History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600, Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 3 · Chapter 3

History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600 · Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 3 · Chapter 3

p. 286CHAP. IIJ. Of Diverſe COVNTRIES.

J. BY the preambulatory pieces before Ge. Caſſanders conſultation, Conſultatio Caſſandri.it is cleare, 1. from the teſtimony of Ja. Thuan, that the Emperour Ferdi…and was not ſatiſfied with the Councel of Trent, and though too late, he perceived, that he was deceived by Cardinal Moron: wherefore he took another courſe, to compoſe the controverſies in Religion: when he could not find remedy abroad, he would do his beſt at home. So with the advice of his ſon Maximilian, he ſent for George Caſſander (living then in Duisburg) to shew ſome way of conciliating the controverſies of the Auguſtan Confeſſion. His Letters were dated May 22. 1564. 2. The Emperours purpoſe, was that if by the advice of prudent men he could effectuat no more, yet he might have a ſetled form of Religion in Hungary, Bohem and his other hereditary Dominions. Caſſander was not able to make travell, becauſe he was goutish. But after another Letter from the Emperour, and from King Ferdinand, he wrot his Conſultation for that effect: before he ſent it, Ferdinand was gone, and it was delivered unto Maximilian. None hath written againſt the Conſultatio: it ſeemes, Papiſts would not write againſt it, becauſe he holdeth that the Roman Church is a true Church, albeit corrupt, and it is a ſchiſm to depart from it. The Reformed writ not againſt it, becauſe he maintaines the moſt and main articles of their doctrine. The book is ſcarce to be had but in a big volume with other his works: I therefore ſubjoyn a taſte of it: and becauſe ſome poiſon is in it, I add a litle antidot, which may be uſefull unto ſome. In his preface unto the Emperour he shewes his Rule of judging; the evangelical and Apoſtolical Scripture, which being Divine and a moſt ſure rule, the antients had uſed in judging of controverſies after the departure of the Apoſtles: and becauſe in ſuch contentions ariſeth controverſy about the interpretation and ſenſe of ſome paſſages of the Scriptures, it is neceſſary to have recourſe unto the Univerſall conſent of Writers, chiefly of thoſe who lived in the time of the Emperour Conſtantin untill the time of Leo I. or of Gregory; yet ſo that it is not neceſſary, to produce the teſtimonies of them all, nor of the moſt part (which were an infinite work) but it is ſufficient to bring one or two, by whom the judgement of the whol Church may be known; and with this caution, that every teſtimony of thoſe Fathers may not be rashly received, ſeing in many places they ſpeak according to their privat judgement, and wherein even the moſt learned and beſt maintainers of the Apoſtolical and Catholick doctrine have not agreed with the ſafe unity of faith, but only ſuch things as belong unto the confirmation of the Apoſtolical and Catholick tradition and have the weight of irrefragable and undoubted teſtimony, wherein they declare conſtantly the publick and common faith of the whole Church. His method is conform unto the Articles of the Auguſtan Confeſſion. His principal ſcope ſeemes to be contained in the ſeventh Article de vera Eccleſia, where he holdes, that the true Church is always manifeſt; and though the p. 287preſent Roman Church hath departed from the primitive not a little in integrity of manners and diſcipline, yea and in ſincerity of doctrine, yet she ſtandes on the ſame foundation, and profeſſeth communion with the antient Church, and therefore is one and the ſame, albeit different in many particulares; Neither should we ſeparate from her, as Chriſt did not ſeparat from the Jewish Church, albeit corrupt, neither did the Prophets nor Apoſtles violate the union, but only ſpake againſt her, and came out of her but by diſſenting from the errors; neither did Cyprian and ſome others violat the union with the Roman Church, how beit they did complain of the envy of the Roman clergy, and the pride of the Pope. This may be called his privat judgement, as he ſpake of others in his preface▪ and not the conſtant faith of the whole Church: that the Church should be manifeſt always, was not the judgement of Eliah 1. King. 19. 14.; nor of John, who prophecied of the woman fleeing into the wilderneſs Revel. 12; and it is without all doubt in the general, that in the dayes of the Antichriſt the Church shall not be manifeſt. 2. he grantes that the Roman Church hath departed not a litle in manners and doctrine; but how far she hath departed, may be in ſome meaſure known by the hiſtory. 3. his advice, that we should not have departed from her, is a main queſtion; but certainly his reaſon is not ſufficient: for though our Saviour made not ſeparation from the Jewish Church, yet he foretold, that when theſe labourers of the vine-yard shall have killed the heir, the vineyard shal be taken from them, and not a ſtone of their temple should be left upon another: Where was their Church then, if they had no place for their Religion? As for the Pophets and Apoſtles, diſtinguish the times: before the time was come, which God had appointed, they had no reaſon to depart: but when the appointed time was come, then they departed, and for this very point Steeven was Martyred Act. 6. 14. The ſame diſtinction ſerveth for the Roman Church: Cyprian and Paulin had no reaſon to violat the vnion, when she had not departed from the true faith; but when she became the whoore, and all nations had drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornication, then was the time to obey the commande, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her ſins, and that ye receive not of her plagues. Gods people was with her and in her; and they muſt not only proteſt againſt their adulterous mother, but come out from her. Then for reconciliation of the Church, he ſeemes to deſpair, that ever they will accept of his Overture, to wit, that thoſe, who have given the cauſe of diſtraction; that is (ſaith he) the governors of the Church, would remit ſome what of their too much rigor, and yeeld a little for the peace of the Church, and following the wishes and admonitions of many good people, would reform the manifeſt abuſes, according to the rule of Divine Scripture, and of the antient Church, from which they have departed; And next, that thoſe who eſchuing thoſe vices, have fallen into the other extremity, would confeſs their faults, and return into the right way. In other Articles that differ from the Popish Church, he puts often a blame upon the Reformed; if not for their Tenet, yet for their practiſe. For example, of juſtification he ſaith, What is ſaid in the fourth article, that men can not be juſtified before God by their own ſtrength, merits or works, but are juſtified freely by faith, it was evermore allowed by the Church, and untill this day it is approved by all the writers of the Church; So that I wonder, why the Apology ſaith, that they are condemned in this article, as if it were taught, that men obtain remiſſion of p. 288ſins for their own merits, and not freely for Chriſt's ſake. Afterwards he cites the teſtimony of Bernard, ſaying, I conſider three things, whereupon all my hope ſtands, the love of adoption, the truth of the promiſe, and the power of performing: And (ſaith he) the Doctors of this age ſay not, that they teach doubting, whereby men should doubt of Gods mercy, and miſtruſt, but ſuch fear of God, whereby a diligence of living well, and of keeping the received grace, may be ſtirred up and increaſed in us, as the Apoſtle ſaith, Work forth your ſalvation with fear and trembling: And they call this ſear chaſt and filial, which perfect love caſts not forth, but retaines and cherishes: Which fear hath always adjoyned confidence and hope of Gods fatherly good-pleaſure; And ſeing thoſe things are taught tooday in the Catholick Church, the Proteſtants do not rightly in accuſing the preſent Church, that she bidds and teaches to doubt of Gods favor, and of eternal life, and put this blaſphemous doctrin (as they ſpeak) among the chief cauſes, for which they should depart from her. Of free will he ſaith on the 18. Artick, The ſum of this controverſy, which had been formerly and now is, conſiſts in this, What the will of man can do to attain righteouſneſs by which we are juſtified before God, is not to be aſſcribed unto the power of free-will corrupted by ſin, but unto the ſingular grace of God; which we have not by nature, wherein we were created, and which is common unto us with the unbelievers and ungodly; but that grace which is by faith in JESUS CHRIST, which is given unto thoſe only who have faith, by which grace a new will is not created, nor is will compelled unwillingly, but being infirm, it is healed; being corrupt, it is amended; and of bad is turned into good, and is drawn by a certain internal motion, that of unwilling it is made willing, and gladly conſents unto the Divine call.....If any of the Schoolmen hath ſpoken inconveniently of this liberty of will, that should be reckoned among the opinions of privat perſons, and the more wholeſom writtings of others should be oppoſed unto them, &c. It is to be marked, that he wrote this Conſultation after the Councel at Trent; and yet he takes not notice of their decrees, but accounteth them as the opinions of private perſons, and under that name would bury them all; and as if the Reformed ſpeaking againſt thoſe errors did unjuſtly accuſe the Church of Rome. On the 22. Article he ſaith, Concerning the adminiſtration of the Holy Euchariſt, it is moſt ſure, that the univerſal Church untill this day, and the Weſtern or Romance for a thouſand years, or more [Marke, heer he diſtinguisheth between Vniverſal and the Roman Church] in the ſolem diſpenſation of this Sacrament did give unto all members of Chriſt both the Kinds of bread and wine: which is manifeſt by innumerable teſtimonies of antient both Greek and Latine Authors; and this they did becauſe Chriſt had ſo ordained, and practized, in giving both unto his Diſciples repreſenting the perſon of believing communicants.........But thoſe antients thought it not ſo neceſſary, as if upon neceſſity or any weighry cauſe the one could not be give… without the other, or that it was not a true Sacrament, if the one only were taken.....and therefore they call not the diſpenſation of one Kind, wicked and ſacrilegious for whatſoever cauſe it be done.....Nevertheleſs I think, there is none, if he conſider this more diligently, but if the antient cuſtom of the Church were reſtored...he would rather have the vvhole and entire Sacrament, then one part only. And on the 10. Article he ſaith, This article of the Lords Supper, is ſet down ſeverall wayes in the confeſſion: for in the firſt Latine p. 289edition it's written thus, In the Supper of the Lord they teach, that the body and blood of Chriſt are verily there, and given unto them who eat in the Lords Supper: But the Dutch edition being tranſlated word for word ſaith thus, Concerning the Lords ſupper it is taught ſo, that the very body and blood of Chriſt is verily preſent in the Supper under the kinds of bread & wine, and is given and taken there. But in another edition this way, Of the Lords ſupper they teach, that with the bread and wine the body & blood of Chriſt are truly given unto them who eat in the Lords Supper. In the Apology this article is expreſſed in thoſe words, They teach that in the Lords ſupper the body and blood of Chriſt are truly and ſubſtantially preſent, and truly given with thoſe things that are ſeen, the bread and wine, unto thoſe who receive the ſacrament; and the Apology witneſſeth that this Article, being propounded in this manner, was not diſproved by his Caeſarean Majeſty. But although they who follow the opinion different from the followers of this confeſſion, and is ſet up by Calvin, do contend that they agree well with this expreſſion, becauſe they think, that thereby no carnal or ſubſtantial preſence of Chriſts body & blood with the ſignes of bread & wine (which may be received equaly by the bad & good men) is concluded, yet afterwards the followers of this confeſſion have in their writtings declared their mind plainly enough, to wit, the body and blood of Chriſt in the bread & wine are received, not by faith only, but even by the mouth of the Body, by the unworthy as wel as by the worthy. But in all theſe expreſſions of that Auguſtan confeſſion, the controverſy yet remaines, Whether the body and blood of Chriſt be preſent in the very eating only? This is now taught plainly by them all, and expreſſly declared in the confeſſion of Saxony, where they ſay, Men are taught, that the Sacraments are actions inſtituted by God, and without the the appointed uſe thoſe things have not the nature of a ſacrament, but in the appointed uſe in this communion Chriſt is truly and ſubſtantially preſent, and truly tendered unto the receivers of the body & blood of Chriſt, ſeing not only the preſent Church, but alſo the antient and Catholick did everthink and reach, that this ſacrament ſtands not in the action and uſe only, but after the conſecration (which is done by the Lords words, and invocation of the Divine name) the body and blood of Chriſt is made of the ſubſtances of the bread & wine, and the virtue of the bleſſing is not loſed; eſpecially if it be reſerved for the uſe of the ſick: to which purpoſe are many teſtimonies...................Thoſe are madd therefore, who ſay, that the myſtical benediction ceaſeth after the ſanctification, if any part remain untill the next day: for the holy body of Chriſt is not changed, &c. The faithfulneſs of the author in this article, will be beſt known by inſpection of the quoted places. Certainly there were alterations of this article in ſundry editions of the Auguſtan confeſſion: but who will read the Saxons confeſſion, will ſoon find, that he wrongeth them; for they ſay expreſſly, Without the uſe whereunto they were ordained, the things themſelves are not to be accounted for a ſacrament, but in the uſe appointed, &c. Neither do they add one word of the remaining of Chriſts body after the uſe, as neither do they alledge any teſtimony to that purpoſe. So that his weakneſs appeares in nothing more than in this article, and ſpecially in that madd concluſion, which followes no way upon thoſe teſtimonies: for though Irenaeus ſaith, That which is from earth, after it hath received the calling of God, is not now common bread, but the Eucharist conſisting of two things, an earthly, and a heavenly; and others ſpeak in p. 290that manner, will it therefore follow, that they are mad, who ſay, that the Elements are not the Sacrament without the uſe? And again that the doctrine of Calvin concerning the Sacrament was ſet up or begun by him; the author shewes his weakneſs, ſeing an egg is not liker unto another, than that which Calvin taught, is like unto thoſe teſtimonies of the antients quoted in the ſame place. Of the Roman Highprieſt, he ſaith on the 7. Article, Whereas for unity of the Church they require the obedience unto a chief Rector, who hath ſucceeded to Peter in ruling the Church of Chriſt, and in feeding his sheep, it is not different from the conſent of the antient Church: Truly Ambroſe calleth the Roman Bishop in his time the Rector of the whole Church of Chriſt: it is alſo certain, that of old, ſo far as the memory of the Church is extant, that the chief authority in the whole Church was given unto the Roman Bishop as the Succeſſor of Peter and poſſeſſing of his chaire; which may be demonſtred by innumerable teſtimonies of the moſt antient and grave men both Greek and Latine; as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Optatus, Jerom, Ambroſe, Baſile, Chryſoſtom, Auguſtin, unto whom the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtories and Decrees of Councels agree: and I think, there had never been controverſy among us for this point, unleſs the Romane Highprieſts had abuſed this authority unto ſome kind of domineering, and had ſtretched it through ambition and covetouſneſs, beyond the bounds, that were preſcribed by Chriſt and the Church: but this abuſe of the Pontifician power, which the flatterers did at firſt enlarge beyond meaſure, gave occaſion to think amiſs of, yea and to fall off altogether from that Pontifician power, which he had by univerſal conſent of the whole church; which I think, may be recovered if he would return unto the bounds, that were preſcribed by Chriſt and the antient church, &c. Here are fair pretences, but no leſs untrue: for the Auguſtan Confeſſion requires no ſuch obedience, nor did Chriſt preſcribe it, no nor the vniverſal Church, as the preceeding part of this hiſtory shew clearly: was not this the main ſtrife betwixt the Greek and the Latines? and did not the African church oppoſe it? neither do any of thoſe named antients avouch it, as is cleared in many polemicall treatiſes. In ſome articles he neither blameth the Confeſſion, nor can excuſe the Roman Church; as on the 12. article he ſaith, From the cuſtom of canonical punishments, which were publickly enioyned unto the penitents for a preſcribed time, indulgences were hatched: for when the Bishops ſaw the diligence or weakneſs of repentants, they might deal the more courteouſly & meekly with them, and diminish ſome thing of the time, or of the rigor of the punishments: which abaiting of the canonical punishments, was called Indulgence, and now it is brought into privat ſatiſfactions, and from the Bishops it is turned unto the Roman highprieſt only, that he hath the full power of indulgences: concerning the uſe and exerciſe of which, every one of the beſt ſort hath wished that there were a moderation and correction, becauſe they have been the main cauſe of this renting of the Church: here (ſaith he) it were to be wished, that the Roman highprieſts would yeeld ſomewhat for common peace. On the 16 article he ſaith, What is ſpoken of the Magiſtrat and civill things, is every way to be allowed; that lawfull civil ordinances are the good works of God; that it is lawfull unto Ch…iſtians to be Magiſtrats, to ordain punishment by law, to warre righteouſly; &c. The doubt only remaines, of the Office & power of the Magiſtrat in Eccleſiaſtical things: here is exceſs on both hands, ſome aſſcribing too little, and ſome too much unto Civil power: for ſome exclude Princes and Magiſtrats from all medling p. 291with Eccleſiaſtical things, and others make all eccleſiaſtical adminiſtration ſubject unto the power of the Magiſtrat. But in this queſtion that should be without controverſy, that the power of the Emperour and other Chriſtian Princes is no leſs or inferior in a Chriſtian Republick, then was in old times the power of Kings in the commonwealth of Iſrael: and it is manifeſt by the Divine Scriptures, what was their Office in preſerving the Divine law, and promoving the Divine worship: for by a Divine law the reading of Deuteronomy is commended unto them, not only that thereby they should order their privat life rightly and holily, but likewiſe to preſerve the Divine lawes in vigor and without violation; and the examples of the godly Kings, who are commended in the Scriptures declare this clearly, who finding the will of God in his law, commanded the prieſts and Levites to reſtore Divine worship as it is preſcribed in Divine law, &c. Of the proceſſions (as they are called) on the 22 article he ſaith. The cuſtom of carrying the bread of the Euchariſt conſpicuouſly in publick pompe, is beſides the mind and manner of the antients, and ſeemes to have been begun but lately: for thoſe had this myſtery in ſuch Religion, that they would admit none either to the receiving, or beholding it, but the believers, whom they judged to be members of Chriſt and worthy of the partaking ſo great a myſtery: therefore before the conſecration, Catechumeni, energumeni, the penitents and all who did not communicate, were ſet forth by the voice of a deacon, and miniſtry of the door-keepers. Wherefore it ſeemes, the cuſtom of Circumgeſtation may well be omitted, &c. On the 24 article he ſaith, Whereas they complain of privy Maſſes, it is not without reaſon, if thereby they underſtand, the Maſſes, wherein the prieſt only takes the ſacrament, and there is no diſtribution of the myſteries; which when it began in ſome monaſteries, was forbidden, as is clear in a canon of the Nanneten. councel, &c. The Belgick Index expurgatorius hath not ſpared other of this mans works; as his Scholia on the hymns: on that which beginneth, Nocte ſurgentes, in the edition at Colen An. 1556. it is in page 48, and in the edition at Paris 1616. in Fol. it is Page 179, it is ſaid, Cumſuis ſanctis mereamur aulam Ingredi coeli: the Scholia ſay, The word mereri is one almoſt among the Eccleſiaſtical Writers, with conſequi ſeu aptum idoneumve fieri ad conſequendum: which Mereri, what it ſignifieth.appeares by one paſſage of Cyprian, beſides many more: for where Paul ſaith 1. Tim. 1. I have obtained mercy, and it is uſually read, miſericordiam conſecutus ſum, or as Eraſmus tranſlates it, miſericordiam adeptus ſum, Cyprian in epiſt. ad Iuiaban. reades it, miſericordiam merui: and there be many paſſages in the Offices and prayers of the Church, where this word should be taken in this ſenſe: if this notion of that word were held, many places, which ſeem harsh, would appeare more pleaſant and uſefull. In the next Scholi. or anotation he ſaith, Theſe words, ſuper hanc petram, we should underſtand Peters confeſſion, ſaying, Thou art Chriſt the ſonne of the living God. This was the expoſition of Auguſtin, and Ambroſe followes it elſewhere, confeſſing that it is not the perſon of Peter, but his faith on which the Church is builded, and againſt which the gates of hell shall not prevail: ſor faith (ſaith he) is the foundation of the Church, ſeing it is ſaid not of the flesh of Peter, but of his faith, The gates of death shall not prevail againſt it: but his confeſſion overcomes hell. Hereunto agreeth that of Cyrill, I think that the Rock is no other but the unmovable and moſt ſure faith of the diſciple, on which the Church of Chriſt is ſo founded and faſtened, that it can not fail, and abides for ever unvincible p. 292by the gates of hell. And therefore when Ambroſe calles Peter the rock of the Church, it may be underſtood to be ſpoken figuratively, that the name, which is proper unto the faith and confeſſion of Peter, is ſpoken of Peter for his faith and confeſſion: truly the ſame Ambroſe Lib. de incarnation. ſacramento calleth Peter the foundation, but inſtantly he addeth, The faith and confeſſion of Peter is the foundation of the Church. Among the Eccleſiaſt. Hymni. he hath one de circumciſione Chriſti, which ſaith.

