them, under colour of delayed right. At laſt they are come ſo far, as to affirm, That the Biſhop hath ſo large, and wide power of judging, neither by connivance, nor grant of Princes, nor by the will of the people, nor by ancient cuſtom, but it is the very property of Epiſcopal Dignity, and eſſential unto it, and gifted by Chriſt himſelf. And albeit there be extant many Laws of the Emperors, in the Books of Theodoſius, and Juſtinian, and in the Books of Charles the Great, and Lewes the Godly, and other Princes after them, both in the Eaſt, and Weſt, whereby it is clear, after what maner, at what time, and by whom that power was granted: and all Hiſtories, both Eccleſiaſtical, and Civil, do agree in the report of theſe Grants, and Cuſtoms, and in their cauſes, and reaſons; nevertheleſs, this ſo manifeſt a truth, could not hitherto have place, and is fallen before a naked, contrary, and groundleſs aſſertion; even ſo far, that the p. 289Doctors of the Canon-Law, have openly declared them Heretiques, who will not ſuffer themſelves, as blinde men, to be led into the ditch: Nor do they contain themſelves within theſe limits, but they do alſo add, That no Magiſtrate, not the Prince himſelf, may meddle with any of theſe Actions, which are proper unto the Clergy, ſeeing they be ſpiritual, whereof Laicks are altogether incapable. And nevertheleſs, the truth was not ſo unknown, but that even at the beginning of this error, the learned and godly did oppoſe it, and did convince both the parts of this aſſertion, of manifeſt falſhood. Firſt, They maintain, that the major Laicks are incapable of ſpiritual things, is abſurd, and impious; ſeeing they are adopted by the heavenly Father, called the children of God, the brethren of Chriſt; made partakers of the Kingdom of Heaven, and worthy of divine Grace, of Baptiſm, and communion of the fleſh of Chriſt; for what be ſpiritual things, if theſe be not? And if there may be any other, ſhould there be any queſtion concerning him which is partaker of theſe higheſt, and moſt excellent things, as if he were uncapable of ſpiritual things? And they ſaid, The minor is as falſe, The proper cauſes of the Bishops Court, are meerly ſpiritual, ſeeing faults, and contracts, which belong unto this Juriſdiction, if we conſider theſe qualities, that the Scripture attributeth unto ſpiritual things, are as far diſtant from them, as heaven is from the earth: But the oppoſition of the better part, could not hinder the greater. And after the ſame maner concerning the ſpiritual power of binding and looſing, which Chriſt gave unto the Church; and concerning the exhortation of St. Paul, for compoſing differences among Chriſtians, and not appearing before Infidel-Judges; by progreſs of time a temporal throne was ſet up, by many degrees more gloriouſly then any now, or that hath been at any time; and in the midſt of every Civil Government is another ſet up, no way depending thereon; ſo that they which at firſt did preſcribe the forms of that adminiſtration, could not poſſibly imagine ſuch an Idea of a Republique: neither is it my purpoſe to report, how they are not content to have attained their aim in building a Court independant any way from the Civil Government; and have likewiſe attained another end unexpectedly, and have made up an Empire, by a new, and Mark a ſtrange Novelty.ſtrange opinion, which in a moment of time hath made wondrous progreſs; now they aſcribe unto the Roman Pope alone, which ſo many Biſhops in the ſpace of 1300. years, had been purchaſing for themſelves, by ſo many admired wiles: and they made the foundation of his Juriſdiction to be (not as before) in the power of binding, and looſing, but a power of feeding, and by vertue thereof, they hold, that all Juriſdiction was given by Chriſt, in the perſon of Peter, unto the Pope alone, in theſe words, Feed my sheep; I ſay, I have not purpoſe to ſpeak more of this, &c. So far in the Hiſtory of that Synod at Trent. Here I add, how the Canons began, and how they were diſtinguiſhed The original of Canons.into ſeveral ſorts: Ge. Caſſander ſheweth this in Conſultat. Artic. de Canonicis, ſaying, In ancient time a Monaſtical life was private, and diſtinct from all Miniſtery of the Church, ſo that at firſt they had need of a Presbyter from ſome other place, to adminiſter the Sacrament; and thereafter it was granted, that one of their Order ſhould be ordained a Presbyter, by whoſe Miniſtery they did receive the Sacraments: And ſo the Orders of Monks, and Clerks, were altogether diſtinct; for Monkery (as Jerome ſaith) was the office not of a Teacher, but of a Mourner. But then Religious men, in imitation of the Monaſtical life, did alſo appoint Colledges of Presbyters, and Canons, where Clerks, that were aiming, or appointed unto the Miniſtery, and Prieſts, that were already placed in the Miniſtery, ſhould live according to a preſcribed Rule; which, albeit it was a little more free then the Monkiſh, yet was tied to certain Canons; hence that life was called Canonical; and they p. 290who profeſſed it, were called Canons; and the Society, or Colledge, was called a Monaſtery: which name continueth in ſome moſt famous Colledges. And ſo in ſome ancient Councils, is mention of the Monaſteries of Monks, and of Clerks; a Biſhop was Governor of the one, and an Abbot of the other. Bleſſed Auguſtine is ſaid to have been the chief Author of this Inſtitution, who when he had gathered a Society of godly men, to live without a Town, and apart from the multitude of men, thereafter was made a Biſhop, and he would have within his Biſhoprick, a Monaſtery of Clerks, and Presbyters, with whom he might live in a community. Some ſay Urban I. was the beginner of this Canonical life, becauſe it is written, that he did appoint, that all Biſhops ſhould furniſh all things neceſſary unto all that would live in community, out of the Revenues, and Goods, that were given unto the Mother Churches. When this Canonical life became looſe by degrees, the Canons were in the Council of Mentz, under Charles, reduced to obſerve their Rules: in Chap. IX. of that Council, the Laws of a Canonical life, are compriſed briefly; That they ſhould obſerve the Divine Scripture, and the Doctrine of the holy Fathers; they ſhould not preſume to do any thing, without the knowledge of their Biſhop, and Maſter; they ſhould eat, and ſleep together; they ſhould abide within their Cloyſter, &c. And becauſe this conſtitution was not obſerved, in the Council at Aken, under Lewes, the whole way of a Canonical life was preſcribed more exactly, and fully, out of the Books of the holy Fathers; and it was enjoyned unto them that did profeſs that life. But when their wealth did increaſe, and piety did decreaſe, they did ſhake off all yoke almoſt, and broke all ties of ancient conſtitutions, ſo that now is ſcarcely any hope to reduce them into the bounds of a little more ſtrict life, as their Regular Order did preſcribe; albeit we do read, that about 300. years ſince, a certain Legate of the Romiſh Pope, willing to draw away the Clerks, and Canons of Luik, from the company of their Concubines, which were called their Cooks, did command them, that they ſhould dwell together, eat together in their parlors, ſleep in their dortures, and keep their turns in the Churches both day and night: this was in the year 1203. but how theſe things did ſucceed, the preſent age declareth. Nevertheleſs, ſome foot-ſteps of that common, and Canonical life may be ſeen as yet, but in the houſes, and names onelyonly; for as yet many Colledges have the name, and ſhew of a Cloyſter, that is, of a retired place; and in them are places for eating, ſleeping, and little rooms that were allowed unto every one. Therefore when their life was far changed from their Rule, another ſort of Canons began, who, becauſe they came nearer to the preſcribed Rule, were called Regular Canons; and for diſtinction, they who had forſaken the Rules, were by an abſurd and monſtrous name called Secular Canons, that is, Regular Irregulars. Therefore not without cauſe did Albert Crantz call a Secular Canon, a Monſter without example, a Regular without a Rule, and a Canon without a Canon. But when ſuch Colledges were appointed in famous places, where Biſhops did govern, and learned men did live there, the ancient cuſtom of the Church, whereby in the more famous Churches, as in Alexandria, and Antiochia, were Schools of Liberal Sciences, and of Divinity, was maintained in theſe Colledges; for, for a long time ſuch Colledges were publique Seminaries of Learning, wherein the moſt eminent Men, for Godlineſs, and Learning, were employed, until at laſt, this ſo uſeful, and godly work, was alſo neglected; and then godly Princes, and Magiſtrates, for ſupply of this want, were moved to beſtow maintenance, and erect publique Univerſities; of which (as Albert Crantz witneſſeth, and is certainly known) none was in Germany before an hundred years: And ſo, p. 291although there is no hope now to reſtore that ancient inſtitution of a Canonical life, yet, ſeeing as yet, even unto this day, many famous, both in Nobility and Learning, are of that profeſſion, it ſhould not be altogether deſpiſed, nor forſaken, but rather ſome remedy is to be uſed, as the time will permit: Yea, and it ſeemeth, Luther hath not written abſurdly of it, when he ſaid, That Biſhopricks were Schools at the firſt; as theſe ancient words do teſtifie, Praepoſitus, Decanus, Scholaſticus, Cautor, Canonici, Vicarii, Cuſtos: I wiſh they would do ſuch things, continue their ancient worthineſs, and dignities; abide in their poſſeſſions; were eminent and great Lords; at leaſt they would reſtore ſome teaching, and compel the Canons, Vicars, and Choriſters, to hear one Leſſon at leaſt every day, and in theſe Leſſons the holy Scripture were expounded: ſo Biſhopricks were in ſome meaſure like unto Schools; and as occaſion ſhall require, Paſtors and Biſhops might be more readily had. And the advice of William Duranti, Biſhop of Mimata, is not much different, who thought it an expedient remedy againſt the ſloth of the Clergy, that according to the appointment of the univerſal Council at Lateran, the Church, which as a pious Mother, ſhould provide, that ſome of the poorer ſort, being unable through poverty of their parents, ſhould not want opportunity of inſtruction, would appoint Maſters in every Cathedral Church, and other Collegiate, and honorable places, and theſe Maſters might teach the Clerks, and ſecular poor ones of the City, or Diocy, and accept nothing for their teaching; but ſhould have Eccleſiaſtical Benefices, or ſtipends, from the Biſhops, or Chapters, or Collegiates, or other Prelates. So far Caſſander.

