History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600, Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 2 · Chapter 3 (5 of 5)

History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600 · Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 2 · Chapter 3 (5 of 5)

p. 144XLVI. In the end of Auguſt An. 1561. according to the Decree of The Conference at Poſſiac 1561.that great Counſel began the publick Conference in Poſſiac: the Prelates brought their Clergy from all parts of France to diſpute the Articles in controverſy, p. 145and a ſafe conduct was granted unto theſe for the Reformation. There was the King, and his mother, and his brother the Duke of Orleance, and his ſiſter Margarit, and the King of Navar and his Queen and the Prince of Condee with other Peers; the Cardinals of Lorrain and Turnon with arch Bishops and Bishops about 50. beſids many Deputies from other Prelates, and a great number of Popish Doctors: from the Reformed Churches were ſent Peter Martyr then Miniſter at Zurik, Theodore Beza Miniſter at Geneve, Auguſtin Marlorat Mi. at Roan, Nic. Gelaſius, Jo. Merlin and others, about twenty. The Miniſters began with a Supplication unto the King, that the diſputation might have places hortly, and thoſe conditions be obſerved, the Prelates ſit not as Judges, but the King and his Counſellors by his authority, should rule and order the Conference; 2. that the controverſies be examined according to Gods Word only, 3. what ever shall be determined, it should be written by the Kings Notaries in his publick Commentaries. After ſome dayes the Queen promiſed in the Kings name, that theſe should be performed. The Prelates complain, and ſaid, Such liberty to diſpute should not be granted unto ſuch, who are already condemned. Thus the diſpute was differred ſome dayes. The firſt Seſſion began September 9. The King in few words did shew his grief for the troubles of the realm, and exhorted them to declare what things had need of Reformation, and he promiſed to maintain their liberties with no leſs care then his Anceſtours had done. The Chancellor did more fully shew, that the Kings will is according to the endeavours of his Anceſtors, to remove controverſies of Religion, and albeit their aimes was ſuch, yet the ſucceſs was not as they wished, but rather more troubles waxed: wherefore he wisheth now, that all men would diligently apply themſelves to ſetle theſe troubles in time: for this end he had called them, and in his Royal perſon did accompany them: that all things both of doctrine and manners may be reformed, eſpecially by this publick Conference. And to look for remedy from a general Councel; it is as vain, as if a ſick man having ſufficient helps at home, would travell into the Indies for it: we may provide better for ourſelves, then others of forrein Countries can do: they know not ſo well our cauſe nor condition of our people; and greater profit hath often come by National Councels then by the general; Wherefore let the Diſputants on both ſides joyntly aime at concord in the trueth: let not the greater party deſpiſe the leſſer, neither let any man uſe curioſities, but judge of every thing by the Word of God only; Albeit the wished fruit do not follow, yet this good shall enſue, that all pretext shall be taken from thoſe who complain, that they are condemned unheard &c. Oſiand Lib. cit. c. 46. ex Beuther. The Cardinal Turnon in name of the Prelats gave thanks unto the King and Queen and Princes, that it had pleaſed them to call this Conference, and to honour it with their preſence; But at that time he was not ready to ſpeak of the matter propounded, nor would ſpeak of it, untill firſt he were adviſed with his Collegues the Cardinals, Archbishops and other Prelates; and ſeeing the Chancellor had at Royal command delivered ſuch words, he craves a coppy in writ, to the end, they may conſider of them. The Cardinal of Lorrain craved the ſame. The French Commentar. Lib. 3. Then the Miniſters were bidden to ſpeak: Theodore Beza fell down on his knies, and prayed publickly: then after the preface for attention, he ſpoke generally of Religion, and nameth ſome particulares, wherein both parties agree: then the differences, 1. in the matter of ſalvation, which we (ſaid p. 146he, in name of the Miniſters) aſcribe wholly unto Jeſus Chriſt. 