Hoc nomen eſt potentiae,

Novaeque ſignum gloriae

Et per quodunum caelitus

Datur ſalus mortalibus.

Tu Cbriſte non effabilis

Imago caeleſtis Patris,

Danil colatur quàm tuum

In omne nomen ſeculum.

Thoſe and many other paſſages are ordained to be blotted out by the Belgick Index expurgatorius, as alſo it prohibites to print his books de baptiſmo infantium, his Liturgica, and preces Eccleſiasticae. It is obſervable, that in a hymne de beata virgine which is now uſually ſong in the Romish Officia where it is ſadi,

Maria mater gratiae,

Mater miſericordiae,

Tu nos ab hoste protege,

Et hora mortisſuſcipe.

Ge. Caſſander, page 255 edit. in Fol addeth on the magine, This clauſe is not in the old books. By thoſe paſſages and many more, which might be added, it appeares, that ſome continue in the Romane Church, who know the errors thereof: as I could bring ſuch paſſages from Johannes Ferus about that time preacher in the cathedral of Mentz, and others▪ and elſe where I have hinted at others.The Netherlands are oppreſſed; and endeavore their liber…y.

II. When the Nether-landers ſaw, that their Supplication unto the King, had no place, and ſo the Reformation going to ruin: their goods layd open as a prey unto the Inquiſitors, and their perſons in danger; they conſulted to defend themſelves againſt the Inquiſitors, ſo far as the dignity and authority of the King and antient lawes could permit them. They entred into a league, and confirmed it by oath, and ſought what way to reſiſt that calamity: three hundred Noble men conſented unto this league of defence, at Bruſſels Aprile 3. An. 1566. and by a Noble man Brederod they tendred a Supplication unto the Dutcheſs: wherein they proteſt their reverence, obedience and love unto the King and Her his Vicegerent: then they made their petition to take off the Inquiſition, and that the Kings edicts concerning Religion might beſuſpended, untill the king and States of the Provinces had determined of them; or elſe great inconvenients may follow. French Comment Lib. 7. Briefly ſo long as that Dutcheſs was Governor, the Reformed were ſomtimes perſecuted, when She was preſſed by autority of Edicts; ſomtimes they had intermiſſions for five or ſixe months by the ardent ſupplications of the Nobles: at ſuch times they had their open meetings and preachings: they threw down images and ornaments of the Maſſe out of the churches, and they were multiplied exceedingly. Wherefore the Bishops raged, and raiſed perſecution again: eſpecially in the end of the ſame year many of the Reformed were burnt and ſlain. Norcam Marques of Berga in name of the Dutcheſs raiſed an Army, took the town Santman, and committed moſt cruel tyrany, rapine, murther, defiling of women, and moſt horrible kinds of torment. He beſeeged Valencia three months: though the Reformed were many in number, and the Noble men favoured the good cauſe, yet they ſtood as beholders, neither defending nor reſiſting; yea few of them went to the preachings: ſundry companies lyke ſcattered men went to Valencia, but without Commanders, p. 293and returned to their houſes. In the end of March. An. 1567▪ upon aſſurance of the Dutcheſs's Letters promiſing all favor and clemency the town was rendred: but it can not be shewd what cruelty was done againſt thoſe people. By thoſe cruelties the people were warned to provid for themſelves. Ibid. At the report of Ferdinand Alvares Duke d'Alva's coming into the Netherlands many fled, ſome into England, ſome to Weſel, Frankford, Heidelberg, and Frankendal. Whetherſoever they went, they followed (as they could) one and the ſame order in the Churches, which is named before. In thoſe ſad times they were confident, that God would pity his afflicted people, to the glory of His name; and becauſe they could not have a Synode in their native land, they aſſembled in Weſel An. 1568. where the Miniſters and ſome others agreed, that whereſoever they were ſcattered for a time, they should hold faſt the confeſſion of faith that was published An. 1563. and the Church-order of Catechiſm, adminiſtration of Sacraments, and diſciplin by Miniſters, Elders and Deacons. This agreement was ſubſcribed by fifty Miniſters, and others. Triglandius contra Vyttenbog. Part. 3. hath their names out of an authentick Copy. In the year 1571. they having more eſperance of liberty, did aſſemble at Embden from the Provinces and other parts in a greater number: There they did reſume the Confeſſion of faith, and ordain that in all time coming every Miniſter at his admiſſion should ſubſcribe it and the French Confeſſion for obſerving Unity of Doctrine; and truſting that the Miniſters of France would mutualy ſubſcribe their Confeſſion. There alſo it was ordained, that no Church shall have dominion over another Church, nor any preacher of the Word should have power over another preacher, nor any Elder over another, nor any Deacon over another. They did ordain thus, becauſe experience had taught, how out of this humane invention of the Superiority of Bishops over Bishops and Preachers, had ſprong the pride and power of the Romane Pope, and the cruelty of other Bishops for maintaining their own intereſts; and to declare how ſolicitous they were to eſchue all thing, that might tend thereunto afterwards. It's worthy the marking that they ordered and entreated the Lord of S. Altegonde, to writ the Hiſtory of what had been done in thoſe by paſt years, in the forſaking of idolatry, the beginning of Reformation, the perſecutions and conſtancy of the Martyres, the viſible judgements of God upon the perſecutors, the alteration of the Civill Government, &c. And they appointed certain perſons in ſeverall towns to gather all Notes and memorials of thoſe things, and ſend them unto him. This aſſembly was called, and afterwards reputed the firſt Nationall Synod of the Netherlands. Duke d'Alba diſſembled his cruelty at his firſt coming into Belgio, and made the people believe, that whatever was done for religion, should be pardoned: and to this effect an edict was proclaimed: but shorthly after, without reſpect of former government he appoints a new Counſel, conſiſting of twelve Perſons, (commonly called The bloody Senate) to ſit on all cauſes of life and death. Unto them who had fled, he appointed a certain day to return, and before that day he decerned all their goods to be confiſcated▪ He called a Parliament of all the Provinces, and promiſed ſafety unto all who had intereſt. The Count of Naſſaw or Prince of Orange ſuſpecting deceitfulneſs fled into high Germany: ſo did many others. Lamoral Count of Egmont (who was a Papiſt, but ſerious for their antient liberties, and therefore was hated by the Duke) and Philip Montmerency Count of Horn (a zealous Reformer) compeared in the Parliament, truſting to the proclamed ſafeconduct, and both were beheaded at Bruſſels, p. 294without any regard of their former ſervices to the King. French. Common. Lib. 7. It were longſom to repeat what cruelties d'Alva shewd in ſpoiling, burning, hanging, heading, hacking, racking, and moſt horribly torturing without reſpect of age, ſexe or condition. In the ſpace of ſixe years he is ſaid to have put to death 18600. perſons by the hands of hangmen; beſides all other his Barbarity: He deſpiſed all ordinary Judges and juriſdictions, even howbeit many and earneſt ſollicitations were put up in that behalf: He and his Spanish Shouldiers abuſed women young and old, ſome to death: He pulled the skins off ſome being alive, and headed the drums with them: He cauſed ſome bodies be taken out of their graves, and cauſed bury them under gibets, becauſe (as he ſaid) they had died without shriving; to the end, he might pretend rig…t unto their goods: he compelled the wifes of them who were fled, to marry his Souldiers: In a word, what is there under heaven ſo holy or honeſt, which he defiled not? what barbarous cruelty practized he not? as afterwards was published in a Supplication unto the King, and is extant, being printed at London An. 157…. with the French Commentaries. For thoſe cauſes the States of the Netherlands began to take Arms againſt that Duke in the year 1568. and they chooſed William Prince of Orange to be their General: he levied an Army of Germanes and Netherlanders: Monſ. Genly brought unto him ſome Companies of Frenches out of Picardy: then paſſing the River at Mentz, he lingred ſome months, only skirmishing now and then with the Duk's ſouldiers, yet taking ſome ſ…al towns: In November he paſſed by the way of Liege to join with the Prince of Condee in Picardy, with litle ſucceſs. Ibid. Lib. 8. Then d'Alva raiſed a great Army, boaſting to extinguish all the Reformed. Lewes Count of Naſſaw and Brother of William gaue battell unto the Spanjards near Groning in Friſeland; diſperſed them, and ſlew their Commander John Count o… Arnebergh. Adolph a third Brother died in another fight. Then d'Alva raged the more againſt the Reformers, and moſt cruelly put to deat… Giſebert and Theodor Battemburges two Brothers of an antient family, and other ſixtien Gentle men with them: he layd new tributes on the people: he deviſed new torments, and every where horrible murders were ſeen, eſpecially at Torna and Valentia. Wherefore the people did flock unto the Prince of Orange: Albeit at the firſt he had hard luck; yet when d'Alva required of every Maſter of a family within the Provinces the tenth penny, from each merchant the twenty penny, and of all the landes and houſes (when they were ſold) the hundred penny, to wit, in the year 1570. the warrs ſeemed but to begin, and more people joyned with the Prince, eſpecially all Holland and Zeeland; and the F…ſſiners took the Spainish Navy coming from the Weſt-Indies in the year 1572. d'Alva accuſeth them of rebellion againſt the King, and of blaſphemy againſt God, and did write ſo unto the King. VVhen the Reformed knew of that Letter, they wrote the Supplication (whereof I ſpake before) An. 1573. wherein they proteſt, that whatſoever was done, they had not attempted it for any diſloyalty unto the King their lawfull Superior, but to defend themſelves againſt the cruell oppreſſion of the bloody Tyrant d'Alva; and they humbly beſeech the King, to call to minde, how thoſe Countries were formerly divided among ſo many Lords and Rulers, and afterwards by marriages, mutuall treaties, and lawfull ſucceſſions they came under one houſe of Burgundy, and now they are come under Spain; yet always with expreſs condition, that each of thoſe Provinces and Republicks should ſtill enjoy their former liberties, p. 295and none of them should be burdened with the dominion of another; but live joyntly together under one Prince, as ſo many children in their fathers houſe under one father: for verification of this, they put him in mind of his own entrance (among others) how his Father Charles V. cauſed him (according to the accuſtomed ſolemnization) repeat and confirm by oath the ſame priviledges: which he had alſo renewed in a common Aſſembly, when he received the government: but now (ſay they) they are robbed of their rights and liberties, yea horribly oppreſſed by a ſtranger, a Tyrant, an Herod, a Nero, &c. and they name many of his oppreſſions: in the end they humbly beſeech him for Gods ſake to bowe his ears unto their juſt complaint, and they profeſs that they deſire not to be diſſolved from the obedience of his Majeſty, but only that they may have conſciences free unto God, to hear his worde, as they muſt give accounpt at the day of judgement; and to ſuffer the Countries enjoy their former liberties & cuſtoms, as he had promiſed by oath: and if he will be ſo gracious unto them, they promiſe to lay down their weapons, and to hazard their lifes and goods in his ſervice by ſea or lande, &c. This their Supplication they cauſed to be printed in Latine, Dutch and English. The ſame year Philip called home Duke d'Alva, either becauſe he did not allow his cruelty, or becauſe he did not proſper in the warres; but he deſpiſed their ſupplication, and made no accounpt of their power nor confederat help, ſaying, VVhat can thoſe mice do? So the States obtaining neither civil liberty, nor of Religion, did refuſe all obedience unto the King of Spain: they put down all the power of the Bishops, and reſolve to defend themſelves. At the firſt they ſtamped their coin with a leash about a lions neck, and a mouſe between his feet, with this circumſcription, Roſis leonem loris mus liberat, meaning, that their poor power would ſet religion of the Tribe of Judah at liberty; and alluding unto that contemptuous word of King Philip. The firſt Union of the Provinces for government, was between Holland and Zeeland in the year 1576. Aprile 15. and concerning Religion the Article was thus; His Excellence shall admit and maintain the exerciſe of the Reformed Euangelical Religion; and shal cauſe the exerciſe of all other Religions, that are contrary unto the Goſpell, to ſurceaſe and leave off; excep that his Excellency should not permit any inquiſition upon any mans belieff or conſcience, or that therefore any trouble, injury or impediment should be done unto any. Afterwards five other Provinces joyned with them, and in the year 1579. at Utrecht was the Generall Union of the ſeven, in which the Article concerning Religion is thus; As for the permitting or not permitting the exerciſe of Religion unto them, who are different from the Reformed, let every Juriſdiction decern according to their own pleaſure and cuſtom; but all should grant liberty of Religion and of conſcience unto every man, and for that cauſe perſecute and trouble none. So the Reformed Religion only hath place in the Churches. The Provinces of Holland and Zeeland held their firſt Synod at Dort An. 1574. and all the ſeven had their firſt Synod at Middelburgh An. 1578. in which they did agree on the order in the Churches: Concerning which two Synods I shall ſubjoyn the words of the Provincial Synod of South and North Holland, held at Harlem in the year 1582. as a ſummary of them both and of other particulares. Theſe are; The almighty and mercifull God had in the year 1566. under the ſad affliction, which was then prepared for the Netherlands, graciouſly shew'd a blink of the truth of his Goſpell untill this time here and there in privat preaching: p. 296but the world's unthankfulneſs and ſin did thē turn away that grace of God; and many honeſt perſons when others fled the Land, did readily ſuffer the Spainish tyranny over the Land through the juſt judgement of God, whereby not only the publick exerciſe of …he true Religion was no way permitted, but alſo it was moſt ſtrictly forbidden in privat, and punished with intolerable edicts and torments; Nevertheleſs our good God, according to his wiſdom and goodneſs, hath contrary to all the power of Satan and his inſtruments, in the time of that cruell perſecution, diſcovered (by many) more and more, the idolatry, ſuperſtitions and errors of Popery, and did enlighthen them with the knowledge of his trueth, with great hazart of their goods, bodies and lifes, and they prayd zealouſly unto God, that he would look upon their affliction, and deliver them, as at laſt it is come to paſs without the Counſel and wit of any men: for when the perſecution was come to the higheſt, thoſe who had ſeen with their eyes the perſecution of the Chriſtian Church and truth of the Holy Goſpell, yea who in their ignorance (as we many certainly think, at leaſt, of many) had willingly ſuffered themſelves to be abuſed as inſtruments thereunto; that thoſe (I ſay) have reſiſted the Spainish government, and refuſing thoſe unreaſonable exactions, have begun to conſider of their priviledges and former liberties, ſeeing it was intended not only to root out the true Religion, but likewiſe to bring into perpetuall ſlavery all the indwellers of the Netherlands, both ſpirituall (as they were wont to ſpeak) and Politicks, of high and low degree, citizens and merchants, tradesmen and others with wifes and children; And the matter was ſo far brought, after that our juſt ſupplications were not accept nor heard, that ſome both without and within the Land, though with a ſmal beginning, did gainſtand the tyranny; By thoſe hath the Lord God, who heard the prayers of the faithfull, and in this age of the world, of his mercy gathered unto himſelf a Church within theſe Lands, and wrought another work, in ſetting up by them in the midſt of thoſe troubles his Goſpell, and cauſing it to be preached again firſt in Holland and Zeeland; Which when many, who hethertils knew nothing of the Goſpell, ſaw with pleaſure, and untill that time had been ſilent (for they were ſlack in the juſt cauſe, to fight for the priviledges and freedom of the Land, and to defend them, and did find themſelves unable to reſiſt them who loved the Goſpell) for this cauſe thoſe people were willing to apply themſelves with all faithfulneſs to defend the liberties of their native Land, ſeeing that alſo they might ſerve God with a pure conſcience, when God had opened a way thereunto. What other motives were to joyn unto this cauſe, is needleſs to repeat; Yea God hath given the grace, that by thoſe foreſaid meanes, he hath not only made a beginning of maintaining our Civil liberty againſt the Spanish goverment over all the Netherlands (howbeit the matter was weak and miſerable, to the end, the glory of our deliverance should be given unto God only) but he hath alſo more and more promoted the preaching of the Goſpell in Holland and Zeeland, by adjoyning the Lords the States of the Land, and his Princely Excellency, to delight therein; and as ſome had adjoyned themſelves unto the Chriſtian Church, ſo have they alſo (ſeeing that the Land might heerby by the better defended from the enemy) received and ſufficiently eſtablished the publick exerciſe of the Reformed religion, by publick edicts and other furtherances; and ſo Popery is ſet off here and there by degrees, and at laſt the exerciſe thereof is forbidden; Therefore neceſſarily the ordinances of the Church, that were privatly p. 297uſed under the perſecution, muſt be made known unto other preachers, who are accepted out of Popery or otherwiſe, becauſe the Churches are numerous; to the end, there may be an unity in pure doctrine: and uniformity of Service; and the Church and their leaders may increaſe and be perfited in godlineſs of converſation; For which end a Synod or aſſembly of Miniſters and Elders out of all the Churches in the Provinces of Holland and Zeeland, by the knowledge and approbation of his Princely Excellency, and of the high States of Holland & Zeeland was called to Dort: Where after conference in the affaires of the Church, and amending of ſome enormities that had fallen out, a form of adminiſtration and government of the Churches was appointed, ſo far as they could in time of the grievous warrs, where with theſe Lands were then burdened; But after that it is remarkable, that ſome perſons being driven either through their weakneſs or through dregs of Popery or of any other ſect, which have retarded the Goſpell, thought it not good, that in the Church should be ſuch ordinances, and a Conſiſtory, that is, an aſſembly of Miniſters, Elders and deacons, but would rather, that Miniſters should only preach, and adminiſtrat the ſacraments, admitting every man without difference, &c. and that the Magiſtrats should ſet off and on the Miniſters, and rule the Churches, as they shall find uſefull & expedient; And this was done under the shew of liberty of conſcience; And it was alſo ſaid, that the Miniſters were beginning a new Monkery, whereby in progreſs of time they would become Maſters over the Magiſtrats, as it was in Popery; By theſe words plauſible and acceptable unto the world, other thoughts were brought upon the Goſpell, and the advancement of it was hindred; But theſe had not conſidered that the offices of the Magiſtrats and of the Miniſters were diſtinct; and as unto the Magiſtracy, which is a ſervice of God, belongs the government of life, and the protection of both the Tables of Gods law; under which is comprehended, that they should advance Gods trueth by their defence and maintainance, So unto the Miniſters, who in other cauſes are ſubject with body and goods unto the Magiſtrats, belongeth their proper office, which they have from God, to inform, teach, ſtirr up, exhort and move the conſciences of men unto holineſs, not according to the mind or will of any men, but after the direction of the Goſpell, to do their beſt endeavours; And that the Church of Jeſus Chriſt, in the adminiſtration of the worde and ſacraments and other things belonging thereunto, doth acknowledge neither Pope, nor any humane Magiſtracy, nor the Preachers themſelves, for Head and Lord, but only Jeſus Chriſt, after whoſe lawes, will and commandements the Church should be ruled, and unto whom both Preachers and Elders and deacons, and alſo the whol Chriſtian Church of whatever rank, should be obedient; But it were longſom now to declare this: it is ſufficient to hint it in a worde; If the liberty and miniſtry of the Churches should abſolutely, depend upon the Magiſtrats and their commandes, a great confuſion would follow, the purity of doctrin might ſoon decay, all enormities abound, and piety would fail; as by the grace of God the greateſt part of the Magiſtrats do well underſtand, and may know yet better, when they shall duly hear the anſwer of the Churches againſt the unjuſt complaint of ſome who ſeem to ſtand for Libertiniſme more then for Chriſtian liberty: for when there is no end of their complaints, and (as it shall be found true) they with their written and printed Remonſtrances will not be directed by the High States themſelves, ſo the Church muſt apologize for the cauſe of p. 298Chriſt and his Goſpell, howbeit wee do it not unwillingly, and would rather plead it by word of mouth, But to return unto the purpoſe, it hath ſo far come, that it hath been propounded unto his Princely Excellency and the high States, as reaſonable, that in no town or willage should be any convention or conſiſtory, but with advice of the Magiſtrats of the towns, or of the States, by which the meetings and Miniſtry of the Church should be brought into great danger: but his Excellency and the States underſtanding the cauſe better, have eſtablished the former ordinances and adminiſtration, whereby it may be ſeen, that the Churches have increaſed and multiplied; Afterwards by the pacification of Ghent, and by the death of thoſe great Commanders, then Governors of the other Netherlands, it came to paſs, that not only in Holland and Zeeland was Popery forſaken, and the preaching of the Goſpell accept, but alſo the good ſubjects in Brabant, Flanders, Gelderland, Friſeland, the bishoprik of Utrecht, the land of Overiſel &c. have begun to embrace the trueth: whereby in ſome places publickly, in other places howbeit privily in houſes, yet in great aſſemblies of people, and alſo with the knowledge and conſent of the Magiſtrats Gods worde is preached, &c. So far there. Before that time Gaſpar Colhaes a Miniſter at Leiden (who had been a prieſt in time of Popery, and yet had profeſſed the Reformed Religion in time of the perſecution) had made no ſmall ſturre for the government of the Church, as he had alſo retained other dregs of Popery, and other preachers likewiſe; So that the Churches of the Netherlands was ſeldom free of one ſtichler or other; yet alwiſe maintained and keept pure by the vigilancy of Synods, and by protection of Magiſtrats, from the corruption of ſuch ſubdolous Miniſters. In time of the troubls moved by Colhaes, the States of Holland called for one Miniſter out of each Claſſis, and ſent two Commiſſioners Gerhard van Wingaerd and Leonard Caeſenbrood unto them, requiring them to shew the form of the Church-government, and to shew the diſtinction between the Civil and eccleſiaſtical government. Thoſe anſwered, The Church-diſcipline was conſidered and penned by the Synod at Dort in the year 1578. which was authorized by the High The diſtinction of Magiſtracy & Miniſtry.States; And they had been traduced unjuſtly, that they would have uſurped dominion over the Magiſtrates: for they acknowledge themſelves to be ſubject unto the Magiſtrats, as any other ſubjects are, both for body and goods, except only that according to Gods worde, they may exercize the Office committed by God unto them, conform unto the writings of the Prophets & Apoſtles; As for the diſtinction of the Offices, they gave it in write; whereof the authentick copy Triglandius Lib. cit. ſaith, he hath not ſeen; but he gives the ſumma of it from another, to wit, Both Offices are ordained by God: both are preſervers of godly righteouſneſs: both should be reverenced for conſcience ſake; The Magiſtrate should not only preſerve godly righteouſneſs, but provide for the commonweel-fare, in which reſpect Church-men as well as others are ſubject unto them in body & goods; the Magiſtrat's Office is to eſtablish and promote by their authority and example, ſo far as concerneth the outward man, that Gods Worde be obey'd: but the Office of Miniſters is, to ſet that Worde before the people, with faithfull teaching and godly converſation; The Office of the Magiſtrat is to compell the deſpiſers and falſefiers of Gods word, that they hinder not the outward peace of the Church, and if any do diſturbe it, to punish them with impriſonment or other punishment in hody or goods; And the miniſters should exhort the people in Chriſt's name, to p. 299ſerve God peaceably, and to shew forth their dutifull regarde of Gods worde, and should call unto repentance the inward man, that is, the ſpirit or ſoul, with ſpirituall weapens, that is, by preaching eternall life, and threatning everlaſting death; The Magiſtrats office is to ordain punishment in body and goods, and according to circumſtances of oceaſions, to mitigate or ſtraiten them; And the Miniſters should prudently exercize the exhortations and menaces that are preſcribed in Gods Word, and the excommunication. The Magiſtrate should provide, that the external peace of the Church [as the Civil peace] be keept ſafe, and as occaſion requires to punish the tranſgreſſions of the diſturbers; And Miniſters should endeavour out of love, that according to the rule of diſcipline in Gods Worde the ſouls of offenders may be brought unto ſalvation; The Magiſtrate should preſide when punishments of life or goods are handled: And Miniſters govern in the Church-counſell when matters of conſcience are judged; The Miniſters and Church-counſel should appoint the diſcipline of the Church, according to the rule of Gods Worde: and the Magiſtrate hath power by himſelf, whether preſent or abſent, to examine it; and if he diſſallow any thing therein, he may commande the Church-men to reform it according to Gods Worde; The Magiſtrate (as alſo the Church) hath power to ſeek, and to uſe their authority, if need shall be, that Miniſters of the Worde be called, and the Church be provided with them; and alſo to punish the faults even in the pulpit, that deſerve Civil punishment, and it is the office of Miniſters and Elders to chooſe perſons ſufficient for the office, and then to preſent thoſe before the Magiſtrate, that he may approve them, if there no be lawfull impediment, which then should be confirmed by the Miniſters, When the Church shall be troubled with any diviſion, it is the office of the Magiſtrate, to call together a Church-aſſembly, and to rule it as concerning the external action: But when the Church is in peace, it belongs unto the Miniſters, to call the Eccleſiaſticall aſſemblies, and to preſide in them; Seeing Miniſters have no commandes of their own, but only the commandes of Chriſt, they may not domineer over the conſciences of the people: but the Magiſtrates have power to commande the Bodyes and goods of their ſubjects; The Church-miniſtry is more like a fatherly, then a Kingly power, and therefore their eſtimation is preſerved according to their reverent teaching, and by honeſt entertaiment which the Magiſtrate procures & provides. But the Magiſtrate hath Civil compulſion …ver all his ſubjects, as well Miniſters as others, and muſt be honoured by them all with obedience, ſubjection, and paiment of tribute So far he.