5. After the death of Malcolm Cammore, the Scots receive a Reformation More Rites in Scotland.(I would ſay, Deformation) according to the Rites of Rome; and that by procurement of Queen Margaret, ſaith Automn. par. 2. Hiſt. cit. 16. c. 8. & Ioh. Bale Cent. 2. c. 58. in appen. The Biſhop underſtandeth the Romiſh Maſs, and other ſuperſtions, which were brought hither at the firſt riſe of the Biſhops. Likewiſe the ſame Margaret did agree with Pope Urban, that the Kings of Scotland ſhould be anointed with oyl: and her Son Edgar, was the firſt anointed King of Scotland. Boet. l. 12. c. 13. But he, and his Succeſſors, by that oyl, had no acceſſion to his power; howbeit, Popiſh writers have more eſteem of anointed Kings, as being more their own, or bearing the mark of the Beaſt.

6. As in the days of the Emperors Maurice, and Phocas, the Patriarchs Ambition of Bishops.ſtrove for primacy, (for preferment was their aim, more then the teaching of ſouls, or Chriſt's flock) ſo in this Century we read of debates among the Biſhops of England, Spain, and France, and other Nations, which of them ſhould have the precedency; as in England twixt the Biſhops of Canterbury and York.

7. About the year 1059. Aldred being preſented unto the See of Worceſter, Avarice of a Pope.went to Rome for his Palle, (as the cuſtom was) but could not obtain it, for ſome miſdemeanor in his words, as they did alledge: wherefore he did turn home; and by the way he was robbed; he went back, and made his complaint unto Pope Nicolaus, but all in vain: Then Toſtius Earl of Northumberland, (which had gone with the Biſhop) told the Pope to his face, that his perſon was not to be reſpected in far Countreys, ſeeing (as he ſaw) his neighbors, even vile vagabonds, deſpiſed him at home; and he requireth the Pope to reſtore Aldred his loſt goods, or elſe he would make the truth known, that by his means and craft, it was taken away: and more, it will come to paſs, that the King of England hearing this, will refuſe to ſend St. Peter's Tribute, and underſtand it as an indignity unto himſelf, and his Realm. The Pope was moved with the argument of his purſe, and reſtored the Biſhop to his own, p. 292and gave him a Palle. Such was the cuſtom in thoſe days, and until this preſent time in Germany, France, and Spain, that albeit the Prince do principally name the Biſhops, yet they cannot be admitted, unleſs they go to Rome for their Palle; which cuſtom is a burden to the Nations, and bingeth no ſmall gain to Rome. Cumi. Ventura in Theſ. Polit. Diſcepta. de Vrbe Rom.

8. In this Century (as reckoneth Sir Hen. Spelman in Concil.) were compiled Eccleſiaſtical Laws.the Eccleſiaſtical Laws, which go under the name of Aelfrick, unto Wulfin Biſhop, among which are theſe; I ſay unto you Prieſts, I will not ſuffer your negligence in your Miniſtery, but in truth I tell you what is ordained for Prieſts; Chriſt himſelf hath given an example of Chriſtian inſtitution, and purity of life, or chaſtity; therefore all who will walk with him, in his way, have forſaken all earthly things, not looking unto their wives: wherefore he ſaith in his Goſpel, Who hateth not his wife, is not worthy to be my diſciple. C. II. After the aſcenſion of Chriſt, & the departure of his Venerable Apoſtles, ſo great a perſecution was raiſed on earth, that the Miniſters of God could not meet in a Synod, becauſe the heathens lay in wait for them, until Conſtantine, having the Government of the earth: became a Chriſtian. In many words, there is condemned the marriage of Biſhops, and Prieſts, and alſo ſecond marriage: and then C. X. it is ſaid, There be ſeven degrees in the Church, Oſtiarius, Lector, Exorciſta, Acoluthus, Sub-Diaconus, Diaconus, Presbyter. C. XVII. Presbyter is the Miſſal Prieſt, or Elder; not for his age, but ancient wiſdom, it is his office to conſecrate the body of the Lord in the Sacrament, even as our Savior hath ordained; he ſhould lead the people into the faith, both by preaching, and exerciſing the holy Miniſtery chaſtely; being a pattern unto Chriſtians, and not living after the maner of Laicks. There is no difference twixt a Biſhop, and a Prieſt, but that a Biſhop is appointed to give ordination, and to viſit, or have care of things belonging unto God, which may not be permitted unto the multitude; they have both the ſame Order, albeit in this reſpect the Biſhop is more worthy. C. XVIII. There is no other Order in the Miniſtery of the Church, but theſe ſeven; Monks, and Abbots, are of another ſort, and not to be reckoned with them, nor have they the name of any order: and nevertheleſs they are called holy Orders, and they lead the ſouls of their Prieſts unto bleſſedneſs, if they abide holy. C. XXIII. A Presbyter, or Maſs-Prieſt, ſhould on Sundays, and Maſs-days, teach the People in Engliſh, the underſtanding of the Goſpel, and the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed; and that they learn the Creed, or Chriſtian Confeſſion, by heart; as the Lord commandeth by the Prophet, ſaying, They are dumb dogs, that cannot bark; they muſt therefore bark, and exhort the People, leſt we deſtroy them for want of teaching. C. XXVII. A Presbyter ſhould not ſell his Miniſtery. C. XXVIII. Nor paſs from one Church to another for gain. C. XXIX. Nor be a drunkard. C. XXX. Nor a Merchant, nor a Lawyer, nor bear weapons. The ſame Author hath a Letter of Pope Nicolaus unto King Edward (called the Confeſſor) where it is ſaid, It is clear, that the Kings of England, for their reverence and devotion which they have given to bleſſed Peter, have flouriſhed in glory and honor, and by his defenſe, they have obtained glorious triumphs; by the merits of which bleſſed Apoſtle, the Almighty God may bring to paſs your deſire, and confirm unto you the Empire of your Fathers Kingdom—We commit unto you, and the Kings your Succeſſors, the advocation, and maintaining of that place [ſpeaking of the Abbey of Weſtminſter, that Edward had re-builded, and enlarged] and of all the Churches in all England, that, in our place, [Vice Noſtra; Note here, He would have the King to be his Vicar, and not alone, but] Ye, with the advice of Biſhops, and Abbots, may ordain every where things that are juſt, knowing p. 293that for theſe things, you ſhall receive reward from Him, whoſe Kingdom and Empire ſhall have no end. The ſame Author page 571. ſaith, The Eccleſiaſtical Laws of Maccabaeus, King of Scots, [Note here an error in the name Maccabaeus, for Macbeth; of whom Buchanan ſaith, lib. 7. In the beginning he made good Laws, both many, and uſeful, which now are not known, or are neglected] taken out of his Regiſter, are theſe; One who is entered into Orders, call thou not before a profane Judge; if he be ſummoned, and appear, do not thou judge him, but remit him unto the holy Rulers. Give willingly the tenth part of all the fruits of the ground, unto the Paſtors of the Churches; and worſhip God continually, with vows and oblations. Who, being accurſed, ſhall contemn the Authority of the Church for a whole year, and ſhall not reconcile himſelf, let him be accounted an enemy of the Realm; and if he continue two years in that contumacy, let him be forfaulted of all his goods. If any ſhall accompany (as a ſervant) another man, by whoſe charges he is not dayly ſuſtained, either unto the Church, or publique Convention, or a Market, let him want the head. Boet. Hiſt. li. 12. hath theſe, and others of his Civil Laws.