2. we differ not in the neceſſity of good works, but in the original, from whence we are able to do them; and what are good works, and to what uſe are they done. 3. of the authority and perfection of Gods Word. 4. of the nature and number of the ſacraments: ſo of tranſſubſtantiation; and Eccleſiaſtical diſcipline. In the end he fell on his knees again before the King, and preſented the Confeſſion of faith, which the French Church had penned An. 1555, and had preſented unto King Francis. In this oration, when he was ſpeaking of the Lords Supper, he ſaid, If we conſider the diſtance of place; the body of Chriſt is ſo far from the bread and wine, as heaven is above the earth. At theſe words the Prelats were ſo commoved, that they began a-diſturbance, and were ſilenced, untill he had come to an end. Then Turnon with indignation ſaid, For reverence unto the Kings command they had conſented, that thoſe new-Evangeliſts should ſpeak, but not without ſting of conſcience: for it was no doubt, but they would vent things unworthy of the Kings moſt Chriſtian ears, and ſcandalous unto many: Therefore the Prelats beſeech the king, that he would not believe the words of that fellow, and ſuſpend his judgement, untill the Prelats shall give a clear demonſtration of the trueth, if he will appoint the time; And if it had not been for reverence unto his Majeſty, they would not have heard that mans blaſphemy, but have gone away; And they beſeech the king to continue in the faith of his forefathers: the which he prayed the Virgin Mary and all the Saints in heaven to grant. Lib. cit. The Queen being deſirous to appeaſe the Prelats, ſaid, No thing should be done without the advice of the King and his Councellors and Parliament of Paris, neither do they intend a change of Religion, but to abolish diſſenſions. In the next Seſſion September 17. the Cardinal of Lorrain ſpake in name of the Prelats: he made choiſe of two articles of doctrine, of the Church, and the Maſſe: of the Church he ſaid, The Church conſiſts not of the elect only, becauſe in the Lords barn chaff is mixt with the wheat; and nevertheleſs the Church can not err: but if ſome part do err, the body should be preferred before a corrupt member: if any evill shall creep-in, we should have recourſe unto antiquity, and the Mother Churches, amongſt which the Church of Rome always hath had the firſt place; If any thing be amiſs in any particular Church, againſt the ignorance of a ſmall number of men we muſt ſet the decrees of the antient and general councels, and judgement of the approved fathers; and ſpecially we should give place to the teſtimonies of Scripture being expounded by the interpretation of the Church, leſt hereticks brag, and ſay, They alone have the Worde of God; As for the other point, If thoſe words, This is my body, have not ſo greata force, as they ſound and ſeem to have, why are they repeated by all the three Evangeliſts, and by Saint Paul? why did not the later Evangeliſts or the Apoſtle expound theſe words, as the Sacramentaries do? this is the minde of the Teſtator, which should not be reiected: this was the mind of all the antient fathers, that not only the bread is given, but the very body of Chriſt really. He concludes with thoſe words, I will yeeld unto your opinion of the Sacrament, except yee [pointing unto the Miniſters] think, that Jeſus Chriſt in his flesh, is not in this world from the time of his aſcenſion, and that he hath ſome other body then that which is viſible, and except ye think, he is otherwiſe in the ſacrament then in the Word; if ye think it all one to put on Chriſt in baptiſme, and to eat his body and drink his blood, and briefly that he is ſo in heaven, that he is not alſo on the earth, p. 147and that he is otherwiſe in the ſacrament then he is in a myre; And then abjuring all thoſe dangerous opinions, he exhorts the King and Queen to maintain the antient faith, and proteſted in the name of the Prelats, that they would live and die in defence of that Doctrine, which he had declared. All the clergy came before the King, and Cardinal Turnon in their name proteſted again, This was the Confeſſion of their faith, which they would ſeal with their blood, and which the King should embrace; and if theſe who are ſeparated, will not ſubſcribe the ſame, they should not be heard, but be bannished; and they crave moſt earneſtly, that the King would ſo do. The Miniſters were afraid, that the King would not admit them at another day, and therefore was the more earneſt, that the King would be pleaſed to hear a reply preſently: but that could not be obtained. By ſupplication they procured continuation of the Conference, but in a more private place: where were the King and Queen, and king of Navar, the Prelats, twelve Miniſters, and a few others. Beza declared, what the Church is, and diſtinguished it according to the twofold calling: then he ſpake of the Notes of the Church, and of the ſucceſſion and calling of Paſtors: in ordinary calling (he ſaid) three things are neceſſary, examination, election and impoſition of hands; and in extraordinary calling, it is lawfull by Gods authority, albeit one or two or all theſe conditions be wanting: as for working of miracles, it is not alwayes conjoined with extraordinary calling, unleſs we will talk of things whereof we have no