III. When the Queen-mother had gotten the whole government of Troubles of France under Charles 9.France, then her rage and the pride of the Guiſes was not againſt particulare aſſemblies & perſons only, but they ſought the deſtruction of all the Nobility and people, who followed not the ſuperſtition of Rome: whence aroſe inteſtin warrs in France once and again and the third time within nine years: for when the Queen ſawe the loſs of her excellenteſt Captains, or that faction ſawe no appearance to prevail, they could fein peace, to the end, the reformed may lay their weapons aſide, and then be taken unaworſe. The Apoſtate King of Navar was killed by a ſmall pellet at the ſeege of Roan: he being deadly wounded, was carryed to Paris, and through vehemency of pain died deſperatly. French. Commentar. Lib 5. The Reformed had but a few Cities; Lions fell from them by the craft of their Governor, and the Reformed within it were robbed and murdered, p. 300their churches were burnt, but ſome eſcaped into the caſtle of S. Sebaſtian, and from thence took their refuge into other places, namely unto Geneve. In Dolfeny the Cities Valentia, Vienna, Roman and Mantill took part with the Nobles of the Reformed Religion: So in Languedoc did Nemeaux, Montpelier, Caſter-albien, and ſome cities of the Rhodes, of Sevenas, and of Vivaretz: they had alſo Montalban, and all the circumiacent places; Orleance and the cities there adioyning, and Rochell. In all parts of the realm were ſome Proteſtants, but they were exiled out of the Popish towns: whereby the Army of the Prince of Condee was the greater. The cruelty uſed in Lions moved the Proteſtants to ariſe in others places: ſo many were ſlain in every Province: for the Papiſts burnt the Reformed Churches, and on the other ſide they cried, Places of idolatry should be demolished. So they burnt the Popish churches. Ibid. Lib. 8. In the ſecond warrs Pultrotz Merae (a ſouldier of Lions being ſent with Letters of Monſ. Soubize unto the Admiral Caſpar Coligny warring for the Reformed in Normandy) did inſinuat himſelf into credite with the Duke of Guiſe, and killed him with a piſtoll. Whereupon the Queen conſented into a peace, and Pultrotz was drawn a ſunder by four horſes at Paris. This peace continued in ſome manner, for five years: but hote was the perſecution in the year. 1570: the perſecutors ruſshing into the houſes of the Reformed, and without pitty murdered man, wife and children: they choaked ſome with ſmoke, and threw others unto doggs. They did eaſily obtain edicts from the King, and diſpenſations from the Bishops, againſt the Hugonots, as they contemptuouſly called them. But the moſt horrible murthering was in the year 1572 for that barbarous and infamous maſſacre. When the King and his mother could not prevail by open violence, they went about by ſlight and falshood; to wit, they contracted Margarit the Kings Siſter unto Henry King of Navar, being ſcarcely twenty years old: the marriage was ſolemnized Auguſt 17. by the Cardinal of Bourbon: hether were all the chief Proteſtants of France invited by the Kings Letters full of love. Before the appointed day, Joanna the widow Queen of Navar had a paire of gloves ſent unto her from the Court at Paris, wherewith she was killed. On the 24 day of Auguſt certain ſouldiers were appointed in ſundry places of the city to be ready at a watch-word: and when the Reformed were ſecure, they were barbarouſly murdered in their chambers: when they had killed the Admiral, they threw him out at a window: then they cutted off his head, and ſent it unto the Pope: they cutted off his hands & privy members, and rolled his body three dayes from ſtreet to ſtreet and at laſt drew it into the place of execution without the city, and hang'd it by the feet. this bloody execution continued many dayes: how many were murdered within that City, may be gueſſed by what Ja. Thuan Lib. 52. writs, that he heard a goldſmith Cruciarius (very worthy of the gallows) vaunt, that at that time he had ſlain with his own hand 400. perſons: and afterwards being troubled in conſcience, removed himſelf from the company of men and became an Anachorite. When the hotteſt of theirfury was over, the King commanded the King of Navar and Prince of Condee to come unto him: he told them, that now he had attained ſure remedy of ſetling the warrs, and he had ſpared them in reſpect of their conſanguinity, and will yet ſpare them on condition, that within three dayes they will renounce their hereſy, and return into the boſom of the Roman Church. The King of Navar was dashed at ſuch hard words, and anſwered with fear, He will p. 301obey the commands whatever, if his body and conſcience be permitted free. The Prince ſpake more confidently, urging the Kings oath, that he had given unto the Proteſtants, and profeſſing all obedience, excepting Religion. The King Charles 9. calleth him obſtinat and ſeditious, and threatned him with death within three dayes. Thuan. Lib. 52. On thurſeday following (which was Aug. 28) Charles commandeth a proceſſion through Paris (wherein he went perſonally) to give God thanks publickly for the happy ſucceſs of his enterprice. And the ſame day he published an edict, shewing that he was the author of the Admiral's death, and of thoſe his adherents, not for Religion (ſaid he) nor of purpoſe to violat the edict of pacification, but to prevent their conſpiracy againſt his perſon and his mother, and the King of Navar and other Nobles ſtanding in his favor; and he commanded, that none of the Reformed Religion should have any privat or publick aſſemblies under pain of loſing both goods and lifes, untill he be further adviſed. Additions to the 10 book of Comment. The reader may judge, how the firſt and laſt part of this edict do agree: he profeſſes, that he intendes not to violat the act of pacification, in which he had granted liberty of Religion, in Auguſt. 1571. and in the laſt words he diſcharges their aſſemblies: as for the conſpiracy, even the Papiſts believed it nor, ſaith Oſiander ex Nigri. His diſſimulation appeares yet more, that in the ſame edict he commanded all the Proteſtants to abide at their own houſes under his protection; and in the mean while he had ſent commande unto the governors of Provinces and cities, to practize the like cruelty every where; and ſo 500 were killed at Tolouſe; 800. at Lions, at Roan, Diep, Meauſia, Orleans, and other parts within one month 30000, Thuan Li. ci…. and in that year above 100000 Proteſtants were maſſacred, Th. Rogers in the preface of The Catholick doctrine. Not only were the Proteſtants murdered that way, but many others for privat malice or avarice of the executioners. Some of the Governors refuſed to obey that command; as, Claudius Count de Tende, when he had read it, ſaid, He would obey the former edict, but he doubted that this other was only coloured with the Kings name: Therefore at the Kings command he was poiſoned at Avenion within few dayes. Monſ. Sautheram Governor of Auvergne refuſed, ſaying, He was the Kings Lieutenant for execution of juſtice, and not to be a hang-man. Additions to the 10 book of French Commen. Great mirth, and proceſſions were at Rome, when the Pope heard of thoſe maſſacres. By the Kings commande horſemen were diſpatched into all parts, that no Governor be abſent from his charge, and to watche and warde diligently, and to ſearch narrowly all the aſſemblies of the Reformed, and to punish them without exception. In all parts of the realm they were apprehended, who keept their houſes upon truſt of the Kings protection: many were murdered, and all almoſt were robbed, as if they had been vanquish'd enemies; ſo that nothing ſeemed to remain unto them, but utter confuſion. On the 10 day of September Charles ſent for the Prince of Condee, and willed him to chooſe one of three, either Maſſe, or death, or perpetual priſon. He anſwered, He would never chooſe the firſt, and he left the other two unto the Kings pleaſure Thuan. lib. 53. Before he obtained liberty, he was induced to ſubſcribe that abjuration, whereof a copy is in the 10 Book of the French Comment. So did Henry King of Navarſway with the times. Theſe two eaſily without petitioning received pardon from Pope Gregory XIII. by interceſſion of King Charles. In the dayes of the late Queen of Navar, had been an aſſembly in Bearn, and by free conſent p. 302of the States, the Maſſe was diſcharged throughout all that realm: but then in the year 1572 October 15 king Henry published a contrary edict, forbidding the Reformed Religion, and he ſent Monſ. Grammount granting leave unto the Reformed, to ſell their lands within a year, and then remove, or to conform themſelves. The people were not moved by theſe Letters, and ſaid, Theſe letters were extorted from the king in his captivity. Thuan-ibi. Nevertheleſs thoſe examples moved many, who were thought to love the Religion, to profeſs the contrary. The cities Rochell, Montauban, Sanſer, Anduz, and other towns in Vivaretz and Sevenatz continued conſtant: but it ſeemed unto many of themſelves great folly joyned with madneſs, after ſo great overthrow of all the Nobility and ſo many others, to think upon any defence, when ſcarce any Noble man durſt owne the Religion: and not a few ſaid, It is not lawfull, that ſubjects should bear arms againſt their king, albeit he be wicked, as it had appeared by the ſucceſs. …n a word, all of them were uncertain, what to do, and inevitable deſtruction ſeemed to be brought on the Church in France: the chief men were gone; they had no help from Germany nor England as before: yet the helping hand of God appeared in due time. French Comment lib. 11. The king ſent Noble men unto thoſe Cities, commanding them to receive garriſons and a Lieutenant. They were all perplexed: on both ſides death ſeemed to be at hand: they were reſolved to yeeld, but fear made the… to delay. The citizens of Caſtre received a garriſon upon truſt of the kings promiſe: they were all put to the edge of the ſword with no leſs cruelty then others before. Rochell was ready to have given obedience: but when they were informed of that falſe cruelty or cruell deceit, they refuſed to render: and ſo began the fourth warrs in France with the ſeege of Rochell, and other parts were invaded with hudge violence. It was the Divine providence, that the Nobility failing, he alone might be known the author of the work. The particulars are deſcribed in the book laſt mentioned, and would go beyond my purpoſe to repeat them: I will only touch the ſeege of Rochell, and the end of thoſe warres. The ſeege continued ſeven months: in it two things are very remarkable: firſt, notwithſtanding all the Ordinance and battering picces that were diſcharged againſt them to the number of 6000. shot, only 25. Rochellers were ſlain; and how many of the beſeegers were ſlain, it is uncertain: but it may be coniectured, that 132. Commanders were killed: of whom the chief was Claude Duke d' Aumale uncle of the Duke of Guiſe March. 3. 1573. The greateſt aſſaults were ſeven. The other remarkable thing is; the pooreſt ſort of the town began to want bread, and a new ſort of ſupply was furnished unto them; to wit, every day in the river they had plenty of fishes [Surdones], which they had never ſeen before; and the ſame day that the ſeege was raiſed, thoſe wereſeen no more. So both rich and poor had plenty within, and the Kings Army without was grieved with famine. Wherefore Charles ſent word unto his Brother Henry, commanding him either to take-in the town inſtantly, if it be poſſible, or to leave it in Aprile. He continued two months longer, untill word was brought, that he was choſen king of Poland. In the mean while Sanſerre ſuffered a hard ſeege, that parents did eat their own little ones. A general peace was proclamed, and liberty of Religion was granted in July An. 1573. Thuan. Lib. 54. The edict of pacification was conceived in generall terms, without naming any city: thoſe of Niſmes and Languedoc took exception at that: thereupon all the Proteſtant towns wrote unto the Duke of Aniow, giving him p. 303thanks for the peace, and beſeeching him to procure unto them leave to aſſemble in a fit place, to the end, they may know the particulares of the pacification in convenient time; and that he would grant them his Letters patent for their aſſurance. Then many conveened from all parts of the realm, as the time would ſuffer, and ſo they provided for themſelves. Fre. Commen. Lib. 12. The next year Charles died: in that book it is written of his death, thus; Certain it is, that he died of a bloody flixe, and it is reported for truth by the greater part, that the blood is hued out of ſundry parts of his body, and in his bed he could have litle reſt, but horribly blasphemed the name of God, which he was wont to do even from his childhood. Thuan Lib. 57. witneſseth of his unreſt and affrighments in the night, and that heendeavoured to ſetle it by muſick. And becauſe it was ſuſpected that he had been poiſoned, to the end, he might vomit the blood with the more eaſe, he was bolſtered up with pillowes, that his feet lay higher then his head. Another hath compriſed the cauſe and manner of his death in thoſe verſes.