9. Anſelm, an Italian, was tranſported againſt his will (as ſaith M. Fox. in Act.) from the Abbey Becheloin in Normandy, unto the See of Canterbury: This is he, who ſaid, He had rather be in hell without ſin, then in heaven with ſin: A man of ſpecial note in his time; for as Gul. Malmesbu. de geſt. Anglo. pontif. li. 1. reporteth, when the Greeks diſputed at Barri againſt Pope Urban, concerning the proceſſion of the holy Ghoſt, the Pope cried aloud, Father, and Maſter Anſelm, where are you? come now and defend your Mother the Church: And when they brought him into preſence, Urban ſaid, Let us take him into our world, as the Pope of the other world. He wrote many books, The doctrine of faith in Century XI.which to this day are commonly in hands, and declare the doctrine of the faith, as it was then profeſſed. In the general is a remarkable paſſage in lib. 1. epiſt. 68. (according to the Edition of the Jeſuit The. Raynaud.) directed unto Lanfranc, ſaying, Concerning thoſe things which are ſaid in that little book, you do by a wiſe and wholeſome advice, admoniſh to conſider more exactly in the ballance of the minde, and to confer with the Learned in their holy books; and where reaſon faileth, to confirm them by divine Authority: I have done ſo, both before, and ſince I have received your fatherly, and loving admonition, ſo far as I could; for that was my intention, through all that diſputation, to aſſert nothing at all, but what I ſaw undoubtingly might be defended by the Canonical Scriptures, and the ſayings of bleſſed Auguſtine. Obſerve here, he whom the Pope calleth his Father, and Maſter, dependeth upon the Canonical Scriptures, and upon Auguſtine, and not upon the Pope; nor thinketh upon that which now they call, The casket of the Pope's breaſt. I have alſo obſerved in his Epiſtles written unto the Popes, Urban, and Paſchalis, that he calleth them, the Reverend high Prieſt of the Catholique Church; and he ſaith, your Highneſs, your Majeſty; but he never ſaith, your Holineſs; he calleth them the Vicar of St. Peter, but never the Vicar of Chriſt: nor in any place can I finde, that he ſpeaketh of any priviledge of Peter, above the other Apoſtles: and in the contrary in Comment. on Mat. 16. he ſaith, It is to be noted, that this power was not given to Peter alone, but as Peter anſwered, one for all; ſo in Peter, he gave this power unto them all. On Rom. 9. Seeing by the free-will of the firſt man, all men fell into condemnation, certainly it is not to be aſcribed unto mans righteouſneſs, which is not before grace, but unto the onelyonly mercy of God, that any of them are made veſſels of honor; but that any of them are veſſels of wrath, it ſhould not be imputed unto the iniquity of God, which is not, but unto his juſtice; He is Potter, p. 294which of the ſame lump, (altogether corrupt in Adam) maketh at his own pleaſure, ſome veſſels unto honor in his mercy, and others unto ſhame in his juſtice. On 1 Cor. 1. The grace of God is given unto us, through our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and not through Peter, or Paul: grace is given by Jeſus Chriſt; becauſe it is ſo appointed by God, that whoſoever believeth in Jeſus Chriſt, ſhall be ſaved, not by works, but by faith onelyonly, and freely receive the forgiveneſs of his ſins. On Rom. 10. Seeing hearing is of grace, another grace is alſo neceſſary, which may move the heart, becauſe the word of the Teacher outwardly availeth nothing, if God do not inwardly touch the hearers heart. On Chap. 14. He ſhall ſtand, becauſe God is able to make him ſtand; for not he himſelf, but God is able to make him ſtand: for he who falleth, falleth by his own will; but by the will of God he ſtandeth, who ſtandeth; and riſeth, who riſeth. On 1 Cor. 4. Who hath diſcerned thee? he ſaith this, becauſe of the maſs of corruption, which was by Adam; none but God diſcerneth man that he is made a veſſel unto honor: But a man who is carnal, and vainly puft up, when he heareth, Who hath diſcerned thee? might anſwer by voice, or thought, and ſay, My faith, or my prayer, or my righteouſneſs hath diſcerned me: The Apoſtle preveeneth ſuch thoughts, and ſaith, What haſt thou, that thou haſt not received?—God was the cauſe why thou waſt, and art thou the cauſe why thou art good? Away! for if God hath been the cauſe why thou waſt, and another hath been the cauſe why thou art good, he is better which hath made thee good, then he who made thee: But none is better then God; therefore thou haſt received from God, both that thou art, and that thou art good. On Hebr. 10. This true Prieſt—did not offer often, or many ſacrifices, but one offering, which alone is ſufficient for the ſins of all believers; after that he had fulfilled the obedience of his ſuffering, ſitteth—his ſacrifice was of ſuch perfection, and efficacy, that it is needleſs to be offered again for the ſins of any; and albeit we offer it dayly, that is but the remembrance of his ſuffering. The Ieſuit Raynaud denieth theſe Commentaries to be Anſelm's, albeit he cannot deny, that in many Editions they go under his name; nor can he bring any argument out of the Commentaries, to prove what he ſaith: and once he alledgeth, that the Commentary on Matthew is Anſelm's Biſhop of Laudun; and again he gueſſeth it to be Willielm. Pariſienſ. but this is an eaſie way to reject any Book. But theſe teſtimonies agree with his other works, which the Jeſuit acknowledgeth, and hath publiſhed; That on Matth. 16. I finde not in them: yet whereas he hath ſaid in li. 1. ep. 68. that he accordeth with the Canonical Books, and with Auguſtine; ſee then what Auguſtine ſaith on Ioh. Tract. 124. As for Peter himſelf properly, he was but one man by nature, one Chriſtian by grace, one and the firſt Apoſtle by more abounding grace; but when it was ſaid, I will give unto thee the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and whatſoever thou shalt binde on—he did ſignifie the whole Church—which is founded upon the rock, from which Peter had his name; for the rock was not named from Peter, but Peter from the rock; as Chriſt was not named from a Chriſtian, but a Chriſtian from Chriſt—therefore the Church, which is founded on Chriſt, received from him the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, that is, the power of binding and looſing ſins; for what the Church is in Chriſt by propriety, Peter is in the rock by ſignification. And ibi. Tract. 7. In the name of Peter the Church was ſignified. In many other places doth Auguſtine ſpeak in that maner, denying that power to have been given to Peter, but as a member of the Church; and at that time ſpeaking in the name of all the Apoſtles, or Church, as that Commentary ſaith. Concerning free-will, and grace, Anſelm ſpeaketh often and copiouſly; I ſhall name but one in Tractat. de Concordia. p. 295grat. & lib. arbi. c. 13. Without doubt the will willeth not rightly, unleſs it be right; for as the ſight is not quick, or ſharp, becauſe it ſeeth ſharply; but therefore it ſeeth ſharply, becauſe it is ſharp: ſo the will is not right, becauſe it willeth rightly; but it willeth rightly, becauſe it is right: Now when it willeth righteouſneſs, certainly it willeth rightly; Therefore it willeth not righteouſneſs, but becauſe it is right. I deny not that a right will willeth righteouſneſs; which it hath not, when it willeth more then it hath; but this I ſay, it cannot will that righteouſneſs, if it have not righteouſneſs by which it may will it. Let us now conſider, whether any, not having this righteouſneſs, can in any way have it of himſelf? Certainly he cannot have it of himſelf, but either by willing, or not willing; but by willing, no man is able to attain it of himſelf, becauſe he cannot will it, unleſs he have it; and that any, not having the righteouſneſs of will, can by himſelf attain it by not willing, no mans minde can conceive: therefore a creature can by no means have it of it ſelf; but neither can a creature have it from another creature; for as a creature cannot ſave another creature, ſo it cannot give that by which it may ſave it: It followeth then, that no creature hath that righteouſneſs of will, but by the grace of God. But I have proved before, that this righteouſneſs may be kept by free-will; therefore by the gift of God, we have ſeen that his grace to ſave a man, agreeth with free-will; ſo that grace alone can ſave a man, though his free-will can do nothing; as in Infants, and in them which have not underſtanding; for grace doth continually help natural free-will (which