teſtimony. Then he ſpoke of the authority of the Church, and whether it may err? and he shewed out of the Cardinals words, that the Church may err in particular members and congregations. As for the general Councel, he ſaid, Men have not the more learning, that they become Commiſſioners, and many times the Prelats of ſound judgement have been abſent, and they who should have been moſt ſound, have been moſt corrupt, as Bernard complained in his time; and therefore the authority of the Scriptures is above the authority of the Church: for which cauſe Auguſtin wrote unto Maximin the Arrian, that he will not obiect the councel of Nice, nor will have the councel of Arimino obiected againſt him, but let the Scriptures be Judge for both; And yet we deſpiſe not the judgement of councels and fathers, if they agree with the Scriptures; but as Jerom writes, the errours of the antiens should not be followed, but the authority of the Scriptures may never be deſpiſed; I feare (ſaid he) that I have been too prolixe, and therefore leſt I give offenſe, I will continue, or leave off, to ſpeak of the ſacrament, as it shall pleaſe your Royal Majeſties. The Cardinal beckned unto Claud. Eſpenſius a Sorboniſt: he ſaid, He oft had wondred, how the Miniſters had entred into the Church, ſeing they neither entred ordinarily by ordinary authority and impoſition of hands, nor by any extraordinary way, ſeeing they are not confirmed by working of miracles, nor by expreſs teſtimony of Scripture: and therefore their Miniſtry is not lawfull. From that he turned to ſpeak of the ſacrament, at the command of the Cardinal Lorrain, that he might bring the Miniſters into controverſy with the Germans, as was ſaid. To the ſame purpoſe ſpake a white Monk of Sorbon Xainctius, but more deſpite fully againſt the Miniſters, and to the offence of both parties. Beza complained of his impertinency; and did ſupplicate the Queen, that she would provide againſt reviling words and digreſſions: then he ſaid, Our Miniſters were choſen and approved by our own Churches, and ſo have two parts of ordinary calling, and if impoſition of hands be wanting unto any, the p. 148calling is lawfull, becauſe theſe two are the ſubſtantials, and the other is leſs principal; And in ſo great confuſion of all things in the Roman Church, we would not ſeek impoſition of hands from them, whoſe vices, ſuperſtition and falſe doctrine we diſallow: for they be open enemies unto the Trueth, as the Prophets had not ſuch enemies then, as the Prieſts, neither ſought they confirmation of their offices, unto which God had called them; Neither are miracles neceſſary in extraordinary calling, as is manifeſt by examples: yea Paul in evidencing his calling, ſpeaks not of miracles that he had wrought, but of the fruits of his preaching: the which wee alſo may ſay, of ſo many Nations and Provinces, which have received the Goſpel by our preaching; nor can there be a greater confirmation of any Miniſtery, ſeeing the power of God is manifeſt in us, which neither impriſonment, nor banishment nor fire could hinder. Eſpenſeus ſaid, Bring mee one example in thoſe 1500. years like to yours. All things, ſaid Beza, are not written, that have been done; and however it hath been, it followes not, that our calling is not manifeſt enough, and ſet forth from God in his due time: He is not now bringing a new Goſpel, but reſtoring the old, which was ſufficiently confirmed before, and now by a ſingular way he hath cauſed his light to shine. He ſpake alſo of traditions, but was oft interrupted by Xainctius; and the Cardinal fearing that his incivility were checked by the Queen, would end the controverſy, as if the queſtion had been ſufficiently cleared, and the Sorboniſts ſpoke, as if the victory had been on their ſide. Then the Cardinal ſaid in the name of the Prelates, that they would proceed no further, unleſs the queſtion of the Sacrament were handled: and then he asks the Miniſters, Whether they do embrance the Auguſtan Confeſſion? Here he playd the fox: for if they denied, he thought to ſet them and the Germans by the ears: and if they conſented, he hoped to triumph over them. Beza anſwered, He and his collegues were come to defend the Confeſſion of their own Church, and to this end should the Conference be directed. The Cardinal with vehemency did preſs that point. The Miniſters fearing, that the Conference might be broken off, and the blame be layd on them, crave leave to conſider the Confeſſion, forwhich the Prelates ſeemed abſolutly to proclaim. The Cardinal nameth one article, We confeſs, that the very body and blood of Jeſus Chriſt is truly, really and ſacramentaly in the Supper of the Lord, and is ſo given and received by them who communicate. He alledged alſo the teſtimonies of the Saxon Miniſters concerning it: So the Conference was