Naribus, ore, oculis, atque auribus, undique et ano,

Etpene erupit, qui tibi, Carle, cruor,

Non tuus iſte cruor, ſanctorum at caede cruorem,

Quem ferus hauſiſti, concoquere haud poteras.

III. So ſoon as Henry king of Poland heard of his Brothers death, he Troubles of Henry …returned privily and quickly, and was crowned King of France. He renewed the warres againſt the Reformed Church: he took Monſ. Monmorancy, and quartered him for Religion. Nevertheleſs they increaſed in number: for the Duke Alanchon the Kings Brother, and the Duke of Condee joyned with them; ſo that a peace was granted and proclamed, with liberty of Religion in the year 1576: but that peace endured not long. Then Henry king of Navar joyned with the Reformed again: yet they were all in great danger in the year. 1586. The Pope Sixtus 5. excommunicated the King of Navar, and the Prince of Condee, and declared them uncapable of the crown of France, and ordered King Henry 3. to perſue them with arms. The King of Navar ſent unto Frederik king of Denmark, and unto the Princes of Germany for aid. They ſent their Ambaſſadors unto the King of France, to interceed for the Proteſtants. He returned anſwer, that they should medle with his ſubiects no more then he did with theirs. Wherefore thoſe Princes aſſembled at Luneburgh: where were alſo the Ambaſſadors of Navar, England, Scotland, of the Duke of Pomer, &c. They concluded, that the King of Navar should not be forſaken Chytrae Lib. 28. So they ſent 5000. horſe-men and 20000. foot, but unhappily: for the Guiſes and other confoederats in Liga aurea, gave them the foil in Lorrain An. 1587. The next year Henry III. underſtood of the preſumption and intention of the Guiſes, and he called a Parliament, profeſſing that he would give the chief Commande of his Army againſt the Hugonots unto Henry Duke of Guiſe. The man doubted of the Kings favor, and yet upon thoſe fair words he went unto the Parliament: he was killed in his bedchamber, and his body was firſt burnt, then his aſshes were thrown into Ligeris; His brother Lewes a Cardinal was hang'd; and his ſon with ſome Bishops were impriſoned. Within twelve dayes the Queen-mother died through ſorow for the death of the Guiſes Ibid. Behold how God then brought peace unto his Church. They who before favoured the Guiſes ſecretly, do then profeſs open rebellion againſt the King: the Pariſians create Charles Duke of Mayen and Brother of the Duke p. 304of Guiſe, to be Governor of Paris and of the Iſle of Francia: the Sorboniſts deny the kings authority, and abſolve all men from the oath of allegiance. Many cities joyn themſelves unto Duke Charles, to wit, Lions, Roan, Orleance, Ambian, &c. The King aſſembleth the Nobility: he proclames unto all his ſubiects pardon of all former treſpaſſes, if now they shall return into obedience, and he threatneth loſſ of Goods and life, if they return not. Henry king of Navar craves pardon; obtaines it, and is made General of the Army againſt the traitors, the Dukes of Mayen and Aumale, in Aprile, An. 1589. And the ſame ſommer he granted by edict at Nantes Liberty of the Religion.liberty unto the Reformed to aſſemble not only for exerciſe of their Religion in their churches; but alſo for holding their Synods yearly; and ſo to be free from the jurisdiction of Bishops (Which liberty no king of France hath impeded untill this preſent time) and unto all who were under the former Edicts of exile he reſtored their honors and goods upon their ſubmiſſion. Then the followers of Duke Charles called the king an enemy of the Apoſtolical Roman Church; and Auguſt 1. (new ſtyle) a Jacobin Monk having purchaſed leave to deliver a Letter unto the king, ſtabbed him (as he was reading the Letter) in the belly with a poiſoned knife: the villan ſaid, he was commanded by an Angel to kill the tyrant; and his death would bring peace into France. The king feared not death at the firſt, and immediatly dispatched Poſts to all the chief parts of the realm, giving them notice of what was done, and exhorting them to conſtancy and loyalty as is due unto their Soverain. Before midnight he apprehendes death, and the next day he cauſed proclaim Henry king of Navar to be his heir. After the Henry 4 King of France.kings death the Peers of the realm (then in the lieger) require an oath of the king of Navar to defend the Roman Religion; and he ſwore to maintain even to hazert of his life the Catholick, Apoſtolical and Roman Religion within the kingdom of France, and that he will make no change in the exerciſe thereof, and for his own perſon he will obey the decrees of a godly and lawfull general or National Councel; and promiſeth to procure it with all diligence; and he ſwear to permit no other Religion but what is already allowed, untill peace being reſtored, it shall be otherwiſe provided; and he confirmed all the Officers of State. On the other ſide theſe and the Ptinces of the blood, the other Peers and many others acknowledge Henry 4. king of France and Navar, and ſwear lojalty and fidelity unto him. Then both he and they ſwear that they shall revenge the villanous murder of the late king, and the diſturbance of the realm againſt all the rebels. Then the Duke Mayen (being at that time called Duke of Guiſe) and the king of Spain dealt with the Pope, that the king of Navar should not be abſolved from the former Sentence; and that faction declares Charles Duke de Mayen king of France: but the Senat of Paris not admitting, that any should be king, who were not of the blood royal, he was not proclamed there. In the year 1593. Henry 4. took his oath to defend the Roman Religion: he wrot an abiuration of the doctrine of the Reformed Church, and ſent it unto the Pope: then he received a pardon and the Popes bleſſing, and was abſolved in the Church of S. Denis by the arch Bishop of Bourges, upon condition, to embrace the Acts of the Councel of Trent, and to cauſe them to be obſerved within his realms; to hear Maſſe; to chooſe Mary for his advocate before God; to breed the young Prince of Condee in the Romish religion, &c. But though for earthly peace he profeſſed Popery, yet in the Parliament at Roan An. 1597. he gave liberty of Religion within his dominions. One day he ſaid unto a Noble man, I ſaw you tooday at p. 305the Maſſe. Yes, ſaid the other, I will follow your Majeſty. The King replied, But you shall not have the Crown of France for it.