without grace, can do nothing unto ſalvation) by giving unto the will righteouſneſs, which it may keep by free-will: and albeit he give it not unto all men, becauſe he ſheweth mercy on whom he willeth, and whom he willeth, he hardneth; yet he giveth it unto none for any preceeding merit, becauſe, who hath given unto God, and it ſhall be repayed unto him? But if the will keep by free-will what it hath received, it attaineth either increaſe of received righteouſneſs, or power according to good will, or ſome reward: All theſe things are the fruit of the firſt grace, even grace for grace; and therefore it is all to be imputed unto grace, becauſe it is neither of him which willeth, that he willeth; nor of him which runneth, that he runneth; but of God which ſheweth mercy; And therefore, except God onelyonly, it is ſaid unto all others, What haſt thou, that thou haſt not received? why glorieſt thou, as if thou hadſt not received? So I have tranſlated that Chapter word by word; one may quarrel that I have tranſlated attaineth, for meretur; but I have done ſo according to the uſe of the word, as I have marked in other places; and becauſe it ſo agreeth with the words following, All theſe things are the fruits of grace, even grace for grace. In the next Chapter Anſelm ſaith, As none hath righteouſneſs but by preveening grace, ſo none keepeth it but by following grace; for howbeit it be kept by free-will; yet it is not ſo much to be imputed unto free-will, as unto grace, when righteouſneſs is kept, becauſe free-will hath, and keepeth it not, but by grace preveening, and following—Laſtly, ſeeing all things are according as God diſpoſeth, whatſoever a man hath that helpeth free-will to accept, or keep his righteouſneſs, whereof I ſpeak, it is to be imputed unto his grace. In theſe particulars then, the former teſtimonies are according to the minde of Anſelm: As for that teſtimony concerning the ſacrifice of Chriſt, he hath a Treatiſe De Sacramento altaris, wherein he ſpeaketh much of the change of the bread, and ſeemeth to be puzzled in reconciling the ſentence of Pope Nicolaus II. with the ancient Fathers: but in c. 12. he ſpeaketh of the maner how the things of the Sacrament are to be judged; thus, ſeeing the things of the Sacrament are ſo, we ſhould think of the things, as they are ſpiritual things, in a ſpiritual maner; and when we p. 296receive the fleſh of Jeſus from the altar, we ſhould be ſolicitous, that in our thoughts we reſt not on the fleſh, and be not quickned by the Spirit; for if we be not quickned by the Spirit, the fleſh profiteth nothing; for if in our thought we reſt on the fleſh of our Saviour, we not onelyonly ſhall not be quickned by the Spirit, but neither can we underſtand, how the fleſh of Chriſt, a man, can be eaten by man; but as thoſe which were hard in heart, underſtood it, unto whom the ſpeech of Chriſt ſeemed hard, and they went back; for they underſtood it carnally; for they thought he would cut off pieces of his fleſh, and give them to eat: therefore we ſhould think of that body of the Lord ſpiritually, and in a divine maner, and diſcern it humbly; that is, we ſhould think it diverſe from all other food, and eat the ſpiritual fleſh of Chriſt, in a ſpiritual maner; that is, it is received in a Sacrament of his true fleſh on the altar: And again, we ſhould think, that the very fleſh which was crucified, and buried, is not alſo torn in the Sacrament, nor broken, nor devoured after the maner of common fleſh, but under the ſimilitude of bread to be broken, and offered, and never conſumed; for it is not after a wicked maner killed by us, but holily ſacrificed; and thus do we ſet forth Chriſt's death till he come again: For we do now this humbly upon earth, what he, as the Son, doth for us in heaven, where he, as our Advocate, interceedeth with the Father for us: To interceed for us, is to preſent for us, in ſome maner, before God the Father, the fleſh which he took for us, and of us: Therefore we do ſacrifice the body of Chriſt, when by certain piety of faith, we believe it to be certain, and do ſanctifie it; and we do hold faſt this faith unto his honor, by whom he who ſanctifieth, and they who are ſanctified, are all one. For the death of Chriſt needeth not to be done again, becauſe when it is once done, it is ſufficient to everlaſting ſalvation. Ambroſe ſaith, Chriſt hath died once, and was made an oblation for our ſins; what do we then? do we not offer every day? yes, we do offer, but in remembrance of his death; and there is but one ſacrifice, and not many; How one, and not many? becauſe Chriſt was offered but once, and this ſacrifice is the example thereof; it is the ſame, and the ſame continually; therefore it is but one ſacrifice; elſe becauſe he is offered in many places, there be many Chriſts; no, no, but one Chriſt every where; here he is full, and there he is full; for as what is offered every where, is one body, and not many bodies, ſo it is but one ſacrifice; but the Prieſt is he who offered the ſacrifice which cleanſeth us, and we now offer the ſame ſacrifice, which being offered then, cannot be conſumed: What we do now, is done in remembrance of that which was done; as he ſaith, Do this in remembrance of me; we offer not another ſacrifice, but the ſame continually; or rather we do this in remembrance of that ſacrifice, and unto him we do vow, and render our ſelves, and his gifts in us; and on the ſolemn feaſts, and on certain days, we do dedicate, and conſecrate the remembrance of his benefices, leſt time bring upon us ungrate oblivion thereof. What was Anſelm's judgement in the doctrine of juſtification, appeareth by an Admonition pro moribundo, Order for demanding the ſick.where he ordereth the Prieſt to ask the dying man, Brother, art thou glad to die in the faith of Chriſt? Anſ. Yea, Brother. Haſt thou a purpoſe to amend thy life, if God will give thee ſpace to live? Anſ. Yea, Brother. Believeſt thou that thou canſt not be ſaved by thy own merits, or any other way, but by the death of Chriſt? Yea. Giveſt thou him thanks for the ſame with all thy heart? Yea. Then go on, and ſo long as thou liveſt give him thanks, and hide thy ſelf in his death; role thy ſelf on it, and put thy truſt in no other thing: and if the Lord would judge thee, ſay, O Lord, I put the death of Jeſus Chriſt betwixt thee and me, and otherwiſe I will not contend with-thee. If he ſay, Thou haſt deſerved condemnation; ſay thou, I lay the death of my Lord p. 297Jeſus Chriſt betwixt thee and my wicked merits; and I offer the merit of his moſt worthy paſſion, for the merit that I ſhould have had, and alas, I have it not. Say again, O Lord, I lay the death of my Lord Jeſus Chriſt betwixt thy wrath and me. Then let him ſay thrice, Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my ſpirit. Ia. Vſſer. de ſucceſ. Eccleſ. c. 7. ſheweth from Caſ. Vlenberg. lib. cauſar. cauſ. 14. that all Chriſtendom received this form of queſtioning the ſick, from this Anſelm: but it hath been changed from time to time. In the Book, Inſtitutio baptizandi, aliaque Sacramenta—adminiſtrandi, ex decreto concilii Tridenti. reſtituta, printed at Lions, ann. 1598. at that part de recommendatione anima, are the ſame queſtions and anſwers; but there are ſet firſt theſe, Believeſt thou, dear brother, all the Articles of the Faith, and all the holy Scripture, according to the expoſition of the holy and Catholique Doctors? Anſ. I believe. Doeſt thou deteſt, and refuſe all Hereſies, and Superſtitions, which are damned, and diſallowed by the holy Mother, the Catholique Church? Anſ. I do diſallow. Inſtead of theſe two queſtions, the above-named Jeſuit reporteth, ex Bibliotheca Vaticana, thus; If he be a ſecular man, he ſhould be demanded ſo, Believeſt thou theſe things that belong unto Chriſtian faith, in ſo far as they be determined by the Church? Anſ. I believe. And in the end he ſaith, Theſe things being finiſhed, Anſelm ſaith, Without doubt the ſick man ſhall be ſaved. Obſerve, Here is no word of Purgatory, nor of ſaying Maſſes for him after death. But the moſt remarkable difference is in Index Expurgat. ſet forth by Cardinal Quiroga; there it is ordered to blot away, or leave out theſe queſtions; Believeſt thou that our Lord Jeſus Chriſt died for our ſalvation? and that none can be ſaved by his own merits, or any other way, but by the merit of his paſſion? And where it was ſaid in Or do baptizandi, printed at Venice ann. 1575. at the end of theſe queſtions, We need not diſpair of his ſalvation, which with his heart