diſmiſſed. The next day Beza was bid to ſpeak, and he ſpake to this purpoſe, We have declared our mind concerning the articles propounded unto us, namely of the Church; we truſt, none hath occaſion to complain of us; and theſe things that have been handled, should have been approved, or diſproved by the Scriptures; But we were demanded, By what authority we preach the Word of God? they think to make our cauſe odious, by this demand: This queſtioning ſeemes ſuperfluous, ſeeing we were called hether, not to give account of our calling, but to confer of our doctrine; otherwiſe it may ſeem, we are brought into judgement; Or if it was done only for diſputation, conſider, that when two parties are brought into Conference, if the one demande, Why do you this? and the other mutually ask the ſame, this is but ca…illation and diſſention; But omitting the Prelates of this realm, whom we will not offend, let us ſuppoſe, a certain Bishop were here demanding us, By what authority we do preach? and we like wiſe would demand him, By what p. 149authority he were a Bishop, that is, whether he was elected by the Seniours of his Church? whether the people had deſired to have him? and whether his life; manners and doctrine had been examined? and he would anſwer, that he was ſo and ſo called; but the contrary is manifeſtly known: we call the conſciences of thoſe, who hear us, and know the matter, to bear witneſs; If he ſay, We are not Miniſters, becauſe we have not impoſition of hands; we might anſwer, Thou haſt but one thing; the impoſition of hands; and if the want of that (as thou thinkeſt) make us to be no Miniſters; the want of the other two (which are more principal) make thee to be no Bishop; We ſpeak alſo another thing albeit beyond our purpoſe and againſt our will, but that this aſſembly may ſee, how this queſtion is full of enuy; If one were demanding that Bishop, From whom had he received impoſition of hands? and for how much he had bought his title? he would anſwer, I had impoſition of hands from Bishops, and I bought not impoſition of hands, but only for my place I gave two or three 1000 Crouns: which is as if one would ſay, I have not bought the bread, but I bought the wheat; I ſay, If this conteſt were judged by the Councels and decrees of the Church, it would make many Bishops and Curats ashamed; And we ſpeak thus, not of intention to bring Quid pro Quo, but that yee may ſee, how unwillingly we touch the matter, and would have other things handled, leſt the work of peace be hindred; We would have ſpoken of the article of the Lords Supper, becauſe the Cardinal of Lorrain promiſed to ſatisfy us in this point of doctrine (which is a principal one) by the proper words of the Fathers: this we do eagerly deſire: And to ſatiſfy this deſire, one article was culled from ſo many and neceſſary articles of the faith, and it was ſaid unto us, Either ſubſcribe unto this, or we will proceed no further; If they were our Judges, and ſitting upon out lifes, they would not ſay, Subſcribe, but, We condemn you; Their office leades them into another manner of ſpeach, and they should shew if there be any errours in our doctrine; We are here before you, to give an account of our doctrine unto God and unto all the world, and to obey God and the King, and you, ô Queen, ſo far as lyeth in us to the paciſying of thoſe troubles about Religion; If yee had to do with us only, who now are here, ye might eaſily have your wills: but we repreſent a greater number, not only of this kingdom, but in Helvetia, Poland and other parts, who think long to hear whether this Conference will turn: but when they shall underſtand, that in ſtead of a free Conference, the tenth part of an article was exhibited unto us with theſe words, Either ſubſcribe, or no more; Albeit we would ſubſcribe, what were ye the better? Others will know whether we have ſubſcribed by force of argument, or by conſtraint; Wherefore ô Queen, we moſt humbly beſeech that ſo good and profitable a work be not broken off, and that you will vouchſafe to grant ſuch men, which will not diſdain to diſpute ſoberly. Nevertheleſs leſt they ſay, We have not an anſwer, we receive all thoſe paſſages, which Eſpencaeus brought out of Caluine: but in that bit of an article out of the Auguſtan Confeſſion, many things are to he conſidered, 1. the whol Confeſſion should have been propounded, and not a line only 2▪ we would know, whether the Cardinal propoundeth it in his own name or of the Prelates: and then we would give thanks, that they confeſs themſelves overcome in the article of tranſſubſtantiation, which is juſtly condemned by all the Reformed Churches. 