IV. Some variances aroſe amongſt them of the Auguſtan Confeſſion, The cauſes of variance amongſt the Lutherans1. Whereas in the year 1547. the… were preſſed by the book called Interim, to accept that article, Good works are neceſſary unto ſalvation, the Divines of …itteberg for peace ſake did yeeld unto it: but thoſe of Iena (as being more wary (thought good to wave that phraſe, becauſe the Popish Party underſtood it, that works are neceſſary to make up juſtification, and to promerite ſalvation. At laſt in a Conference at Altemburgh in the year 1568. the queſtion was debated, and they agreed in theſe terms, New obedience and good works both external and internal are neceſſary unto believers and ſuch who turn unto God. But they could not condeſcend to uſe the words neceſſary unto ſalvation. The Wittebergers ſaid, Works are neceſſary not indeed by neceſſity of efficiency, but of preſence: and thoſe of Jena denyed not the neceſſity of preſence, but they ſaid, Such a phraſe should be shunned becauſe of ſcandal, and for fear of error or miſtaking: for why should we uſe dangerous words with the erroneous ſophiſters, and then parget or plaſter them with gloſſes, when we have ſafer words? 2. A more grievous contention was renewed for the Vbiquity of Chriſts body: here I wil uſe the words of George Calixtus Profeſſor in Julia, in his Conſultatio de Tolerantia, Certainly, ſeing the omnipreſence of Chriſts flesh was not known nor heard in the vniverſal Church, even untill Stapulenſis & Luther, it might yet have been not known (albeit it were built upon a ſolide foundation) and a neceſſity of believing it might have not been layd upon the vulgare or the learned: And indeed but two paſſages, one out of the book PERI TOU RETÒU, and another ex Majore Confeſſione, are the only, at leaſt the main, whereupon Luther buildes the Vbiquity; and that was done by him, when he was earneſt againſt his adverſaries, to eſtablish any way the preſence of the Lords body in the Euchariſt: the former book was published in the year 1527. and the other in the next year: in the year 1529 by procurement of Philip the illuſtrious Landgrave of Haſs was the Conference at Marburgh: there Luther and Zuinglius agreed in all articles excep the Euchariſt....And Luther neither did judge nor preſs the omnipreſence as a point of doctrin wherein he craved aſſent In the Confeſſion of Auſburgh the third article is of thoſe myſteries, but with no or very ſlender touch of omnipreſence. Neither at that time nor any time following in the diſputations between the Reformed and the Popish came the omnipreſence into queſtion or controverſy, therefore Luther ſuffered it to be buried in ſilence. Yea and in the year 1537. when he wrote the articles of Smalcald, he averred expreſſly. that there was no controverſy between him and the adverſaries (the Papiſts) concerning the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Perſon of Chriſt, ſeing (ſaid he) we confeſſe the articles on both ſides. But what the Papiſts have taught or do teach concerning thoſe articles, may be known by their writings, eſpecially the vnanimous conſent of the Schoolmen: and ſeing in all theſe is not a jota concerning the omnipreſence, it is manifeſt alſo that Luther did leave it, and proſeſs agreement in the doctrin of the Perſon of Chriſt, with them who did not acknowledge vbuiquity........And ſo while Luther lived, that queſtion was aſleep, which ſome men did waken up again about the year 1562. of whom the principals were John Br…ntius and Jacob Andreae. Neither have I pleaſure, nor is it neceſſary to repeat all the hiſtory: but it is certain, this later man ſpared no travell untill he perſuaded ſome to embrace Vbiquity, and forced it upon others: and p. 306nevertheleſs the could not perſuad all that embrace the Auguſtan Confeſſion, or (as they ſpeak) the Lutherans; not the Danes, not the Holſatians, nor thoſe of Norinberg, Helmſtad, and many more. Therefore ſome of thoſe who are called Lutherans are at this day for Vbiquity, and againſt them are all other Chriſtians, both Greeks or of the Eaſt part of the world, and Papiſts and Calvinians. So far Calixtus. For juſtifying his words concerning the Danes, I add the teſtimony of Nic. Hemingius Profeſſor of Divinity and Preacher in Coppenhaghen at that time: In his Catechiſm, he expounding the Article of Chriſts aſcenſion, ſaith, This Article muſt be underſtood of Chriſts true body, and the bodily placing thereof in heaven, leſt we think either that the humane nature in Chriſt is ſwallowd up by the Divine, or that it is diffuſed into the whole world with the Divine; ſeing both theſe do moſt openly deny Chriſts manhood. Is not Chriſt every where? Yes truly by communication of properties, according to that Joh. 3. None aſcends into heaven, but he who came from heaven: But it's certain, that when the Lord ſpake theſe words with Nicodemus, his body was circumſcribed on the earth; wherefore the ſaying of Chriſt muſt be underſtood by communication of properties. So Cyprian, He aſcended into heaven, not where the Word God was not before, but where the Word made flesh ſat not before, to wit; by bodily placing. Again he ſpeaking against the errors concerning the Lords Supper, ſaith, What ſay you of them, who ſay that the manhood is every where with the Godhead? Theſe, for eſchuing the error of them who deny that we receive the flesh and blood of the Lord in the Supper, fall into this horrible error, that they aſſert, the manhood of Chriſt to be every where with the Godhead, whoſe opinion is above in the Article of aſcenſion clearly confuted; and the Angel ſaid plainly unto the women, He is riſen, he is not here. Here truly either the Angel lied, which is horrible to think, or they are deceived, who ſay, that the humanity of Chriſt is everywhere with the Divinity, by which he filleth all things, or is every where. Alſo Paul ſaith Phil. 3. that our bodies shall be made like unto the glorious body of Chriſt. But who daraver, that our bodies shall be infinite, that they may be every where? Truly thus the trueth of humane nature should be deſtroyed: Therefore neither was Chriſts body made infinite after his reſurrection. Moreover the Holy Fathers confeſs that Chriſts body is circumſcribed: For Nazianzen ſaith that the ſame Chriſt is circumſcribed and uncircumſcribed, earthy and heavenly, comprehenſible and incomprehenſible: for that is the diverſity of the two natures humane and Divine, which [Diverſity] becauſe the Eutychians denyed, they were juſtly condemned of hereſy. How then ſay the Catholicks, that Chriſts body and blood is truly in the Supper? The true body and blood of Chriſt are in the Supper together with the bread and wine, not by conjunction of nature, but Sacramental: For Luther and the Holy Fathers teſtify, that it is not carnal, nor an including of the body in the bread, or of the blood in the wine, ſo that place and body: touch one another, and the place yields unto the body. Wherefore unto this true preſence of Chriſts body and blood in the Supper, it is no way neceſſary, that his manhood be everywhere with the Godhead; but it is enough to believe, tha… as at the inſtitution of the Supper the Lord ſat with a circumſcribed body, and nevertheleſs he gave unto his diſciples his body to be eaten, and his blood to be drunken, and that …ruly, according to his words, This is my body, This is my blood; So now ſitting in the glory of Majeſty, he reaches by the hands p. 307of Miniſters (Such is his Divine virtue and power) unto communicants his body and blood; Therefore the Latine Church was wont to pray before the communion, Let us lift up our hearts unto the Lord; For as in the firſt inſtitution of the Supper the Diſciples had their eies fixed on the Lord, who ſitting at table reached unto them the Holy Supper, So we should lift up our hearts unto the heavens unto him, who ſitting in the glory of Majeſty, reaches in the Supper by the hands of Miniſters unto communicants his true body and blood, that it may be the meat & drink of the inward man, who thereby is fed, nurished and groweth unto everlaſting life; Whence Bernard ſpeaking of the Supper, ſaith, This is the food not of the belly, but of the ſoul: for it is not given to repair the ruin of this life, which is a vapor for a litle time, but to confer eternal life unto the soul: And as the water being ſprinkled in Baptiſm, hath done it's part, ſo the bread eaten, and the wine being drunken in the H. Supper, have done their part: but the ſpirituall virtue is poſſeſſed by faith, and the verity of Chriſts body and blood is alſo maintained. So Heming. About the year 1571. this controverſy waxed hote: for in Witteberg Caſ. Cruciger the later, Chr. Pezelius, Fr. Widebram, Henry Moller and others were againſt the Vbiquity: and for it were theſe of Iena chiefly, and with them were ſundry other towns, as Brunſwic, Luneburg, &c. In the ſame year Auguſtus the Elector of Saxony conveeneth the Divines of Witteberg and Leipſich into Dresda: there they declared, that they held no other doctrin, but what was in the Confeſſion of Ausburgh, and agreeth with Luther and Melanthon's writings; and they published their conſent. Againſt this conſent Lucas Oſiander and Selneccer, and Jacob Andreiae did publish other books. The Wittebergers wrote their Apology. This contention waxeth hoter and hoter untill the year 1577. when George Count of Henneberg in a private conference ſaid unto the Elector, The Divines of Witteberg do foſter ſome errors, which can not be diſſembled, nor approved by the ſincere Miniſters of the Church, neither is there hope of true peace among the followers of the Auguſtan Confeſſion, until theſe errours be noted and condemned. The Elector anſwered, I wish an harmony, and that the corruptions were marked, and that there were ſome beginning of ſo neceſſary and profitable a work: I for my part will further it according to my power. George undertook it. At that time the Papiſts did upbraid them with their diviſions, and ſaid, There be ſo many parties among them of the Auguſtan Confeſſion, that if any would leave Papiſtry, they know not unto what ſect they shall cleave▪ Oſiandet hiſto. Lib. 4. c. 2. shewes another ground of their variance; that ſince the time of that unhappy Interim the corruptions and errors (which began at that time) could not be amended. And it may be added, that in all the periods of attempting reconciliations ſome did hold the points where-in they did agree at thoſe ſeveral times, and others would not accept them: And Melanthon (whoſe authority was much reſpected) did (for peace) ſmooth his Common places in the year 1546. and again in the year 1558. for which cauſe the rigider ſort called him a temporizer; as alſo in the year 1552. he wrote a Confeſſion of faith, to have bin preſented unto the the Councel at Trent. This was and yet is called The Confeſſion of Saxony, and was ſubſcribed alſo by the Miniſters of Miſnia. In the year 1578. the Elector and the Count of Henneberg meet again at the marriage of Lewes Duke of Wurtembergh: After the ſolemnity theſe three being together, the Count shewes the Duke, what conference had been before for removing the ſcandal of diviſion: then by common p. 308advice Lucas Oſiander and Balthaſar Bidembachius two Divines of Wurtembergh were appointed to pen ſome Overtures for removing thoſe controverſies. Liber ConcordiaeThis was done ſo privily, that no other knew it, but thoſe Princes, yea their Secretaries heard not of it. When thoſe two had written their judgement, were aſſembled at Maulbron two Divines of Wurtembergh, two of Hennebergh, and one of Bada: They examin and change, as they thought expedient. Oſiand. Lib. Cit. Cap. 3. Then their work was ſent unto the Elector of Saxony, and he cailed for Jacob Andreae, Chemnitius and Selneccer, and gave them the book: they judge it too brief, and enlarge it with other arguments, and other queſtions. This book was ſent then unto ſundry Vniverſities and towns, to be freely cenſured, that if any thing were to be amended, added or empaired, they should admonish ingenvouſly. Ibid. Cap. 4. The Electors of Saxony and Brandeburgh cauſed it to be ſubſcribed by 8000. to wit, by ſundry Princes, Imperial Towns and their Miniſters; and it was printed in the year 1580. with the title Liber Concordiae. It was not examined in a publick Synod, and was ſtill conceiled from thoſe Churches which did oppoſe Vbiquity, and ſome within theſe Princes Dominions were diſplaced for refuſing to ſubſcribe it, and without any reaſoning. So it turned into the Book of diſcord, and made the greateſt rent of all. The book contained elleven Heads; having firſt layd this ground, that the books of the old and new Teſtament are the only rule, whereby the doctrine of faith is to be judged; and all other writtings may be vſed as witneſſes only. The firſt Head is of original ſin; where they teach, that it is neither the nature, nor any part of the nature of man, but a corruption of nature, leaving in man nothing ſound or uncorrupt, and can be known by the revealed word of God only. II. of the free-will in the firſt act of regeneration; that God worketh the converſion by the means of the word preached, and by opening the heart to hearken, ſo that it is the work of God only, making man, who is ignorant and unwilling, to ſee and will. III. Of righteouſnes before God, they declare it to be the righteouſnes of Chriſt God-man, for which God abſolves us from our ſins, without any reſpect of the merite of our good works, either by paſt, preſent or to come; And faith (truſting in Chriſt, and working by love) is the only inſtrument, whereby we apprehend the ſame; Neither should a true believer doubt of the remiſſion of his ſins, notwithſtanding his ſins of infirmity. IV. Concerning good works, they hold that theſe are not the cauſe of juſtification, nor of eternall life; but all men eſpecially the regenerat are debters of good works; yet ſo that they condem thoſe poſitions, Good works are neceſſary to ſalvation; No man was ever ſaved without good works; and, it is impoſſible to be ſaved without good works; And faith in Chriſt can not be loſt; and the elect do retain the Holy Ghoſt, even though they fall into adultery or other crimes, and continue in them. V. Of the law and the goſpell, they ſay, Whatſoever in the holy Scripture is againſt ſin, belongs unto the law; and the goſpell properly is the doctrine teaching, what man, who hath not ſatiſfied the law, should believe, to wit, that Chriſt hath ſatiſfied for all our ſins, and hath obtained remiſſion; but in a large ſenſe the doctrine of repentance may be called the goſpell; And they condem it as pernicious and falſe, to ſay, The goſpell properly is the doctrine of repentance; or, that it is not the only preaching of Gods grace, VI. concerning the uſe of the law; Albeit believers be free from the curſe and coaction of the law, yet they are not lawleſs, but the law muſt be preached both unto the p. 309unconverted and converted; yet with this different iſſue, that thoſe who obey for fear of the curſe, are ſaid to do the works of the law; and who being regenerat, do obey willingly as if there were no curſe nor reward, are ſaid to obey the law of Chriſt, and the law of the mind; neither are they under the law but under grace. VII. concerning the Lord's Supper, they firſt condem thoſe as crafty and deceiving Sacramentarians, who believe the true preſence of the very, ſubſtantial and lively body and blood of Chriſt, and that the preſence and eating of it is ſpiritual by faith; next they hold, that the body and blood of Chriſt is truly and ſubſtantially there, and is truly diſtributed with the bread and wine, and received not only by them who come worthily, but by the unworthy, albeit by the one ſort unto their confort, and the other to their judgement and damnation, unleſs they repent; And the grounds of this their faith are 1. Jeſus Chriſt is very God and man in one perſon, undivided and inſeparable. 2. the right hand is every where, and Chriſt in his manhood is ſet at the right hand of God. 3. the words of the inſtitution are not falſe. 4. God knowes many wayes, and can be preſent as he pleaſeth, neither is he tied to that only way, which the philoſophers call Local; And ſo the body of Chriſt is preſent not only ſpiritually, but alſo bodily, yet not Capernaiticaly, but in a ſpirituall and heavenly manner, in reſpect of the ſacramental union, Thirdly they condem Popish tranſſubſtantiation, the ſacrifice, the refuſing of the cup, &c. VIII. of the perſon of Chriſt; they ſay, albeit the Godhead and manhood of Chriſt retain their ſeveral properties, yet they are vnited perſonaly, not as two planks conioined, but as iron and fire, or he ſoul and the body: Wherefore among other articles they condem them who hold, that only the manhood ſuffered; and, only the Godhead is preſent with us in the ſacrament and in all our croſses, or that this preſence is not in reſpect of his manhood; and, the Sone of God doth not all the works of his omnipotency in, and with, and by his manhood; and, Chriſt in reſpect of his manhood, is not capable of omnipotency and other Divine properties. IX. Concerning Chriſt's deſcending into hell; they ſay, It should not be curiouſly diſputed, but be believed ſimply, that he deſcended into hell, and overcame the power of death and Satan; but when and how, it can not be known in this life. X. concerning Ecleſiaſtical ceremonies which are not commanded nor forbidden in the Worde; they ſay, thoſe are not any part of Divine worship, and may be changed, as the edification of the Church in ſeveral times and places shall require; yet without levity and ſcandal; and in time of perſecution, when a conſtant confeſſion is required, nothing should be yielded unto the enemies of the goſpell, or for their ſake. XI. Concerning eternal predeſtination; firſt they diſtinguish between preſcience and predeſtination; preſcience (ſay they) is common to the eſtate of the godly and ungodly, and is not the cauſe of ſin in any man; but predeſtination or election concerneth the godly only: this can not be ſearched among the hid decrees of God, but in the reveeled word, which teaches, that God hath shut up all men under unbelief, that he might have mercy on all; and willeth not that any man should perish, but rather that all men should repent and believe in Chriſt, neither is any ſaved, but who believe in him, And where it is ſaid, Many are called, but few choſen; it is not to be ſo underſtood, as if God would not have allmen to be ſaved, but to shew, that the cauſe of the damnation of the wicked is their not-hearing or contempt of Gods word. [And they have no mention of reprobation] They have a twelth Head againſt the hereſies p. 310of Anabaptiſts, Arians and Antitrinitarians. This book was the occaſion of an open ſeparation. The next year the Divines of the Palatinate reply under the name of Admonitio Neoſtadiana, confirming the ortho doxe doctrine concerning the Perſon of Chriſt, and the Supper; shewing the falſe imputations of errors; examining the authority and true ſenſe of the Auguſtan Confeſſion; diſcovering the indirect means of penning, and ſeeking ſubſcriptions of that book; and demonſtrating the uniuſt condemnation of the true doctrine. When this book was published, ſome that had ſubſcribed the former book, declared, that they had ſubſcribed with limitations, and not abſolutely, as the book was published; and they recalled their ſubſcriptions; and the contrivers of that book replied under the title Apologia Erfurtenſis. So, much was written pro and con. The points wherein they inſiſt moſt, were the queſtion of the Lord's Supper, the communication of the Divine attributes unto the manhood, and vniverſal grace. Unto thoſe of the Palatinate were joyned the Princes and Miniſters of Anhalt and Naſſaw, the Helvetians, and many Cities of Germany, beſides thoſe of other Nations. Untill this day it is cleare, that thoſe Vbiquitaries inveigh moſt bitterly againſt their adverſaries, and impute many errors unto them falſely: by which two means they a lienate the ſimpler ſort from all reconciliation. This difference occaſioned the compacting of the Harmony of Confeſſions. After that time there were other Conferences between theſe parties: but all in vain.

V. In Conſtantinople the Muffti or highprieſt of the Turks dealt with Troubles in the Greek Church.Amurathes to take all the churches of the city from the Chriſtians. The Greeks, Armenians and other Chriſtian Nations did interceed in the contrary, alledging the liberty that was granted by Mahomet 2. and others his ſucceſſors. The Muffti anſwered, That liberty was granted, when few Turks were in the city; but now when there be ſo many of their own Religion, Chriſtians should have no place within the walls. Two churches were taken from them, and Amurathes turned all his wrath againſt the Patriarch, and cauſed lead him in an iron-chain through the city, and then banished him unto Rhodes. Sundry cauſes were alledged; as that he had cauſed the Chriſtians receive the new Calendare of Rome, to the ſcandal of many; he had pronounced a Sentence of divorcement againſt a Noble Greek, who had made apoſtacy and turned to Mahumet; and when Amurathes was ſending a multitude of Greeks as a Colony unto ſome deſert places, the Patriarch called …t an uniuſt thing. One Pachomius reported this unto Amurathes, and he was made Patriach Da. Chytrae in Saxon. Lib. 27. The Chriſtians at mount Libanus were ſubdued by the Turk in the year. 1585. whereas before they had preſerved their liberty. Caſ. Conſaluus a Luſitanian writes, that the Iſland of Iapan in the Indian ſea is divided into 60. Princedoms; of which Francis of Bungo, Brotaſius of Arimo, Bartholemew of Omuran were becom Chriſtians, and ſent their Ambaſſadors, who after three years journying arrived at Rome, to acknowledge the Pope Gregory 13. a litle before his death. But I will believe it (ſaith Oſiander) when Ieſuits shall leave off to ly.

VI. The year 1584. was ſad unto Belgio. They looked for the returning Sad things in the Netherlands.of Francis Duke of Anjow their Governor from France: But he fell into a dangerous ſicknes: yet in May he recovered ſo far that he went to tilting; and the next day he took a potion, to purge away the dregs of his malady, and died on the morrow. When he ſaw the danger of death, he confeſſed that nothing did more grieve him, as that he had followed p. 311the bad Counſel of wicked men in the adminiſtration of Belgio, and now he could not amend his former errors, as he had intended: But by writing, and by his Counſellers he adviſed his Brother the King to be a Protector of thoſe Lands. He would not admit his Confeſſor, but profeſſed ſorow for his miſcariages, and his faith in the mercy of God throgh JESUS CHRIST the only Mediator; and altogether rejected the Romish rites, as extream unction, &c. Within a month after his death William Prince of Orange was traiterouſly killed in Delff by a Burgundian; who was immediatly apprehended and punished. The ſame year Ghent and Yper and ſome other towns in Flanders (which before were Reformed) were neceſſitat to make agreement with the Duke of Parma; and ſo was Antwerp in Brabant the next year.

VII. In theſe two (now named) years were many ſturres for the Troubles in Riga for the new Calendar.New Calender: I will name one in Riga of Livonia. Steven King of Pole had erected a colledge of Jeſuits there in the year 1581. and he commanded that they should keep Chriſtmes according to the new Style. The people would not be preſent: But when the 24 day of the old Style was come, they entreated the Senate, that they might have Sermon the next day, as before. It was refuſed. Nevertheleſs they aſſembled in the Churches about 8. of the cloke in the morning, and praiſed God, with their pſalms, and the Rector preached in the ſchool unto his Scholares, many people hearing. George Neuner the Miniſter ſtirred up the Burghgrave Nicolaus Eik againſt the Rector, and he ſent for him to come into the court. When the Rector appeared, he was detained there. The word is ſpread through the town, that the Rector and ſome citizens were to be beheaded that night for that preaching. The Conrector Valentin Raſcius and ſome others did ſupplicat the Burghgrave to diſmiſs the Rector, and would have engaged themſelves for his compearance again, when it should be required; and if this be denied, they told, that the people could not be ſtayd from a tumult. Becauſe the Burgrave would not yield, the ſcholares and people break up the court-doores, and took out the Rector whether he would or not: Then they pulled down the houſes firſt of Neuner, then of Eik, and of a Syndic Gothard Welling. The next day they gather again, and complain among themſelves openly what before they had endured with ſilence; that Jeſuits were brought in, the Popish Religion was reſtored, their liberties were taken from them, &c. They ſhut the gates of the town, and call the Senate, to ſhew whether thoſe things were done by their conſent: and then underſtood, that all thoſe things had been done by a few ſeeking the Kings favor and for their privat intereſt. This broil continued fourtien dayes; in the end they agreed to reſtore unto the Burgrave and others all their damages; that there should be an Act of oblivion, and the new Style should ceaſe, &c. When the gates were opened, Eik, Neuner and the others went unto the King with their complaints. He ſent a Cardinal to be Governour of the town, annulled all the Treaty conſiſting of 68. articles, and cauſed a greater ſum of money to be payd unto the plaintifs Chrytrae. ibid.