believeth, and with his mouth confeſſeth theſe queſtions; that Index ordereth to leave out theſe words alſo. By this form, and the changes of it, we may ſee how the Papiſts have changed their faith, eſpecially in this main cordial for a ſick ſoul. The ſame Anſelm wrote two Books, etituled Cur Deus homo, againſt ſome The reaſonableneſs of redemption by Chriſt.whom he calleth Infidels: And it appeareth (certainly unto me) theſe have been the Fore-fathers of the Socinians; and that Socinus have gathered the moſt part of their quirks out of theſe Books: but as the man hath been wickedly minded, he hath not taken to heart what Anſelm hath anſwered unto theſe Infidels; I ſtudying brevity, will onelyonly repeat ſome of the anſwers, except onelyonly the firſt objection. Lib. 1. c. 2. The Objector ſaith, As right order requireth, that we ſhould believe the profound things of Chriſtian faith, before we preſume to ſearch them by reaſon; ſo it ſeemeth to be negligence, if after we be confirmed in the faith, we endeavor not to know what we do believe; wherefore, as by the preveening grace of God, I think that I know the faith of our redemption, ſo that albeit I cannot comprehend by reaſon what I do believe, yet nothing ſhall be able to pull me away from the certainty thereof: I crave, that thou wouldeſt declare unto me (which many others do crave, as thou knoweſt) upon what neceſſity, and reaſon, hath God (ſeeing he is Almighty) aſſumed the baſeneſs, and weakneſs of humane nature for the reſtoring of us? This is the main objection, and the preamble of it condemneth implicite faith. Anſelm anſwereth cap. 3. We do neither wrong, nor reproach to God, but giving thanks with all our heart, we do praiſe and ſet forth the unſpeakable altitude of his mercy, that how much the more wonderouſly, and above all imagination, he hath reſtored us from ſo great, and ſo deſerved wickedneſs, wherein we were, unto ſo great, and ſo undeſerved benefits, which we had loſt, he hath ſet forth the greater love, and pity p. 298toward us: for if they would diligently conſider, how conveniently the reſtauration of man is procured after this maner, they would not jeer at our ſimplicity, but with us they would commend the wiſe bountifulneſs of God; for it was neceſſary, that as by the diſobedience of a man, death entered into mankinde; ſo by the obedience of a man, life ſhould be reſtored: and as ſin, which was the cauſe of our damnation, had its beginning from a woman, ſo the Author of our righteouſneſs, and ſalvation, ſhould be born of a woman: and as the divel overcame man (whom he perſwaded) by eating of a tree, ſo a man ſhould overcome him by ſuffering (whereof he was the author) on a tree. Cap. 4. Is not this a neceſſary reaſon, why God ſhould do theſe things, ſeeing his ſo precious a work (mankinde) was altogether loſt; nor was it fitting, that what God hath propounded concerning man, ſhould be altogether annulled; nor could his purpoſe be brought to paſs, unleſs mankinde had been delivered by the Creator himſelf. Cap. 5. Whatſoever other perſon had delivered man from everlaſting death, man might be judged to be a ſervant unto that perſon; and if it were ſo, man had not at all been reſtored unto that dignity which he had had, if he had not ſinned; ſeeing he which ſhould have been the ſervant of God onelyonly, and equal unto the good Angels in every reſpect, ſhould have been a ſervant unto one which is not God, and whoſe ſervants the Angels are not. C. 8. The will of God, when he hath done a thing, ſhould be a ſufficient reaſon unto us, albeit we ſee not why he hath done ſo: nor ſhould any think it contrary to reaſon, when we confeſs that God hath done theſe things which we believe of the Incarnation: And they underſtand not what we believe; for we affirm, without any doubt, that the divine nature cannot ſuffer, nor in any reſpect can be brought from his Celſitude, nor hath any difficulty in whatſoever he will do. But we ſay, that our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, is very God, and very man; one perſon in both natures, and two natures in one perſon: wherefore when we ſay, that God was humbled, and ſuffered weakneſs, we underſtand it not according to his imſuffering nature, but according to the infirmity of humane nature, which he had aſſumed; and ſo it is clear, no reaſon is againſt our faith: for thus we do not underſtand any humiliation of the divine ſubſtance, but we declare that there is but one perſon of God and man: nor did God the Father deal with that man ſo as you ſeem to underſtand, or give an innocent unto death for the guilty; for he did not force him unto death againſt his will, nor ſuffered him to be killed; but he himſelf did willingly ſuffer death, to the end he might ſave us from death. Cap. 9. And it ſeemeth, thou diſtinguiſheſt not betwixt that he did in obedience, and that which was done unto him; becauſe he would ſtill be obedient, and he did ſuffer, howbeit obedience did not require it: God requireth obedience of all reſonable creatures, and the creature oweth obedience unto him; ſo that man did owe obedience unto God the Father, and the Father did require it of him: Thus for his obedience; and if man had not ſinned, he ſhould not have ſuffered death; nor would God have required it of him, ſeeing he was made reaſonable and holy, and to the end he might be bleſſed in the fruition of God: Now thou wilt not think it fit, that the creature which he made holy unto bleſſedneſs, he ſhould force it to be miſerable without a fault; for it is a miſerable thing, that man ſhould die againſt his will: and ſo God compelled not Chriſt to die, in whom was no fault; but he willingly ſuffered death, not by his obedience of forſaking life, but for his obedience of keeping righteouſneſs, wherein he continued ſo ſtoutly, that therefore he ſuffered death. Likewiſe it may be ſaid, that the Father commanded him to die, ſeeing he commanded him to do that for which he ſuffered death; and therefore as the Father gave him command, ſo did he, and he p. 299drunk the cup which the Father gave him, and he became obedient unto the Father, even to the death, and ſo he learned obedience by what he ſuffered, that is, how far obedience ſhould be kept. But the word he learned, may be underſtood two ways; either for that he made others to learn; or becauſe what he was not ignorant of, in reſpect of knowledge, he learned by experience: But what the Apoſtle, when he had ſaid, he humbled himſelf, and became obedient, even unto the death of the croſs; ſubjoyneth, therefore God exalted him, and gave him a name—whereunto it is like what David ſaith, He shall drink of the brook in the way, and therefore he hath lift up his head. It is not ſo meant, as if he could not have come unto exaltation, but by this obedience of death, and this exaltation was not conferred on him, but in payment of his obedience; for before he did ſuffer, he ſaid, All things are delivered unto me by the Father; and, All that the Father hath, is mine. But as he with the Father, and the holy Ghoſt, had decreed that he would ſhew unto the world his great power, no other way but by death; ſeeing it was by death, it is not unfitly ſaid, to be for death—for he was exalted after death, as if theſe things were done for death: But when he ſaith, I came not to do my own will, but the will of him who ſent me; it is like unto that, My doctrine is not mine; for what one hath not of himſelf, but from God, that is not ſo much his own, as it is God's; for none hath truth which he teacheth, or a good will of himſelf, but from God: therefore Chriſt came not to do his own will, but his Father's; becauſe the holy will which he had, was not of his manhood, but of his God-head: for God ſpared not his own Son, but gave him for us; that is no other, but that he did make him free; as we finde many ſuch words in Scripture. And whereas he ſaid, Father, if it be poſsible, let this cup paſs from me; yet not as I will, but as thou willeſt: and, If this cup cannot paſs—it ſignifieth the natural deſire of life, according to his own will, whereby humane fleſh did flee the pangs of death. And he calleth it the will of the Father, not becauſe the Father would the death of his Son, rather then his life; but becauſe the Father would not that mankinde ſhould be reſtored, unleſs man had done ſo great a thing as was that death, becauſe it was not reaſon that another ſhould do it: Therefore the Son ſaith, that he would his death, which himſelf would alſo ſuffer, rather then mankinde ſhould not be