3. if we should ſubſcribe, they alſo should ſubſcribe, that our Churches may underſtand what we have dene. p. 148duplicate page p. 149duplicate page p. 1504. and if they will come to the whol Confeſſion of the Germans, we truſt, that we are come unto a very good way of concord and unity; In the mean while we affirm, that the Lord Jeſus is preſent in the uſe of the Supper, where he offereth, exhibits and truly gives unto us his body and blood by the operation of the Holy Ghoſt: we eat the ſame body that was broken for us, but we eat ſpiritually and by faith; that we become bone of his bones; And if this be not ſufficient (it is hard to ſpeak of ſo great a myſtery in few words) if it ſeem good unto the Cardinal, let us conſider and confer the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers (as he hath promiſed) and if it pleaſe you, ô Queen, to appoint a convenient form of collection, and to appoint Notaries, to receive our diſputations; We truſt, yee underſtand that we came not to bring diſorder and trouble, but would dedicate ourſelves unto God, unto your Majeſties, and the whole Chriſtian commonwealth, and ſpecially unto the tranquillity of this Realm. The Prelates were angry, that he had ſpoken of their Vocation; and Lorrain ſaid, He had diſhonoured the Queen, into whoſe hands the right and liberty of election was given. So there was bragging of the Cardinall and Prelates, and tumultuous talking of their Vocation, and of the Supper. After that day they changed again the form of Conference: five men were choſen on either ſide; to diſpute all the matter peaceably. On the one ſide were the five Miniſters named before; and on the other was Janus Bishop of Valencia, Vallius Bishop of Seen, Botiller an Abbot, the Bishop of Salignac, and Eſpenſaeus the Sorboniſt. They agree on the order of diſputation, the time, place and Notaries. They began with the queſtion of the Supper: aforme of agreement was drawn up; when it was shewd unto the Prelates, they would not conſent: they framed another the next day, and shew it unto the Miniſters, who would not admit that. On the thrid day all the ten conſented unto this forme, We confeſs, that Jeſus Chriſt in the Supper offereth, gives and truly exhibiteth unto us the ſubſtance of his body and blood by the operation of the Holy Ghoſt, and that we eat ſpiritually the ſame body which died for us, that we may be bone of his bone; and flesh of his flesh, to the end alſo, that we may be quickned by him, and may underſtand all things appertaining to our ſalvation; And becauſe faith being grounded on the word of God, maketh things (that are promiſed, and underſtood by us) to be preſent, by this faith we truly and effectually receive the true and natural body of Chriſt Jeſus by the power of the Holy Ghoſt: and in this reſpect we confeſs the preſence of his body and blood in the Supper. The other Prelates were content with this form: but the Sorboniſts would not, and they blamed their choſen men: that they had made a compact with the Miniſters, neither would they conſent unto any more treating. Thus was that Conference ended without any effect, and the Miniſters of Germany after three moneths did returne. Ibid. Thus we have ſeen by what means God did revive the Goſpell in France; to wit, by men of low condition at the firſt, who ſuffered ſlaunders, proſcription, ſtripes, burning and every kind of vexation; and when it pleaſed Him, he joined unto the Church the Princes and Peers, and He opened a wide doore unto the preaching of the Worde, when the greateſt enemies of the Trueth had the ſupreme power of government, and yet ſeemed to be brought on their knies. The Univerſity of Paris in proceedings ages had ſtood for the trueth, and reſiſted errours creeping-in: but at that time became moſt groſs enemies. And then Antony King of Navar not only reſigned his part of the government unto the Queen, and ſo unto the Guiſes, p. 151but was alſo allured by fair promiſes of the Pope, that he should have all his kingdom of Navar reſtored unto him, and should have divorcement from his preſent wife, and shall, have the Queen of Scotland in marriage, by whom he may be King of Scotland and England. By ſuch perſuaſions he left the Reformation, and became a bitter enemy, and ſeemed moſt of any to bring ruine unto the Church. The Guiſes then and the Prelates lift up their heads again, and uſed cruel butchery againſt the Reformed: for in the year 1562. in the town Vaſſi the Reformed were aſſembled in a large Barn to heare the Word: the Duke of Guiſe came upon them unawares, and inſtantly killed 24. of them, 45. were wounded ſo that within few dayes they died, and the Miniſter with many others were carryed into priſon. At the ſame time by means of the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Marshall of Santandrae, many of the common people in the town of Seenes, and ſome of the Kings Counſellors were cruelly murdered. It was done in like manner in many other places of France. Oſiander ex Beuther.