VIII. The Frenches, who had left their native Land, and dwelt at A conference at Monpelgart.Monpelgart in the Dutchy of Wortembergh, did in the year 1586. ſolicite the Divines there, and then the Duke Frederik, that there might be a publick Conference of the German and French Divines, hoping for ſome union of the above named controverſies. They aſſemble in March: the Duke was preſent all the time. On the one ſide was Iacob Andreae Chancelar p. 312of Tubing, Lucas Oſiander Chappellan of Wurtembergh, and two Civilians from Duke Lewes; and on the other ſide were Theo. Beza and Anton. Fajus from Geneve, Abra. Muſculus and two Civilians from Bern, and Claud. Alberius from Lauſan. Many others were hearers. The Theſes or propoſitions are long and many and the Diſputation was longer; I give the ſum briefly and faithfully. The firſt day, to wit, Marc. 21. the Wurtembergers (according to the order preſcribed) give (in write) Theſes of the Lords Supper, shewing; that all do agree, that all believers eat Chriſts flesh, and drink his blood ſpiritually; all condem the renting of Chriſts flesh with mens teeth; as alſo tranſſubſtantiation, and phyſical or local preſence: So that the only queſtion is, Whether in the Supper the very body and blood of Chriſt be verily and ſubſtantially preſent, and be diſtributed, and be received with the bread and wine by the mouth of all them who receive the Sacrament, whether worthy or unworthy, believers or not believers; yet ſo that the believers only receive confort, and the unbelievers do eat to their own condemnation? We hold the affirmative (ſay they) that is, By thoſe words, IN, with and under the bread, we underſtand nothing, but that they who eat that bread, and drink that wine, do receive Chriſts body and blood with the bread and wine. 2. By the words, Subſtantially, Eſſentially, Really and Orally, we mean no other, but the very eating and preſence of his body and blood. 3. They argue from the trueth of Chriſts words, This is my body, and the almighty power of Chriſt; ſeing his words declare his will, and by his power he can give his body unto all receivers. 4. The manner, how the worthy and unworthy receive Chriſts body, is not expreſſed in the Scripture, and we ſay, It is ſupernaturall and incomprehenſible by the wit of men, and should not be diſputed nor ſearched curiouſly. Theſe theſes were given unto Beza, as it was appointed; and the next day he brought his anſwer, and propoſitions: The ſum is; A Sacrament in the ſtrict ſenſe, is a ſenſible thing appointed (by Divine inſtitution) to be ſeparated from common uſe to ſignify ſpiritual and holy things; and this ſignification conſiſts not in a bare repreſentation, whereby the mind is admonish'd to conceive the thing ſignified (this is the uſe of pictures) but on Gods part, with the ſigns is alſo a very giving of thoſe things, which are ſignified and offered unto our ſouls, 2. We teach, that according to Chriſt's inſtitution, by the bread is ſignified Chriſts body; by the wine, his blood; by breaking the bread and powring out of the wine are ſignified thoſe grievous torments, which He ſuffered for us in his body and ſoul: by outward giving the bread and wine, the ſpiritual giving the things ſignified, by Chriſt unto our ſouls; by outward taking the ſignes is ſignified the ſpiritual receiving of Chriſt by faith Sacramentaly and truly: For He hath commanded not only what things are to be uſed, but alſo what we should do. 3. The Sacramental union of the ſignes and things ſignified conſiſts in a mutual relation, as is now ſaid: for the verity of Chriſts body (which is local and circumſcribed both before and after his glorification) can not conſiſt otherwiſe: Again many paſſages of Scripture, that ſhew the true and phyſical aſcending of Chriſt from the earth, and his returning from heaven unto judgement, do confute the doctrine of conſubſtantiation; Thirdly that Paul ſaith, We are abſent from the Lord, and, We deſire to be with him; Laſtly, this was the continual conſent of the Church, concerning the true abſence of Chriſts flesh from us, and the continual circumſcription of his body, not on the earth, but in heaven: which can not conſiſt with any p. 313other conjunction but this relative. 4. When the word Sacrament is taken in a more large ſenſe, it conſiſts of two things, one earthly, and another heavenly: We teach that earthly things are received by earthly inſtruments, to wit, the hand and mouth; but the heavenly things are apprehended only ſpiritually by faith: becauſe albeit Chriſts body is a truly organical body, yet analogy requires, that ſuch as the nurishment and end thereof is, ſuch alſo muſt be the manner of receiving it: but the nurishment and end thereof is ſpiritual, that is, they concern our ſpiritual union with Chriſt, and eternal life through him: therefore the manner of receiving thoſe muſt alſo be ſpiritual, by the proper inſtrument of the ſoul, which is faith: and therefore ſeing the bodily receiving of the ſignes is a pledge of the ſpiritual receiving, theſe words, eat, and drink, as they are properly ſpoken of receiving the ſignes, ſo are they ſpoken figuratively of the thing ſignified, to wit, by aſacramental metony my, whereby that which agreeth unto the ſignes, is ſpoken of the things ſignified; and ſo both thoſe receivings can not be by the mouth. Again if the ſubſtance of Chriſts body were received bodily, it should remain in the faithfull at leaſt, and they should become the ſubſtantial or bodily members of Chriſt, and ſo the Church were not his myſtical body, but a body verily and ſubſtantialy conſiſting of the ſubſtance of His body, and of the bodies of all believers. 5. The proper effect of the Supper is the ſaluation of the worthy communcants by confirming their ſpiritual vnion in Chriſt; and another effect (but by accident) is the condemnation of them who come unworthily, that is, ignorant of this myſtery, or meerly incredulous and without repentance; and this condemnation proceeds not from the Supper, but from the unworthy vſing of it. Then unto the queſtion, as it was propounded, Beza anſwered negatiuely; not denying that the body of Chriſt is truly offered unto all that come, but to be received by faith, and not by the mouth: and therefore albeit the wholl ſacrament be tendered unto all that come, yet unbelievers receive only the ſignes, and they are guilty of Chriſts body and blood, not which they have received, but which they contemned. Unto the two arguments he anſwered, We deny not the truth of Chriſts words, but we expound them according to the analogy of faith contained in the Creed: unto which faith conſubſtantiation is contrary; and albeit Chriſt, as he is God, is almighty, yet his manhood is not almighty; and as he is God, he can not do what he hath not decreed to do, or what is contrary unto his decree; not becauſe he is not almighty, but becauſe to change his will, and ſo to be mutable, is not a power, but an infirmity: But God hath ordained, that Chriſts body should be local and circumſcribed &c. On this article the diſputation continued three dayes, the one preſſing the truth of the words, This is my body; and Beza urging the analogy of the faith, and the like phraſe of other ſacraments. Neither of the two would yield: and then they paſſed unto the article of the perſon of Chriſt. Firſt the Wurtembergers ſay, both agree, that the Sone of God hath aſſumed the nature of man, and became like unto us in all things, excep ſin; that he hath aſſumed this nature into the unity of his perſon; and he is one perſon, ſo that the two natures are moſt ſtrictly united, not by confuſion or commiſtion, or abſorption or tranſmutatio… of either of theſe natures before nor after his aſcenſion: for unto the perfect perſon of the Mediator both natures are required; neither can the properties of the one nature be the properties of the other: for then would follow an abolition of one of theſe natures: alſo the properties of the humane nature are the p. 314gifts that were given unto him without meaſure, by which he excelleth all men and Angels; In the perſon of Chriſt is a communication of properties whereby the properties of both natures are ſpoken of his perſon, and the properties of the one nature are given unto the other, by that docttine which is called doctrina idiomatum; and ſo when it is ſaid. The Son of God communicates his properties unto the aſſumed nature, to wit, his omnipotence or omnipreſence, it is not underſtood as if he powred into the aſſumed nature (as a thing is powred from a veſſell into another) his properties, as if humane nature by itſeif, or of itſelf or conſidered in abstracto without his perſon, had proper omnipotency; neither may we think that his humane nature is made an infinite ſubſtance or uncircumſcribed, or extended unto all places, or is every where in ſuch a manner, as God is every where; When we ſpeak of the real communication of properties, we mean not that one nature paſſeth into another, but we oppoſe real unto verbal communication, which makes only names common unto the natures; Then the queſtion is, Whether for the perſonal vnion there be a real or a very and true communication of properties between the two natures in his perſon, or that the one nature communicates its properties unto the other? and how far this communication is extended? We believe, that upon the perſonal vnion followes ſo reall a communication of properties, whereby the Son of God communicates unto the aſſumed nature his omnipotence, omnipreſence, omniſcience, power of quickning, &c. by which communication the Godhead becomes not weaker, but his humane nature is exalted; and not abolished; as is the union of the body and ſoul, and of the fire and iron: the body lives verily, but by vertue of the ſoul, and the iron burneth but by vertue of the fire, neither is any of them turned into another; therefore we believe that becauſe of this perſonal union, Chriſt according to his manhood is almighty, or (which is all one) the humane nature of Chriſt is almighty: For the Scripture gives unto him, even as he is man, all power, which is no other thing but omnipotency, and in teſtimony of this he gave ſight unto the blind........We believe that Chriſt in his manhood (now in the eſtate of glory and Majeſty) perfectly knowes all things that have been or shall bee: For the Spirit was given him not in meaſure.....but where it is ſaid, he knew not the day of judgement, it is not meant ſimply of his manhood, but of the form of a ſervant, which afterwards he layd aſide; The Scriptures alſo bear witnes that Chriſt in his humanity is preſent with all creatures, eſpecially with his Church, Beloved, I am with yow untill....but the manner of this preſence is not expreſt: and ſo we believe not that he is locally or phyſically, but ſupernaturaly with all his creatures: how this is, in true humility we confeſs that we are ignorant; We believe alſo, that in his flesh he hath the power of quickening, as he ſaid I am the bread of life, and he had this majeſty of omnipotency, and of.....as he is man (becauſe of the perſonal vnion) even in the wombe of his mother, but he shew it not then: after he was born, he shew it in miracles ſo oft as it was needfull, and ſo far as the reſpect of his office and calling did require: for he was then in form of a ſervant, and had abaſed himſelf, that he might ſuffer: But the exinanition, or form of a ſervant, which was but for a time, derogates nothing from his Majeſty, into which he entred fully, when he went up to heaven, and ſate at the right hand of God: this right hand is the Majeſty of Chriſt reigning praeſenter according to both natures both in heaven and earth: this is to ſit at the right hand of God; And this our Mediator p. 315is to be adored with all religious worship according to both natures: for we have not two Chriſts, whereof the one should be worshipped, and not the other: but of wholl Chriſt it is ſaid, Let all the Angels worship him. On the morow Beza anſwered thus▪ There is ambiguity in the word communication: it ſignifieth the perſonal union, and alſo the effects of it; We believe a real communication, that is, an union of natures: in which union both natures remain diſtinct, both in their own properties: and therefore that communication, whereby his humane nature is ſaid to be every where and almighty, is not ſo much as verbal, but is as falſe, as if yow would ſay, His humanity is become his Deity; Although all the properties of the Deity may be attributed unto Chriſt-man, that is, unto his perſon even named by his manhood, or in concreto, as we ſay, The man Chriſt is almighty and eternal; but neither may the natures be ſpoken one of another, neither the properties of the one be given unto the other: for this is a ſure rule, In the perſonal vnion both natures remain diſtinct, and they both diſtinctly do what is proper unto them: So the Word is diſtinctly that which the worde is, as the flesh remaines diſtinctly the flesh; Briefly as are two natures in Chriſt, diſtinct in number, and not ſeparated one from the other, ſo there are two wills, and two workings or operations, but one work, as there is but one perſon: Neither can that ſaying of Athanaſius be otherwiſe underſtood, It pleaſed the Worde to shew his Divine nature by that flesh, in it, and with it; As for the alledged places of Scripture, thoſe concerning the power and authority of Chriſt, are impertinently brought, becauſe his power or authority should be reckoned amongſt the gifts beſtowed on his flesh: And ſo thoſe places concerning his omnipotency and omnipreſence, muſt be underſtood of his perſon or Deity, and not of his manhood. To this purpoſe he cited ſome teſtimonies, as of Tertullian, Wee ſee a twofold eſtate, not confounded but united in one perſon God-man, and the properties of both natures are ſo ſafe, that the Spirit or Deity shewes his own things in him, that is, his virtue, works and ſignes; and the flesh exerciſeth its paſſions, being hungry when with Satan, and thirſty with the woman of Samaria: As for that power of vinification; we deny not, that the flesh of Chriſt hath that power, but not in that ſenſe, as yee take it: for the flesh is vivificative, not with that virtue, which is proper unto the Deity (that is not communicable) but firſt becauſe in this flesh Chriſt hath abolish'd death for us, having fulfilled all things that were required to acquire eternal life unto us; and then becauſe by means of this flesh being communicated ſpiritually unto us by faith, we receive life from Chriſt God-man: It's manifeſt, that thoſe gifts which were powred on the flesh of Chriſt were not at one inſtant perfectly beſtow'd on his ſoul and body, becauſe he is ſaid, to have grown as in ſtature, ſo in knowledge and grace, and he was verily ſubject unto all our infirmities (excep ſin) in time of his humiliation: and ſo after his aſcenſion he began not the uſe and declaration, but the conſummation of his power and glory: The form of a ſervant, and the exinanition ſignify not both one thing, as yee ſuppoſe; but by the form of a ſervant, we underſtand his very humanity, according to which he ever was, is and shall be inferior to himſelf the Word, and by which he is of the ſame nature with us, though he hath laid aſide all our infirmities, when the work of our redemption was finished: but among thoſe infirmities circumſcription is not to be numbred; or elſe when he ſhall come in a bodily circumſcribed ſubſtance, he were not then moſt glorious, but baſe having reſumed that infirmity: We profeſs p. 316alſo that Chriſt reigneth now, and hath all power both in heaven and earth according to both natures; but not praeſenter in reſpect of his flesh: for now (as the Apoſtle ſaith) we are ſtrangers from Chriſt; and he deſired to be out of the body, that he might be with Chriſt; And it is ſaid, He will come again, to wit, viſibly and bodily. Laſtly in that one adoration of our one and only Mediator according to both natures, we divide not the perſon, but we diſtinguish the natures: for the Worde is the true and abſolute object of our adoration, and adoration is due unto God only: but we exclude not that flesh from our adoration, leſt we divid his perſon with Neſtorius; yet ſo that we worship that flesh not in itſelf, but reſpectively as it is the flesh of the Sone of God: to this purpoſe he brought a teſtimony of Cyrill, and the eight anathematiſm of the Councell at Chalcedon. They diſputed on this article other three dayes: but no agreement. March. 27. the Wurtembergers gave their propoſitions of Popish churches; images, and organes in churches. They agreed, that theſe are in themſelves indifferent, if the abuſes be shunned. Then they gave theſes of baptiſm, where the queſtion was, Whether baptiſm is the laver of regeneration in the holy▪ Spirit? or whether it be only a ſigne ſignifying and ſealing adoption? The VVurtembergers ſaid; It not only ſignifieth and ſealeth adoption, but is the very laver of regeneration, becauſe it is ſaid, He washes his Church by the laver of water, and, Unleſs a man be born again....and they condem theſe propoſitions, The grace of the holy Ghoſt is not tied unto the ſacraments; The ſacraments are appointed only to confirm Gods favor toward us; Regeneration or ſalvation depends not abſolutly on baptiſm: It is an improper ſpeech, Baptiſm washes away ſin; In the elect only is the virtue of baptiſm; All infants that are baptized, are not partakers of the grace of Chriſt, or regenerated; It is unlawfull, that women do baptize, even in caſe of neceſſity. Beza gave his anſwer in writ: the ſum is, The ſacraments are not bare ſignes, but the efficacy of the Holy Spirit should be diſtinguished from the power of the water, as they are diſtinguished by John in Matth. 3. and by Pet. 1. Ep. 3. and of the whole miniſtery it is ſaid, He who planteth or watereth is nothing: And he declares the words of the inſtitution, and the effects of baptiſm. In the diſpute Jacob Andreae held that there is but one washing, becauſe Paul ſaith, one baptiſm. Beza ſaid, There is an outward, and an inward washing; and he rebuked the Wurtembergers, that they do not call the blood of Chriſt the thing ſignified in baptiſm. Do. Jacob anſwered, A ſacrament is ſuch as the word deſcribes it: but neither Chriſt nor Paul ſpeaking of baptiſm, make any mention of blood. They asked, Whether infants have faith? Beza denied, and the other affirmed it. They queſtioned, Whether the elect being ſanctified may loſe faith? Beza denyed; and the other put it off unto the article of predeſtination. They asked▪ What hope may parents have of their baptiſed children? Beza ſaid, All should hope well, but we are not Prophets, to foretell, that this or that child shall be a good or bad man. Concerning women's baptiſm Th. Beza ſaid, There can be no ſuch neceſſity, for which the Divine ordinance of the Miniſtry should be trangreſſed. Iacob ſaid, As a woman may confort a man in time of neceſſity. Beza replied, There is another conſideration of exhorting and conforting one another; and, not the want, but the contempt of the ſacrament doth condemn. Neither in this point did they agree. Concerning predeſtination the Wurtembergers ſaid, God from all eternity not only foreſaw the fall of man, but hath alſo p. 317foreknown and choſen them that shall be ſaved, and hath appointed them unto ſalvation, that is that they should be ſaved by Chriſt: for the election was made in Chriſt; The number of them who shall be ſafed, is certain with God; So the queſtion remains (ſay they) whether God hath predeſtinate his elect unto life, ſo that he in his hid and abſolut judgement hath appointed certain men, yea the moſt part of men unto eternal damnation, that he will not have them to repent nor be converted and ſaved? We believe that ſuch decree can not be shewd by Scripture, that without reſpect of their unworthineſs, but at the meer pleaſure of his will he hath appointed any man, far leſs the greateſt part of men unto everlaſting damnation, or that he will not have them to repent: Becauſe whatſoever is written is written....that we through patience and conſolation might have hope; and, God will have all men to be ſaved......They reiect theſe propoſitions, Reprobation is the moſt wiſe purpoſe of God, whereby from all eternity he hath conſtantly decreed without all unrighteouſneſs, not to shew love on them whom he hath not loved, that in juſtly condemning them he might declare his wrath againſt ſin, and shew his glory; The cauſe of the decree of election or reprobation, is his eternal favour toward them who at his pleaſure are appointed unto ſalvation, and his eternal hatred of ill, ordaining whom he pleaſed unto damnation: but wherefore he hath appointed theſe men rather then thoſe unto ſalvation or damnation, there is no other impulſive cauſe but his will; God willeth not that thoſe who are appointed to damnation should be ſaved, or that the death of his Sone be available unto them. Beza anſwered thus; What yee deny, that the veſſels of wraith, alſwel as the veſſels of mercy were ordained from eternity, Wee do affirm; not only becauſe there is alike reaſon of contraries, and the very word Election proveth it, but alſo it is declared by the expreſs word of God Rom. 9. 11. And this is ſo far from any ground, that man can challenge God of unrighteouſneſs, that He were not unjuſt though he had condemned all men, ſeeing we all are the children of wraith, and he is debter to none; Wee ſay further, that their condemnation, who in the eternall decree are left in their corruption, is not rightly attributed unto this decree: For albeit that which God hath decreed, can not miſs; but shall come to paſs, and ſo they who perish do not perish without this decree, yet the cauſe of the execution or of their condemnation, is not that decree of God, but their natural corruption and the fruits of it, from which it pleaſed God to exeem them only, whom he hath choſen to ſalvation; That there ever was and is a great number of them who perish, the matter it ſelf shewes, and Chriſt ſaith, Many are called; and few choſen; and, Few enter in at the ſtrait gate; Laſtly that God will not have them to be converted and ſaved, it's not to be underſtood, as if they were willing, and God reſiſteth their deſire; but that they will not be converted, nor can they will, being forſaken of God, and left in impenitency. He anſwered alſo to the obiections: but I will not repeat them here. In this diſpute they come to that queſtion, Whether Chriſt died for all men? even for the ſins of the damned? Iacob held the affirmative, and Beza the negative. When th…y both repeated the ſame arguments and anſwers, Prince Frederik thought it expedient to cloſe, ſeeing no appearance of agreement: he exhorted them to give one to another the hand of fraternity, and to abſtain from bitter writings, untill God shall give them more cauſe of peace. Jacob anſwered, Seeing thoſe have accuſed us of horrible errors, we can not conceive, how we can acknowledge them p. 318as brethren; as for invectives, we approve them not, but we will oppugne their errors. Beza ſaid, Seeing yee refuſe us, to give us the right hand of fraternity, neither acknowledge us as brethren, wee do not regard your hand of friendship. So the Conference was ended March. 29. Lu. Oſian. Cent. 16. lib. 4.