ſaved; as if he had ſaid, Becauſe thou wilt have the reconciliation of the world no other way, I ſay, thou wilt have my death; therefore let thy will be done; that is, let me die, that the world may be reconciled unto thee. Cap. 10. Becauſe in this queſtion thou undertakeſt the perſon of them which will not believe unleſs they ſee reaſon, I will indenture with thee, that we accept no inconvenient unto God, not the leaſt; and that no reaſon, not the leaſt, be refuſed, if a greater reaſon hinder not; for as impoſſibility followeth upon any inconvenient unto God, ſo a neceſſity followeth upon whatſoever reaſon, if it be not overthrown by a greater. Now the queſtion is onelyonly of the Incarnation, and of the things which we believe of the aſſumed manhood; Let us now ſuppoſe that the incarnation of God had never been, nor theſe things which we ſpeak of that man; and let us hold this ſure, that man was not made unto bleſſedneſs, which he could not have in this life, nor could any man attain it but by remiſſion of ſin; nor could any man paſs thorow this life without ſin; and ſuch other things, the faith of which is neceſſary unto ſalvation. And here we finde, that the remiſſion of mans ſin is neceſſary, that he may attain unto ſalvation, as we all do hold. Cap. 11. Then let us try by what way God forgiveth men their ſins; and to this end, ſee firſt what is ſin, and to ſatisfie for ſin: if Angels, and men, had continually given unto God what they owe him, they had never ſinned: therefore to ſin, is no other thing p. 298duplicate page p. 299duplicate page p. 300but not to render what is due unto God. Now the will of all reaſonable creatures, ſhould be ſubject to the will of God: this is the duty, or debt, which Angels, and men, owe unto God; and if he do this, he ſinneth not; and whoſoever doth it not, he ſinneth: This is righteouſneſs, or uprightneſs of will, which maketh righteous, or upright in heart, or will; this is the onelyonly, and all the honor which we owe unto God, and which God requireth of us; for only ſuch a will doth works acceptable unto God, when he can do; and when he cannot do, onelyonly the will doth pleaſe God by it ſelf; becauſe without it no work pleaſeth God: he who giveth not his dutiful honor unto God, taketh from God what belongeth unto him, and he diſhonoreth God; and this is to ſin: and ſo long as he rendereth not what he hath taken away, he is under guiltineſs; nor is it ſufficient to render what is taken away, but for the wrong he hath done, he muſt render more then he hath taken away—This is alſo to be marked, that when one rendereth what he hath unjuſtly robbed, he ſhould give what could not have been required of him, if he had not robbed: after this maner ſhould every one which ſinneth, render honor unto God; and this is ſatisfaction which every ſinner ſhould do unto God. Cap. 12. Now let us conſider, Whether it were fitting, that God ſhould forgive ſin through mercy onelyonly, and without all payment of that honor which was taken from him? To forgive ſins thus, is no other, but not to puniſh; and becauſe to order ſin rightly, without ſatisfaction, is no other but not to puniſh; if it be not puniſhed, it is paſt without order: but it is not fit, that God ſhould let ſin paſs without order; therefore it is not fit, that God ſhould let ſin paſs without puniſhment; and moreover, if ſin paſs unpuniſhed, both the ſinner, and the not-ſinner, do fare alike with God, which is not convenient unto God: Yet more, we all know that the righteouſneſs of men is under a Law, that according to its quantity, the meaſure of retribution ſhould be recompenſed: and if ſin be neither paid, nor puniſhed, it is under no Law; and therefore if unrighteouſneſs were let paſs through mercy onelyonly, it were more free then righeouſneſs is, which were very inconvenient; and this inconvenience were yet more, that it would make unrighteouſneſs equal unto God, becauſe, as God is liable unto no Law, ſo were unrighteouſneſs. And albeit he command us to forgive one another, yet that is but becauſe he ſo ordereth us, that we take not in hand what belongeth unto him alone, ſeeing to revenge is proper unto him who is Lord of all; and when earthly powers do it rightly, God doth it, ſeeing they are ordained by him for the ſame effect: As for his liberty, and bountifulneſs, we ſhould think ſo reaſonably of them, that we deſtroy not his honor; for liberty is but in things expedient and fitting; nor can that be termed bountifulneſs, which worketh any thing unfit for God. And where it is ſaid, What God willeth, is juſt; and what God willeth not, is not juſt: that is not to be underſtood, as if God would any inconvenient thing, and it were juſt, becauſe God willeth it; for it followeth, if God will lye, it were juſt to lye, but rather that he were not God; for a will cannot lye, but ſuch wherein truth is corrupt, or rather which is corrupt by forſaking truth: therefore when it is ſaid, If God will lye; it is no other, but if God be of that nature which can lye: for this cauſe it followeth not that a lye is juſt, unleſs it be underſtood as of two impoſſible things; we ſay, if this be, that is; becauſe neither the one, nor the other is: as if one would ſay, If the water be dry, the fire is moiſt, for neither of them is true: And ſo it is true onelyonly of theſe things, which are not unbeſeeming that God will them, to ſay, If God will this, it is juſt. Cap. 13. Nothing is leſs tolerable in the order of things, then that the creature take away the honor which is due unto the Creator, and pay not what he taketh away: but nothing is ſuffered more unjuſtly, then p. 301which is intolerable; and therefore I think thou wilt not ſay, that God ſhould permit that, which is unjuſt to be permitted; as, that the creature ſhould not repay what he hath taken from God: alſo ſeeing nothing is better then God, nothing is more juſt then ſtricteſt juſtice, which preſerveth his honor in the diſpenſation of things; and this juſtice is no other thing but God himſelf: therefore God keepeth nothing more juſtly, then the honor of his own excellency; And think you that he keepeth it wholly, if he ſuffer it to be taken from him, ſo that it be neither paid, nor he which hath taken it away be puniſhed? and if you dare not ſay ſo, it followeth neceſſarily, that the honor which is taken muſt be paid, or puniſhment follow; or elſe God were not juſt unto himſelf, or that he is unable in both, which to think were impiety. Cap. 15. If you will ſay, Why doth God permit his honor to be minced in the leaſt? certainly the honor of God cannot really be increaſed or minced; for he is his honor incorruptibly, and no way changeable: nevertheleſs, when each creature doth either reaſonably, or naturally keep its order which is commanded unto it, it is ſaid to obey God, and to honor him; and this is the reaſonable creature eſpecially, to which is given to underſtand what it oweth, which when it doth what it oweth, it honoreth God; not becauſe it conferreth any thing on him, but becauſe it ſubmitteth it ſelf willingly unto his will and diſpenſation; and ſo far as it may, it continueth its order in the univerſality of things, and the comlineſs of that univerſality: but when it willeth not what it ſhould, it diſhonoreth God ſo far as it can, becauſe it will not ſubmit it ſelf willingly unto his diſpenſation; and it conſoundeth the order and beauty of the univerſality, ſo far as it may; howbeit it cannot in the leaſt do harm, or defile the power and honor of God: For if the things that are within the compaſs of heaven, would not be under heaven, or depart from heaven, they cannot be but under heaven; nor flee from heaven, but by drawing nearer unto heaven; for from whence, and what way, and whitherſoever they go, they are ſtill under heaven; and the more they go from any part of heaven, they come the nearer unto the oppoſite part: So albeit a man, or bad angel, will not be ſubject unto the will and diſpenſation of God, they cannot flee from it; becauſe, if they will flee from his commanding will, they run under his puniſhing will. And if you ask, What way can they flee? not but by his will permitting; and what they will, or do wickedly, his infinite wiſdom turneth it to the order and beauty of the forenamed univerſality: for the ſame willing ſatisfaction of their perverſity, or requiring of puniſhment on them that ſatisfie not willingly (beſides that God doth many ways bring good out of evil) have their place, and continue the beauty of order in the ſame univerſality. Cap. 