XLVII. About the yeare 1540. ſundry youngmen in Hungaria hearing The Goſpell in Hungary.of Luther and Melanthon, went unto Witteberg, to wit, Steven Galſſetſi, Matthias Devai, Andrew Batizi, Steven Kis (better known by the name Szegedin, from his native town) Benedict Abadi, Emerik Ozorai, and ſome others. Theſe being informed in the trueth, return into their Country, and preached the Goſpell with happy ſucceſs, but not without perſecution: for the Monks ſtirred up the Civil power againſt them: namely, Devai was impriſoned at Caſſow, where a ſmith was alſo in the ſame priſon for laiming the Kings horſe in the shoeing: there Devai informeth the ſmith in Religion: afterwards the Kings horſe amendes, and the King commandeth to diſmiſſe the ſmith, and to burn Devai as an heretick. The ſmith anſwereth, I am of the ſame Religion with Devai, and I will live or dy with him: for I never knew what Religion or piety was, untill I have learned it now from him. When this was reported unto the King, they were both ſet free. The greateſt enemy of thoſe Teachers, was George the Treaſurer, who had been a Monk of S. Pauls at Buda: and among them all the moſt uſefull in promoting the Truth was zegedin, a learned man, as his Works do shew: he was perſecuted from City to City: where he came, he had many hearers, not only in the Schools, but pulpits alſo: and the more he was perſecuted, the more hearers flocked unto him, and the Goſpell was the more ſpread. Amongſt all thoſe Students who went to Witteberg, none maintained the opinion of Brentius concerning the Ubiquity, but only Peter Melius, and in the end he was convinced by Szegedin, and did ſubſcribe unto the truth. Michael Starin a Baron became a preacher and Bishop of his own Barony near unto Tolna Mat. Scaric. in vita Szegedini. At Varadin, a learned Mahumetan A diſp…e between a papiſt and a Turk.Deruis Gſielebi did provoke all the Franciſcans unto diſputation in matter of Religion. Neither their Prelate George, nor any of the Convent durſt anſwer him: wherefore the man like another Goliah did bragg againſt all Chriſtians, untill Bar. Georgieviz (who had been a pilgrim, and knew the Turkish language) undertook the diſpute. The 29 day of May (being the Pentecoſt) in the year 1…47. was appointed, and many both Papiſts and Turcks aſſembled in the Monaſtery. The Turk firſt asks, where was God before the making of heaven and earth and other things? This queſtion ſeemed unto the Pilgrim, to be impertinent as to the differences of Religion, but leſt the other might impute it unto his ignorance, if he had declined it; he ſaid, Before the creation God was in his own nature. The p. 152Turk replieth, This anſwer is dark, and can not be underſtood. Georgieviz ſaid, God was where He is now. Deruis; That could not be, but He was in a cloud. Georgieviz; He could not be in a cloud: for ſo a cloud had been before the heaven and the earth: but this is contrary unto the words of Geneſis. (The Turks read the books of Moſes.) After more words on both ſides, Dervis bids the other propound: then Georgieviz writeth out of the Alcoran theſe words in the Arabick language Biſem Allahe, El rahmanne, El ruoahim, that is, In the Name of God, and of Mercy, and of the Spirit: and he bids the Turk expound thoſe words. Deruis ſaid, Whence have Chriſtians thoſe words? we uſe them in the beginning of all our works, and they are prefixed before every chapter of the Alcoran. But what mean they, ſaid Georgieviz. He anſwered. We underſtand them no otherwiſe, but according to the Letter. Georgieviz; They have another, even a myſtical ſignification: they ſignify the three Perſons of the Deity, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghoſt: and they are borrowed from the Hebrew language, Beshem El Abba, u Ben veRuach elchutz that is, In name of God the Father, and the Son, and the holy, Ghoſt. Deruis ſaid, How can