IX. In February An. 1589. Piſtorius a Papiſt in Baden vanted, that he The conference at Baden.would confound all the Lutheran Divines and convince them by the Scriptures only, and by the ſame ground maintain the Roman Religion. No other Papiſt had attempted ſo much before. But when James Marques of Baden had obtained from Lewes Duke of Wurtembergh, ſome of the Divines there, should come unto a Conference, Piſtorius shifted from day to day untill November. Then the Marques, and Frederik Duke of Mompelgart with conſent of both parties ſet down the order and conditions of the diſpute, and eſpecially to handle in the firſt place the queſtion, Whether the Lutheran or the Roman be the Catholik Church? Both parties gave their Theſes concerning that: but in all the four Seſſions Piſtorius brought not one argument from the Scriptures: he inſiſted only in diſcuſſing the ambiguity of words, and ſought to find captious ſophiſms: at laſt againſt the will of the Noble men and of his adverſary party he break off the Conference: neither was any thing remarkable in that diſpute, ſaith Oſiander Lib. Cit. but their Theſes may be deſired. Piſtorius ſaid, The Church ever was, is, and shall be conſpicuous, ſo that it can never be extinguisht, nor obſcured, nor lurk, nor be ſilent. Though the notes of the Church be four, to wit, unity, holineſs, perpetuity and univerſality; yet all may be reduced into one: for vniver ſality is the abſolute note of the Church; As error can not be the ſigne of the falſe Church, ſo purity of the word and ſacraments whether in whole or in part can not be the mark of the true Church, becauſe purity depends on the Church, rather then it upon purity, and purity is known better by the Scripture. On the other ſide the above named Iacob Andreae ſaid, The Church on earth is one in all times and places; and the Scripture shewes clearly, that the Church hath not one and alike face in all ages and places: for it had one face in the dayes of the Apoſtles, when she was moſt pure, becauſe by faith she kept the doctrine of Chriſt, albeit her chaſtity was even then tempted by falſe teachers: and she had another face, when she was governed by the Fathers the ſucceſſors of the Apoſtles: for by lapſe of time ſome errors creept-in, as the Apoſtles had foretold. The third and moſt miſerable face was under Antichriſt: of which eſtate Chriſt and his Apoſtles had forewarned diligently: then was the Church ſo deformed, that she could ſcarcely be known, as the Prophet ſaid of the Jewish Church, How is the faithfull city become an harlot...neuertheleſs even then the Lord had his 7000. who had not defiled them ſelves with idolatry; And becauſe before the glorious coming of the Lord, the Holy Ghoſt hath foretold, that the man of ſin shall be reveeled, and killed in the hearts of many men, he foretelleth another and a fourth face of the Church, which is anſwerable unto the firſt in time of the Apoſtles; And albeit Satan will by fanaticall ſpirits defile her no leſs them he did at the firſt, and the number of the elect shall be ſmall, as Chriſt ſaith, When the ſon of man shall come, shall he find faith on the earth? nevertheleſs the true Church shall continue in deſpite of al the craft of Satan untill the laſt judgement-day; It is ſufficient to prove the true Church to be Catholik now (whether a particulare or uniuerſal) if it be demonſtred oy the p. 319Prophets and Apoſtles or by their writings, that she is conform in doctrine unto her which was in the dayes of the Apoſtles; Neither is the purity of doctrine and Sacraments better known by the Church, then the Church is known by the doctrin and ſacraments: for the Church depends on the word and Sacraments, but the purity of doctrin and Sacraments depends on God only and his reveeled will, even albeit all the world forſakeit & & ſpeak againſt it, as it is written, All men are liars, but God is true, &c.

X. At Kracow An 1591. on the Aſcenſion-day, the Popish party, eſpecialthe Troubles in Poland.Students being ſtirred up by their Maſters the Ieſuits, began with a huge tumult to pull down the houſes, wherein the reformed were wont to aſſemble. The King Sigiſmund and the Nobility being in the town, ſent ſome of the Guard to hinder them, and ſtayd them for a time: nevertheleſs at midnight thoſe did gather again, and burnt the houſes wholly. The Nobility of the neareſt Provinces called this a beginning of the Maſſacre of Paris, and fearing greater danger, did meet in Chimiolinſcia: they reſolve firſt to ſend unto the king, and excuſe them ſelves, that they had aſſembled without his knowledge; and to shew, that their main b…ſineſs was to Provide for his ſafty and honor agnaiſt the like tumults; and that they intend to have a more frequent meeting September 23. in Radom where the Nobility of Lithvania profeſſing the goſpell will be preſent; and to ſupplicat that the churches might be reſtored unto the Reformed in Cracow; and that a Parliament might be called, to eſtablish peace of religion: The King shew his diſpleaſure, for that they had aſſembled without his knowledge; ſeing he had al ready promiſed unto the Meſſingers of Sendomiria and Cracow, that he would vſe all the means of Peace, and to punish the authors and chief actors of that tumult. and he diſchargeth that other meeting: he gave them liberty to rebuild the churches. In the year 1595. was a more frequent covenntion of the Reformed (or Euangelici, as they The agree ment of the Reſormed therecalled them ſelves) at Torun in Auguſt: there were two Palatini, the Deputies of five others, two Caſtellani, and many Nobles of Poland and Lithuania, and fourty four Divines. After prayer they chooſed Swietoſlaus Otzelſci to be preſident, a Marshal and Scribes. Otzelſci declared the cauſes of their aſſembly, 1. to adviſe how to preſerve a conſent in doctrine, as it had been agreed by their fathers in Sendemiria: And 2. becauſe they are obnoxious unto the malice and violence of adverſaries, to conſult how to preſerve peace of religion, as both preſent King and the former Kings haveſworn to continue it. When this was propounded, the Deputies of the abſent Palatini, as alſo of the Senators of Volhinia, Ruſſia, Podolia and Podlaſsia declared the excuſes of their Authors, and their deſire of the ſame particulares. A Meſſinger in the Kings name forbids them to ſit any more. They anſwer, They intend nothing againſt the King nor Kingdom nor the lawes or conſtitutions there of, but only to adviſe upon their own grievances, and to maketheir addreſſes unto his Ma…. to ſupplicat his protection. Then the Meſſinger threatned the town, that they had received theſe men. It was anſwered, The town is patent unto Jewes and heathens, and far leſs could thoſe noble men he hindered to enter. But a Meſſinger of the b. of Cujaw ſpoke more menacingly, and ſaid, It was his Priviledge, to preſerve Religion, to call and moderate Synods. They anſwerd, Albeit the bishop hath no juriſdiction over them, neither are they obliged to giuegive him account of their actions; nevertheleſs to ſatiſfy his curioſity, they declare this to be the cauſe of their meeting, 1. that if any difference were among thoſe of their Confeſſion, either in doctrine p. 320or in diſorderlineſs of manners, it may be compoſed orderly, and ſo they might continue peace among themſelves, as we find in the Acts that the Apoſtles had their meetings upon the like occaſions. 2. Becauſe they had ſuffered moſt grievous injuries from their adverſaries, by burning their churches, killing ſome, and moſt shamefully drawing others out of their graves, they had aſſembled to bewail their calamities and to adviſe upon a way of peace and ſavety hereafter: but it ſeemes, that the prieſts would not ſuffer them to bemoan their miſeries: And if the Bishop pleaſeth, he may come into the town with as many as he willeth, as for them: they will not medle with his conſulations. When theſe Meſſages were done, they conſulted upon theſe propoſitions: and firſt they all did ſubſcribe the conſent of doctrine, as it was done at Sendomiria: and becauſe heretofore they had followed different forms of confeſſion, ſome the Auguſtan, ſome the Bohemian, and others the Helvetian, now to remove all differences, and namely, that of the ſacrament, they vnanimouſly agree to teach heerafteraccording to the Auguſtan confeſſion, which was written in the year 1552. and if any manshall write, teach or ſpeak other wiſe, or accuſe any or embracing this conſent, he shall not be accounted as a brother of the Polonian Church. Then they did accorde upon ſome articles of Churchdiſcipline, and to erect a publick School by contribution of the Nobility. 2. They ſent two Palatini of Minsk and Leſzink with others, to repreſent unto the King, how their churches were demolished in Cracow, Poſnania and Vilna: many dead were pulled out of their graves, and ſome Noble men were shutt at poſts: they name Bonar, and a Lady Zeczulmuzka: and that the Jeſuits do inſtruct the people in the villages to kill their Maſters of the Evangelical profeſſion, promiſing unto them not only immunity: but large rewards: yea, they entice the women to murder their own husbands: and to ſupplicat his Majeſty, that he would protect his faithfull ſervants and ſubjects; provide for common peace of religion according to his coronation-oath, and not ſuffer himſelf to be deceived by thoſe ſtrangers (the Ieſuits) who are banished out of France, and diſturb other Nations. Dau. Chytrae. in Chronic. Saxonic. Oſiander addeth, Theſe Meſſingers received not a gracious anſwer. This King Sigiſmund married the ſiſter of Ferdinand Duke of Auſtria, and after her death he married her ſiſter, by diſpenſation of the Pope.

XII. Here is a Letter ſent by the Emperour Rodolph unto Theodor A letter shewing the condition of ſeveral Nations at that time.geat Duke of Moſcove in the year 1595. hinting at the eſtate of the moſt part of Europe at that time. His preface is that he had heard read unto him with great joy the Duk's Letters ſent by his Embaſſador Michael Juvanouviz by which as alſo by the report of his Ambaſſador he underſtood his good will, in ſending with a Chriſtian and laudable zeal his gifts and aid againſt the Turk the common enemy of Chriſtian name and blood, and in promiſing unto him (the Emp.) and the Chriſtian world his beſt furtherance and offices: Which is not only acceptable unto himſelf, but shall alſo be unto his honor and praiſe through the Chriſtian world, and a laudable precedent unto other Princes; as alſo himſelf and all the houſe of Auſtria shall declare their offices of thankfulnes and courteſy unto him and his friends upon all occaſions, that the brotherly alliance continued from their fore fathers may be known unto all Nations; As for the confederacion amongſt the chief Princes of the Chriſtian world, he hath not failed in his diligence to the uttermoſt: but hithertills he could prevail nothing with the Pope and King of Spain, becauſe they are far diſtant, and the Pope p. 321being but lately advanced, is taken up with manifold cares for the diſtreſſed Church; and in the mean while doth aid Ceſar wi…h men and money and declares a great zeal againſt the common enemy, as alſo he hath ſent a Legate into Moſcove for that effect: but the King of Spain being antient and infirm, hath ſuch buſineſs not only with his rebellious ſubjects, but with France and England, in every place; that he muſt be ſpared, and nevertheleſs he hath declared heretofore his good will unto us, and hath helped with a great ſum of money; And when I shall underſtand, that he recovereth health, I shall not be ſlack to plead this cauſe by our Ambaſſadors both there and at Rome, untill we obtain ſome aſſurance from them both: Of which we have reſolved to acquaint your Brotherhood by our Ambaſſador, as alſo of the ſucceſs of the Chriſtian Army, eſpecially when the Lord of hoſts shall give us more victories. In the mean while we think it neceſſary to know of the condition of the King of Perſia, and how we may deal with him, before we ſend any unto him; howbeit it is moſt certain that it greatly concerneth all Chriſtendom, to have the Perſians our friends: wherefore we entreat friendly, that your Brotherh. would continue mutuall friendship with them, and cherish their affection towards us; Whereas your Brotherh. hath endeavoured to raiſe the Tatars againſt the Turks howbeit you have not prevailed, yet we thank you kindely, entreating alſo brotherly, to perſevere in that good purpoſe with them ſo far as you can: yet we have heard, that many Tatars are entred into Valachia, whom we muſt do what we can, to reſiſt. As for the Treaty of peace begun with the Swede, we have our Ambaſſador Mincowitz there of a long time, untill it be brought to an end, as alſo we have commanded Warkutzy to repair thether, when he shall expede his buſineſs: By whom your Brotherh. may underſtande; that we have done diligently in that cauſe, as alſo we promiſe with a brotherly mind unto your Brotherhood that we shall do our endeavour at all occaſions and times, and in whatſoever other affaires; and whatſoeveur can be ſought of us as a faithfull brother, you may expect. Wee pray God to keep your Brotherh. in …avety unto us and all Chriſtendom; whom we love with all brotherly faithfulnes and loving-kindneſs. Given at Pragve Septemb. 22. 1595. At that time the Emperour intending to ſend Maxinilian Duke of Auſtria General of his Army againſt the Turk, did conſult of an expert Lieutennant to go with him: he was adviſed to employ Alfonſo Duke of Ferraria, who thretty years before had been a Commander in Hungary under Maximilian, and then (notwithſtanding his old age) was willing to aid Chriſtendom in ſo great neceſſity and becauſe he had no children, he would provide his inheritance unto his couſin Caeſar Eſtenſis, and beſought the Pope to declare him his heir, if it shall happen that he shall not return; and for this he profered unto the Pope ſome thouſand Ducats of gould. But pope Clemens VIII. could not be moved by prayer nor reward, to grant this, and ſo through his fault the old Duke left that expedition. Da. Chytra. in Chron. Saxon. par. 5. Nevertheleſs the Emperour ſent his Army againſt the Turk in Hungary: they did not good neither that year nor the next. and in the year 1598. by means of the Cham of Tatary was a Treaty of peace between the Emperour and the Turks: the articles that were demanded were ſo high on both ſides, that their treating was in vain. Then was great fear amongſt the Chriſtians, untill God gave then ſome ſpace of breathing, by raiſing up ſome Baſſa's againſt their own Maſter, and (as ſomtimes amongſt the Midianites Iudg. 7.) the Tatars in the Turkish Army fell into variance p. 322with their confederats, and fought moſt cruelly one againſt another in the year 1599.

XII. In year 1600. Tiber overflowed his banks to the great damage of Rome in time of the Iubilee: the Pope ſent a prieſt Mon…orius to ſay ſome prayers, and to give an Hoſty (called) Agnus Dei unto the River: but the river would not accept ſuch ſacrifices. The ſame year the Jeſuits perſuaded Ferdinand Duke of Auſtria, to expell all the Miniſters out of Styria: and the people that would not return to their old idolatry were perſecuted, ſome were impriſoned, and ſome leaving their lands went away with their families into other contreyes. Then all the churches were thrown down, that the Proteſtants had built, and many graves were opened in diſpite of the dead people. Before that time had been peace among the Germans; notwithſtanding the difference of religion: but theſe firebrands kindled a new perſecution, and perſuaded the Magiſtrats to oppreſs their ſubiects. But God made the Turks to punish the Duke Ferdinand, ſo that he loſed more another way. Oſiand. Cent. 16. Lib. 4. Cap. 54.