19. This then is moſt ſure, if God could let ſin go unpuniſhed without ſatisfaction, that is, without willing payment of the debt, a ſinner could not attain unto bleſſedneſs, at leaſt that which he had before he ſinned; for in that way a man could not be reſtored ſuch as he was before ſin. And whereas all nations do pray, Forgive us our ſins, he who payeth not, ſaith in vain Forgive; and he who payeth, prayeth, becauſe this belongeth unto payment, that he doth ſupplicate: for God is debtor to none, and every creature is indebted unto him; wherefore it is not fit that man deal with God, as one with his fellow. Cap. 20. Neither will you doubt (I think) that the ſatisfaction ſhould be according to the meaſure of the fault; Then what will you pay for your fault? if you ſay, repentance, a contrite and humble heart, abſtinence, and ſuch toil of the body; mercy in giving, and forgiving, and obedience; In all theſe, what give you unto God? when you give any thing that you owe, howbeit you had not ſinned, you may not reckon that for payment; but all theſe you ſpeak of, you do owe unto God. p. 302Cap. 22. Man was ſet in paradiſe without ſin, as it were for God, and betwixt God and the Divel, that he might overcome the Divel, by not conſenting to his advice of ſin; and for the excuſe and honor of God, and for the confuſion of the Divel; when he who was weaker did not ſin on earth, though the Divel bade him, who being ſtronger, had ſinned in heaven without any adviſer; and ſeeing man might eaſily have done ſo, being ſtraitned with no force, he willingly, upon onelyonly perſwaſion, did ſuffer himſelf to be overcome at the will of the Divel, and contrary to the will and honor of God: Now judge thou, if it be not contrary to the honor of God, that man be reconciled unto him with the contumely of ſuch diſhonor againſt God, unleſs firſt he ſhall honor God, by overcoming the Divel, as he hath diſhonered God when he was overcome by the Divel: Now the victory muſt be ſuch, that as he being ſtrong, and immortal in power, did eaſily conſent unto the Divel to ſin (whereby he juſtly fell under the puniſhment of mortality) ſo being infirm, and mortal, as he made himſelf by the difficulty of death, he ſhould vanquiſh the Divel, that he commit no ſin, which poſſibly he might have done, ſo long as he is conceived from the wound of ſin, and born in ſin: and becauſe this is reaſon, and ſeemeth impoſſible, learn one thing more, without which man is not reconciled in righteouſneſs, and yet is not impoſſible. Cap. 24. You have ſought a reaſon, now hear a reaſon; I deny not that God is merciful, he ſaveth man and beaſts; but we ſay of this higheſt mercy, whereby he maketh man bleſſed after this life, that he ſhould give this mercy unto none, but onelyonly unto him whoſe ſins are forgiven; and this forgiveneſs ſhould not be granted, but by payment of the debt which is owed for ſin, according to the greatneſs of the ſin; I think I have proved this ſufficiently before: Now if you ask, How can man be ſaved, ſeeing he is not able to pay what he oweth? nor can he be ſaved, if he pay it not; or how can we maintain that God, who is rich in mercy, cannot ſhew his mercy above the reach of mans underſtanding? I ſay, you ſhall ask this queſtion from them, who believe that Chriſt is not neceſſary unto the ſalvation of man; let them, in whoſe perſon you do ſpeak, ſhew what way a man can be ſaved without Chriſt; and if they cannot do it, let them not jeer us any more, but come and joyn with us, who do not doubt but man may be ſaved by Chriſt; or let them deſpair that this can be done any way: and if this be horrible unto them, let them believe in Chriſt, as we do, that they may be ſaved, &c. This is a taſte of theſe books, concerning the reaſonableneſs of mans ſalvation by Chriſt, and of the doctrine profeſſed in the days of Anſelm.

10. Some things are remarkable in the converſation of this Anſelm, he Contentions betwixt Kings and a Bishop.fell at variance with King William II. he ſheweth the cauſes in an Epiſtle unto Hugo Biſhop of Lions. Firſt, He would ſeek a Palle from Pope Urban; and the King would not ſuffer him, ſeeing he did not acknowledge Urban for Pope. Secondly, Then Anſelm craveth that a Synod of the Nation might be called, for reformation of ſome abuſes in the Church; or that the King would cauſe ſome things to be amended, which in his judgement were wrong: the King did refuſe both. Thirdly, The King required from the Biſhop ſome Lands, non parvas, which Lanfrank had in poſſeſſion for the uſe of Soldiers, and ſub occaſione cujuſdam voluntariae juſtitiae; and at that time the Soldiers were dead, without children. The Biſhop refuſeth to render the Lands unto the King, nor will he, placitare, acknowledge the King for them. In theſe particulars he asketh Hugo's advice; and for his own opinion, he declareth, that ſeeing according to the decree of Rome, the Pope may deprive him, if he ſeek not his Palle within a year; and ſeeing the King is the Advocate of that Church, and now himſelf is the keeper of it, if he would p. 303conſent unto the King in giving away theſe Lands, or in paying for them, his Succeſſors were to be prejudged in time coming; therefore he chooſeth rather to ſuffer the King's violence, and forſake his Biſhoprick. In an Epiſtle unto Pope Paſchalis he repeateth the ſame cauſes, and ſheweth that all the Biſhops of England did adviſe him to obey the King, and he would not, for reſpect unto the Apoſtolical See: and in time of his baniſhment, the King had taken all his goods, and the revenues of the Biſhoptick, ſo that he was neceſſitated to live by the liberality of the Biſhop of Lions: and he ſaith, that ſome had adviſed him to excommunicate the King, but the more prudent & rectum habentes conſilium had diſſwaded him, becauſe he could not be both party and Judge; and he was advertiſed by his friends about the King, that the King would contemn his excommunication. So far there. The ancient Hiſtorians write, that this William turned Monaſteries into Parks, and places of pleaſure; and robbed Churches for his private gain; and often ſaid, The bread of Chriſt is ſweet unto Kings. In the year 1100. when he was hunting in a new Foreſt, a Soldier (whether by chance, or of purpoſe, it is uncertain) killed him with a dart, that he died immediately. Pa. Iovi. in Angl. Reg. Chron. His Brother Robert was then at Jeruſalem; and the yonger Brother Henry was crowned. He wrote unto Anſelm, excuſing himſelf, that neceſſity had moved him to accept the royal bleſſing from another Biſhop, and inviting him to return; and ſo Anſelm did return: But their peace ſtood not long time; Pope Paſchalis wrote unto Anſelm, that it was decreed in his Conſiſtory, that no Clergy-man ſhould do homage unto a Lay-man, nor receive a Church, or any Church-benefice from the hand of a Lay-man, becauſe it is the root of Simony. Upon this advertiſement Anſelm would accept no preſentation from the King; and he degradeth all the Biſhops, and Abbots, whom the King had promoved. The King ſaid unto him, I have as great liberty in my Kingdom, as the Emperor hath in the Empire; and whoſoever violateth the cuſtom of the Realm, is a Traitor, and enemy unto me. Anſelm fled away again to Rome; and when he was returning with warrant of Paſchalis, the King's Attorney meeteth him in Flanders, and in his Maſters name forbad him to enter the Land, unleſs he would faithfully promiſe to keep all the cuſtoms, both of his Father William, and his Brother. Mat. Par. in Hen. 1. At that time they were reconciled. Again, when Gerard Biſhop of York died, Henry giveth that See unto his Chancellor Thomas: Anſelm will not conſent, unleſs he will acknowledge him as the onelyonly Metropolitan; and he chargeth him to give Eccleſiaſtical obedience, according to former cuſtom, or elſe he would diſcharge all the Biſhops of the Kingdom, that they ſhall not conſecrate him; nor acknowledge him, if he ſhall be conſecrated by foreiners. Thomas would not acknowledge him in that maner, and ſought conſecration from Rome. Then Anſelm wrote an Epiſtle unto Paſchalis, praying that Thomas be not conſecrated, until he profeſs due obedience unto him; and that the Pope would not give him a Palle; not (ſaith he) that I do envy him a Palle, but if he get one, he thinketh he may deny profeſſion of obedience unto Canterbury; and ſo the Church of England ſhall be divided, and the rigor of Apoſtolical diſcipline ſhall be weakened, and he ſhall not abide in England. Shortly thereafter Anſelm died, ann. 1110.