God have a Son, ſeeing both we and ye hold that God hath no ſpouſe nor children? Georgieviz; We call God the Father, becauſe he is the firſt cauſe of all things, creating & conſerving them; he was evermore in the ſame eſſence wherein he is now, and shall be for ever; he is alſo the firſt Perſon of the Deity: We believe alſo, rhat He hath a Son, (whom Mahumet called Rachman or Mercy) not begotten of a woman, nor according to the luſt of the flesh, but begotten of the Eſſence or ſubſtance of the Father; and He, for taking away our ſin, took upon him the humane nature of the Virgin Mary; he ſuffered and died for us, and was buried, and as the Prophets foretold, he roſe from the dead, he aſcended into heaven, and ſitteth at the right hand of the Father: he will come again, and judge both quick and dead, and then he will give the bleſſedneſs of immortality unto them who believe in him, and everlaſting punishment unto them that believe not; and (pointing unto the image of Chriſt crucified) behold, whether Mahumet hath juſtly called the Son of God Mercy! ſeeing with outſtretched arms he calleth upon us, to accept of mercy, ſaying, Come unto mee, all that are weary and laden with ſin, and I will refresh you; And that thou mayſt the better underſtand the Myſtery of the Trinity, behold the Sunne: as that one Sunne hath beawty, heat and ſplendor; ſo there is one God, even the Father, who hath a Son and the Holy Ghoſt, whom we call Ruah: and God conſiſts in thoſe three Perſons, who all are of the ſame ſubſtance equally from all eternity without any Creator. Then Derviscried, Allah, Allah, that is, o God, ô God! neither I, nor any of us did ever believe, that yee think ſo well of God: we thought, that yee were lying in darknes: but by thy words I underſtand, that ye think very well of God, except that yee contemn Mahomet the great Prophet of God. Georgieviz ſaid, What have we to do with the toies of Mahomet? who (except baptiſme, and the myſtery of the Trinity, which he had learned from us Chriſtians) hath nothing true: for example, What a fable is that of two Angels Aroth and Maroth, who (as Mahomet ſaith) were ſent from heaven unto the earth, to give lawes unto men, and they commanded to abſtain from wine and women: neither did they shew the way to heaven, but they tranſgreſſed the commandement of God, and were deceived by a woman, and p. 153they shew her the way to heaven; and when God ſaw her in heaven, he ſaid unto the Angels ſtanding about him, Who is this come into heaven in ſuch a forme? When the Angels told him, she was turned into a ſtarr, and the two Angels were tied with chains, and caſt into a ditch, to be tormented for ever. And what a fable is that of the beaſt, El Barahil, which carried Mahomet into heaven, where Mahomet (ſaith he) ſaw the Angels with many heads &c. When Dervis heard theſe words, he was ashamed, and would not anſwer. Then he went into the Church, and ſaid, What mean thoſe images? do ye not worship thoſe? Georgieviz anſwered, Think not, that we worship ſtocks or ſtones, but we have thoſe, not to worship them, but for repreſentation of Chriſt and the holy Virgin, and of other holy men: we worship only the true God, and we honour the Saints, even as ye do your Kings; and God hath ſaid, Bleſſed are they, who dy in the Lord; VVee alſo hae theſe images to praiſe God for his gifts beſtowed on them, and that we may learn and endeavour to follow their holineſs, charity and devotion. In the mean while ſome dogs were in the Church, and the Turk ſaid, Is it lawfull, that dogs be in your Churches? Georgieviz ſaid, This is the ſloth of them who keep the doors. Then Dervis a…ked, VVat form of prayer do ye Chriſtians uſe? Georgieviz turned the Lords prayer into the Turkish language, and gave it unto him. Dervis commended it, and took his leave. Bar. Georgieviz in diſputat. cum Turca printed at Wittemb. Anno 1560.