XIII. It may pleaſe ſome to read a ſtory which Nic. Hemingius hath in VVhere the Chriſtians vvere before the Reformation.the end of his catechiſm: his laſt queſtion is, If we should think ſo of the Popish Maſſe, it ſeems that for many years the Lords Supper hath not been rightly adminiſtred in the world, Ans. So do the Papiſts obiect, but they are deceived, whill they ſay that the Supper was not uſed, if not with them: for they shut up the Church in too narrow bounds, ſeeing it is ſpread through, as Chriſt witneſſeth, and I oppoſe his alone teſtimony unto all Prieſts and devils. But if you ask, Where was the Church without the juriſdiction of the Pope? I anſwer, There were many godly people in the outward ſociety of the Romaniſts, who albeit they were deprived of the uſe of the Supper, yet they under ſtood rightly the foundations of religion, and the articles of faith (here he might have ſaid that they received the ſacrament with a true faith, as he had ſpoken before of Bernard, and certainly many were ſuch.) Likewiſe in Turcia, Arabia, Perſia, and in Egypt The forme of the Chriſtian Religion in Egypt.there were even from the time of the Apoſtles, and tooday are Churches, albeit under grievous tyranny, as Gods people ſometime were in Egypt. But leſt you think, that I ſpeak amiſs, I will shew you the deſcription of the Supper and liturgy, as it is tooday in Arabia and Egypt, where Chriſtians are. Three years agoe (The book was written, Hafniae December 4. 1560. in Praefat. an antient and grave man, Demetrius by name, and Theſſalonian by nation, being ſent by the Patriarch of Conſtantinople, told me many things of the religion of the Chriſtians liuing among the Turks, and becauſe he had lived ten years in Cairo that famous city of Egypt, which is alſo called Miſrim, he declared unto mee the rites of the Church there, being tranſlated out of the Arabik: the narration whereof I have diſtinguished thus: 1. The Chriſtians in Cairo have many churches (all marked with a half moon which is the Turkish badge) but without bells [they are called by the cry of a man unto their religion] and without idols, excep that they have hiſtorical pictures out of the old and new Teſtament upon the wals of the churches. 2. The Paſtor of Antioch is their Patriarch, who, that he may be known to be Patriarch, hath a broad bonnet [with a red croſs in the midſt] on his head, as the badge of his office. 3. Four times yearly, to wit, the day of the Lords nativity, the day of reſurrection, the day of Pentecoſt, and Auguſt 15,. all Chriſtians, that are there, do communicat of both elements: there is no difference of laiks p. 323and prieſts, but the ſame myſteries are given unto them both. 4. The celebration of the Maſſe is in this manner; The prieſt puts-on alba & pallium, after our manner almoſt, excep that he had four red croſſes upon his prieſtly veſture, one on his right arm, another upon his left arm, a third upon his breſt, and the fourth upon his back, that howſoever he turn, the badge of Chriſt the high prieſt may be ſeen. 5. The prieſt being ſo cloathed in the veſtiary, comes forth, and turning unto the people, he ſaith with a lowd voice, that he may be heard by all that are preſent, Bleſſed be the Kingdom of the Father, and of the Sone, and of the holy Ghoſt, both ever and unto all ages of ages: and all the people anſwereth, Amen. 6. After this confeſſion he ſubjoineth a prayer unto the holy Trinity and all the people anſwereth, Amen. 7. When the prayer is ended, the the people ſing, Holy Father, holy Mighty, holy Immortal; have mercy on us, 8. After this ſong they read out of the writings of the Apoſtles, firſt in Greek, then in Arabik, becauſe many Chriſtians, that are there, have come from Arabia. 9. They ſing, Hallelujah. 10. The Goſpel is read in Greek, and then in Arabik. 11. When the Goſpel is ended, all the people ſing the ſong, which they call Cherubim. 12. When that ſong is ended, the chief Miniſter hath a Sermon, for an hour almoſt: for the Sermon is never beyond one hour. 13. When the Sermon is ended, the words of the Supper are rehearſed out of the pulpit, and that upon the four feſtivals as I ſaid before at the third number. 14. Then coming from the pulpite unto the table, which is placed in the miſt of the Church, the prieſt directing his face toward the people ſaith, Every good gift and perfect donation deſcends from above, from the Father of lights. 15. The prieſt diſtributing the Sacrament of the Supper, ſpeaketh unto every one of the communicants in theſe words, Receive thou grace from the Lord, and mercy from God our Saviour. 16. Unto theſe words, he who receives the myſteries of the holy Supper, anſwereth, Son of God, make me partaker to day of thy myſtical Supper: I shall never deny thee: I shall not kiſs thee as Judas did, but as the thief I will confeſs thee: remember mee, Lord, in thy Kingdom. 17. They ſing not in time of communicating, but al the ſpectators do meditate on theſe holy myſteries with ſingular devotion. 18. When the communion is finished, is a thankſgiving and a prayer: then the prieſt turning toward the people, bleſſeth them in this manner, The bleſſing of the Lord be upon you. And all the people ſay, Amen. Demetrius told mee thoſe things concerning the Maſſe, which is celebrated four times a year, as I have ſaid. But in their dayly meetings the ſame Demetrius told mee, the Chriſtians have this cuſtom. 1. The prieſt beginneth with a bleſſing, as in the Maſſe. 2. Publick prayers are made; a leſſon is rehearſed out of the holy Scriptures, and there is a short Sermon. 3. When the prayer is finished, bread is diſtributed without wine: they call not this bread the body of the Lord, but it is given in token of mutuall brotherly-love, that their mindes being admonished by this ſign, may be united, who eat of the ſame bread. 4. When they have eaten that bread, they are diſmiſſed with this bleſſing, The bleſſing of the Lord be upon you. So Heming.

XIV. It may be required here, why is not mention made of the tares which the ill man did ſowe among the wheat in this Century? I intended indeed to have marked thoſe hereſies; but partly becauſe theſe are collected already, and partly that this Compend hath ſwelled bigger then I intended, I leave them▪ and only will writ a little of a late kind of Monks p. 324in the Roman Church: theſe are the Jeſuits. They had their firſt hatching Of the Ieſuites.from Johannes Petrus Carafa a Venetian, who became Pope Paul IIII. But becauſe he brought not that Order to an eſtablishment, his name is forgot in their genealogy, and Ignatius Loyola is called their firſt father. This was a Spanjard and a Captain: When the Frenches beſeeged Pompejopolis, his one leg was broken, and the other was wounded with a b…llet: when his wounds were cured ſo as might be, he ſaw that he could not follow the warrs (as he intended:) thereupon he took himſelf unto a reteered life, and reades the Legend's of Saints (as they are called) and went to Jeruſalem for devotion: after his returning he began to ſtudie in Compluto, Salamantica, and then at Paris, where he became Maſter of Arts An. 1536. Then he intends to begin a new order, and hearing what Carapha had intended, he will proſecute that project: for upon occaſion he lived at Venice. He takes with him ten fellowes of his minde, and go togeher for confirmation of their Order. The Cardinals oppoſed him, becauſe the world was complaining of the multitude of Orders and Monks, and indeed there was more need to reſtrain the number, then add new. But Loyola ſaid, The Franciſcans and Dominicans, who were wont to be ſtout Champions for the Apoſtolical See, had failed of their duty, but if his Order were confirmed, he and all his fellowes will oblige themſeves to do what they can, for confirming the Papal power. Upon this motive Pope Paul III. confirms the Order with this limitation, that their number should not exceed ſixty: but in the year 1543. the Pope underſtanding of their diligence, takes off that reſtraint of the number. What ſort of men thoſe are may, be wel known by two litle books, one under the name Aphoriſmi Doctrinae Jeſuitarum, printed An. 1608. another called Anatomia Societatis Jeſu printed An. 1643. The firſt ſaith, They maintain all thearticles determined by the councel at Trent, and namely theſe; 1. The Pope hath ſpiritual and temporal power to command, forbid, to excommunicat and eſcheat, to ſet up and caſt down Emperours, Kings, and Princes; and who believe not this, is an heretick. 2. All clergy-men, Monks and Nonns, and all their priviledges are al together free from obedience, cenſures and taxations of Magiſtrats; all Princes should commit their chief caſtls and fortreſſes unto church-men rather then to laicks. 3. Unto the pleaſure of the Pope belongeth the authority of the Scripture, the interpretation and power of changing it; and the Pop's Decrees are abſolutly neceſſary unto ſalvation, and they are firm and obligatory. 4. Albeit the Pope be a man, yet ſeing he is the Vicar of God on earth, and therefore Divin honor should be given unto him, he cannot err in matter of faith, albeit all other men, yea and councels may erre; and for this cauſe appeals may be from Councels unto the Pope, but not contra. 5. All capitulations, conſtitutions, leagues, fraternities, priviledges of Emperours, Kings, Princes and States, whereby any other religion is permitted, excep the Romish religion, are of no validity, although they had been ratified by ſolem oaths. 6. All Papiſts every where should endeavour to oppreſs by fire, ſword, poiſon, powder, warre and whatſoever engines, all hereticks, eſpecially Lutherans and their abbetors, even theſe Politick Catholicks who would rather obſerve peace, then contribute to oppreſs hereticks. 7. But if Papiſts do fear, that enterprices shall be in vain, and dammage may befall the Romish religion, in this caſe may be a toleration, and they may wait for better occaſion. 8. When Popish ſubiects have in an aſſembly judged an Emperour, King or Prince, to bea tyrant, then they may p. 325caſt him off, and deliver themſelfs from all obligation: but if they can not aſſemble, then any ſubject taking the advice of a Jeſuit or any ſuch Divine, may, yea he doth meritoriouſly, to kill that King or Prince. 9. If ſubjects have a Lutheran or Calvinian Prince, who would compell them into hereſy, thoſe ſubjects are free from all homage and fealty; and they may expell or kill him. 10. Yea Emperours, Kings and Princes may be killed, if Jeſuites or other grave Divines judge them tyrants. 11. The Pope may give unto Catholiks the Kingdoms, dominions and territories of all hereticks and infidels; and ſuch donations are valid…. 12. Jeſuites and other Catholick prieſts, when examined by heretical Magiſtrats, may uſe equivocations, fained names and cloaths; and they may deny the truth, for inſinuating themſelves abroad, or for bringing their deſignements to paſs. 13. Jeſuites and other Papiſts may uſe equivocations, when he who is demanded, thinks that that Judge hath not lawfull power to queſtion him, or his adverſary hath not juſt cauſe to plead. 14. Neither is every catholick tied to anſwer according to his mind, unto privat catholicks, but he may equivocat, and deceive his demanders: 15. This equivocation is a profitable Art, and a new prudence. Theſe Aphoriſms are proved particularly by their books and practiſes. The other book is written by one of that Society, bewailing the corruptions thereof, as appeares by his epiſtle unto the Reader, and in Pag. 37. he hath the words of Claud. Aquaviva their General complaining thus, Secularity and Auliciſm inſinuating into the familiarity and favor of ſtrangers, is a diſeaſe of our Society, dangerous both within and without, unto them that are infected, and Us (the Superiors) who almoſt know nothing of it; Under a fair shew (indeed) of gaining Princes, Prelats and potent Men, of concil…ating ſuch perſons unto the Society for divine obedience, of helping others, but in truth wee ſeek ourſelves, and by degrees we decline into ſecular affaires. And in Pag. 43. are theſe words of Joh. Mariana a Jeſuit in his book. De Morbis Societatis, Cap. 19. Our rules have been oftymes changed: the body of the Society is altogether contrary unto that which our Fundator Ignatius conceived and framed; men are ſcandalized, grumble and hate us for no other cauſe, but that they ſee us ſo ſingular and intereſſed or ſeeking our own gain.....None can deny, that our ſociety hath departed from right reaſon. And in Pag. 49. he shewes that by the firſt foundation and alſo by later conſtitutions under Aquaviva, they should follow the doctrin of S. Thomas [Aquinas] but becauſe many queſtions are ſtarted up that were not known by him, they follow no precedent. He ſpeaks of their prudence Pag. 12. as of men deſirous to ſerve God and Mammon, who becauſe they have gone unto the world, and hate God, as Chriſt teaches, Matt. 6. all good men should hate them, and follow David, who ſaid, Do I not hate them, who hate thee, o Lord? Their laſt aim or end, which they profeſs and fain, is the glory of God, and ſalvation of their own ſoul; The middle and remoter end is the ſpiritual ſalvation of their nighbours; and the neareſt is the honor of the Apoſtolical See; But really the end aimed-at, and the rule of all things done by the Society according to the mind of their Superiors, is the laſt, the proper good of each one, gain, pleaſure and glory; And the middle; remoter is the glory and vaſt dominion of their Generall; And the neareſt is the Monopoly of things that are of greateſt neceſſity and worth; as 1. of grace with God; that none should be in favour with God, nor obtain remiſſion or abſolution of ſins but by Jeſuites; and that none should attain to honor, Offices and wealth p. 326from Princes but by Jeſuites. 2. Of faith, that none should be turned from paganiſm to Chriſtianity, nor from hereſy to the catholick faith, but by means of Jeſuites. 3. Of perfection, that none should be held perfect or a Saint, but by Jeſuites, that is, unleſs he be of the Ieſuites. 4. Of learning, that now none may learn Divin or humane Letters but under a Jeſuite. 5. Of vertue or good manners, that none should be inſtructed but by the admonitions and example of Jeſuits. 6. Of fame or good name, that none should be thought good or learned, but by the ſuffrage of the Jeſuites, at leaſt theſe not reſiſting. In Pag. 28. he ſpeakes of the fruits of this depraved Society, and diſtinguishes them into inward and outward; The inward are ſpecial, or general; The ſpecial are 1. in Superiors, the ambition of the general affecting a Monarchy and vaſt Empire; Courtlineſs, ſecularity, and Polypragmoſyne or medling with many affaires; and tyrannicall manner of domineering, that is, deceitfulneſs and violence. 2. in the ſubjects, effeminate and dainty breeding of Novices: a great number and great licence of laiks, Mangonia, or a divelish way of alluring men into their ſociety; an unwillingneſs of mind, or a deſire to forſake the Society: aloſs of goods brought into the Society, and beggery: a hunting of inheritances: flattering of Superiors and potent ſtrangers: quadruplies or delaying of pleas from time to time: envy againſt the learned and famous without their Society: contumacy againſt Superiors: courtlineſs and ſecularity. The general fruits are the multiplication of Colledges contrary unto the ordinances: multitude of but half-learned Maſters: a ſophiſtical way of teaching, not for advancing of learning, but ſerving unto the ambition of the General, who would have many colledges, and many Maſters to be planted in new Schools: paucity of men eminent in learning........hypocriſy, doubleneſs, ſimulation and diſſimulation as of men living ſparingly and diſcloſing themſelves ſimply unto none: a shameleſs denying of the things that are done by catholicks, eſpecially by the clergy, though theſe things are known certainly: a contumelious way of contending and diſputing with the heterodoxe, and ſtirring up of Princes into violence againſt them. The external fruits are privat or publick: the private are, many children and young men do unwarily by impulſion of Jeſuites…ty themſelves with the vow of chaſtity, that they muſt be Jeſuites: many hate learning and forſake it, being terrified by the multitude of Grammare rules: many are craftily cheated of their patrimony; many indigent are deprived of godly mens alms; many are through envy ſo diffamed, that they can do no good in publick, eſpecially if the Phariſees conſpire with the Herodians.....The publick fruits are the firſt or ſecondary: the firſt are eccleſiaſtical or Politicall. The eccleſiaſtical are 1. rarity of Councels: for they perſuade men that Councels are not neceſſary, ſeeing they can perform all thing concerning the preſervation of faith and diſcipline; 2. the unfitneſs of Bishops, ſeeing by the teaching and example of their Maſters the Jeſuits, they know not a contemplative life nor Apoſtolical patience...Epicuriſm of the Sadducees or clerks who live ſo as if they believed neither reſurrection, nor that there is a ſoul and ſpirit....the infamy of the antient ſort of Monks, as if they had been the broachers of all hereſies; ſome ſcandalous, wicked and heretical opinions, which they have hid for a long time, and now having power dar vent them, as may be ſeen in Apologia Perfectionis Mic. à Jeſus Maria, printed twice at Rome, and again at Ravensburg, &c. The Political fruits are in reſpect of Princes, or ſubjects; through the flattering and indulgence of Confeſſary Ieſuits is the tyranny of ſome Princes, p. 327who account their will a law, and their proper intereſt to be the end of their power, ſeeing the Superiors of the Society commanding the ſame way, and not only abſolve Princes their imitators, but alſo pronounce them bleſt, &c. In ſubjects, the corruption of faith and manners, ignorance, imprudence: for Jeſuits partly by their traditions, and partly by exemple perſuad the people that God and Mammon may be both ſerved, and he may enter into the Kingdom of heaven who puts his hand to the plough and looks back again.....as may be ſeen more fully in that Apologia. The ſecundary fruits are the offenſe of God by profaning eccleſiaſtical goods...civil wars ariſing from that warre that ſinners have againſt God, and from the bloody doctrin of Jeſuites, who teach that the erroneous should be forced to return unto the Church, albeit the antient ſcandals be not removed, and new ones are multiplied, &c. He ſpeaks alſo of their means of alluring men, of their policies and corruptions more particularly. Another ſaith, The four wings of theſe locuſts are arrogancy of learning, their flattering of Princes and wealthy perſons, impudence in denying, and the great power that they have purchaſed.