11. Moreover I have noted three Epiſtles of this Anſelm; one unto Alexander A counſel to a King.King of Scots, wherein, after congratulation of his Succeſſion, he ſaith, I know that your Highneſs loveth me, and deſireth counſel; therefore firſt, I pray God that he would ſo direct you by the grace of his holy Spirit; and give you counſel in all your actions, that after this life he may bring you into the heavenly kingdom: And my counſel is, that you indeavor to hold faſt p. 304the fear of God, (by his help from whom you have received it) and thoſe good maners which you began to have in your infancy, and youth-hood; for Kings do reign well, when they live according to the will of God, and ſerve him in fear; and when they rule themſelves, nor are ſubject unto vices, but overcome the importunity, or tentations, by conſtant fortitude; for conſtancy of vertue, and royal fortitude, are not inconſiſtent in a King: for ſome Kings (as David) have lived holily, and ruled the people (committed unto them) with rigor of juſtice, and meekneſs of holineſs, according to the exigence of things: do you ſo carry your ſelf, that evil men may fear you, and the good may love you; and that your converſation may pleaſe God always; and you at all times remember the puniſhment of the wicked, and reward of the godly after this life. The Almighty God commit you, and all your actions, unto none other but his own diſpenſation. This is a rare counſel given by a Biſhop (eſpecially in theſe days) unto a King. In another Epiſtle unto Muriardach King of Ireland, he exhorteth him to amend with Of the Church of Ireland.all earneſtneſs, whatſoever he knoweth that in his Kingdom hath need to be amended, according to the Chriſtian Religion, ſeeing God hath exalted him unto that Royal power for the end, that with the rod of righteouſneſs he ſhould govern his Subjects, and ſtrike with that rod, and remove whatſoever is contrary unto righteouſneſs: eſpecially he lamenteth, that in that Countrey, men did put away their wives, and change one with another, each as they do exchange their horſes, or any other thing at your pleaſure. Another, that their Biſhops had not Diocies, or appointed bounds; and were ordained one by one, even as any Presbyter; which (ſaith he) is contrary unto the holy Canons, which ordain certain bounds of ſuperinſpection, and that a Biſhop ſhould not be ordained by fewer then three Biſhops. Out of this Epiſtle it appeareth, that firſt, The Magiſtrate is not excluded from Government of the Church, as the Popes did afterwards exclude them. Secondly, That all abuſes could not be rooted out with the firſt plantation of Religion; and what is tolerated, at a time ſhould be amended. Thirdly, That the Church of Ireland had not Dioceſan Biſhops (as they were wont to be called) from their firſt Reformation, nor was ſubject unto Rome at that time, but had ſuch diſcipline as was then in Scotland. For confirmation of theſe points, add here by the by from Bernard in Vita Malachiae in c. 6. he ſaith, At that time the Iriſh paid not Tithes, nor firſt-fruits; they had not lawful marriages; they made not confeſſions, nor did any ſeek or enjoyn pennance; there were very few Miniſters of the Altar. And in c. 7. he ſaith, A Biſhoprick was not content with one Biſhop, but every Church almoſt had its own Biſhop; until (as it followeth there) Malchus, an Elder of Leſmore, and Giſlebert (the firſt Legate of the Apoſtolical See in Ireland) perſwaded the Biſhops, and Princes there, to change their ancient cuſtom. It is true, Bernard ſpeaketh there of Ireland, as barbarous at that time; but, excepting that of the marriage, in all the other particulars, though they were not conformable unto the Church of Rome, yet they have many Reformed Churches conformable unto them at this time, even though the corrupt Romaniſts call them barbarous. But I return unto Anſelm, in another Epiſtle unto Waleran Biſhop of Nuemburgh, Of Ceremonies▪who had written, admiring what way ſo great diverſity of Ceremonies had entered, ſeeing there is but one faith, one baptiſm, and one ſpouſe of Chriſt; eſpecially he admireth of the Rites in the Sacrament, diverſe not onelyonly from the perpetual cuſtom in Germany, but likewiſe different from the ancient Roman order, &c. Anſelm anſwereth (in Theſi. concerning indifferent ceremonies) well, ſaying, Your reverence complaineth of the Sacraments of the Church, becauſe they are not adminiſtred in all places after one maner: p. 305Truly it were good and laudable, if they were performed through all the Church after one maner, and with one minde; but becauſe there is great diverſity, nor differing in the ſubſtance of the Sacrament; nor in the vertue thereof, nor in the faith, nor can they all be brought to one cuſtom, I think they ſhould be tolerated in peace, and love, rather then be condemned with jars, and ſcandal: for we have learned from the holy Father, if the unity of love be kept in the Catholique faith, diverſity of cuſtom hindereth not. But where you ask, Whence hath that variety of cuſtom come? I know no other but the diverſity of mens opinions; which albeit they differ not in the ſubſtance of things, and in unity, yet agree not in the expediency, and decency of adminiſtration; becauſe one judgeth this fitter, another thinketh it not ſo fit; nor think I, that difference in ſuch things, is any ſtraying from the truth.

12. William the Conqueror wrote unto Pope Gregory VII. thus; Hubert your Legate, Religious Father, coming unto me, hath admoniſhed me, as from you, that I ſhould do fealty unto you, and your Succeſſors; and that I ſhould bethink my ſelf of the money which my predeceſſors were wont to ſend unto the Church of Rome: I have accepted of the one, and not the other: I would not acknowledge fealty, nor will I do it; becauſe, neither have I promiſed it, nor do I finde, that my predeceſſors performed it unto yours. The Pope returned anſwer unto his Legate, which is in Gregorii VII. Regiſt. li. 7. epi. 5. tom. 5. concil. edit. Binii. Where after ſignification how little he doth value money, without due honor, he ſaith of the King, There be many things the holy Roman Church may lay to his charge, ſeeing no Pagan King hath attempted that againſt the See Apoſtolique, which he hath not been aſhamed to do. Hence it appeareth, that the Popes were always buſie to ſeek their advantage in troubled waters, and ſometimes with little ſpeed. Whereas before the Sheriff, and Biſhop, kept their Court together, King William gave unto the Biſhops an entire juriſdiction by themſelves, to judge all cauſes relating to Religion. This was the firſt Spiritual Court in England; and henceforth the Spiritual Power began to tranſcend the Secular Courts.

CENTURY XII.