XLVIII. Howbeit there was no publick Reformation in Italy, yet Sparks of the Goſpel in Italy.they were not only ſenſible of their bondage and darknes, but the light of the Goſpell did shine upon them, and they, partly for fear, and partly through wilfulneſs did shut their eies againſt it. I will shew ſome inſtances. About the year 1530 Peter Martyr (who was born at Vermile in Florence) Governor of a Colledge at Napels, by his ſtudy of the ſacred Scriptures, and knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek languages, and through the illumination of the Holy Ghoſt, did obſerve the errours and abuſes in the Church: thereupon (hearing what buſineſs was in Germany) he ſought and gote Bucers Commentaries upon the Evangels, and his Annotations on the Pſalms, and ſome books of Zuingſius: by thoſe (as he afterwards confeſſed) he profited much. He dayly conferred with ſome others whom he knew to be deſirous of Reformation, to their mutuall edification, towit, Benedict Cuſanus, Anto. Flaminus, and John Valdeſius, a noble Spaniard (made a Knight by Charles V.) who ſpent his life in Italy, by his life and teaching gaining many unto Chriſt, eſpecially of the learned men and Nobility, as the Noble Galleacius Caracciolus, Marques of Vico, and the Lady Iſobella Manricha, who was afterward banished for Chriſts cauſe &c. So a Church being thus, by Gods providence, gathered at Naples, Peter Martyr began to expound unto them the firſt Epiſtle to the Corinthians. Not only the Fellows of the Colledge reſorted unto him, but ſome Bishops and Noble men. When he came to the words in Ch. 3. Every mans works shall be made manifeſt.....he interpreted them contrary to the received opinion. This ſtirred up many enemies againſt him: for it was thought commonly, that theſe words imply a Purgatory, but he shew'd out of the Fathers, that theſe words can not be ſo underſtood. But many knowing, that if Purgatory were overthrown, their gain by Maſſes, indulgences &c. would eftſoon ceaſe. Therefore they accuſed Martyr, and prevailed ſo far, that his Lecture was forbidden: but he refuſed to obey the Sentence as unjuſt; and truſting to the goodneſs of the cauſe, p. 154he appealed to the Pope: at Rome he overcame his adverſaries by the aſſiſtance of ſome potent friends, as Cardinals Gonzaga, Caſpar Contaren, Reynold Poole, Peter Bembus, and Frederik Fregoſius, who all were ſenſible that the Church needed ſome Reformation. Then Martyr was reſtored to his liberty of preaching, but could not enjoy it long time: for he became dangerouſly ſick, and by the advice of Phyſicians, the Superiors of his order ſeeing that the air of that City did not agree with him, made him General Viſitor of the Order. In that Office he ſo demeaned himſelf, that good men much commended his integrity, conſtancy and gravity, and others feared him, yet durſt not diſcover their malice. Not long after in a publick Convention of that Order, he was made Prior of a Monaſtery in Luca: ſome conſented unto this promotion out of love; others thinking, it would be his ruine, becauſe of an enmity between Florence and Luca. But he engaged the hearts of the people there, that he was no leſs beloved then if he had been born among them. In that Colledge were many learned men, and hopefull youths; and he took care, that the younger ſort were inſtructed in the three languages: for which end he had Paul Laciſius of Verona to read Latine; Celſus Martinengus to read Greek, and Immanuel Tremellius, the Hebrew; and for Divinity he himſelf daily expounded the Epiſtles of Paul; and every night before ſupper he expounded a part of the Pſalms. Very many of the City, of the Senators and Nobility reſorted unto his Lecturs, and he preached publickly every Lords day. The enemies of the trueth could not endure him, and laid ſnares for him, nor could conceil their malice. When he was admonished by his friends, he chuſed to leave them, and went to Strawsburgh. What fruit his teaching brought forth, may be known by this, that in one years ſpace after his departure, eighteen Fellowes of that Colledge left it, and went into the Reformed places: among whom was Celſus Martinengus (afterwards Miniſter of the Italian Church in Geneva) Hieron. Zanchius, Im. Tremellius &c. Many Citizens alſo went into exile voluntarily, that they might enjoy the trueth in ſafety. Ex Vita …e Martyris. Another inſtance was in Bonnonia: in the year 1554. the Popes Governours attempted to make innovations there, which the people would not receive contrary to their former Lawes. The Innovators ſaid, They were not tied to former Lawes, but had authority from the Pope, who is King of the Countrey, and may change ſtatutes and ordinances without conſent of the people. Againſt this tyranny both the learned men and the people oppoſed themſelves; and in the Monaſtry of the black Friers was a generall Convention, where Thomas de Finola Rector of the Univerſity ſet forth this Poſition, All Rulers, whether Supreme or Inferiour, may and should be reformed or bridled (to ſpeak moderatly) by them by whom they are choſen, confirmed or admitted to their Office, ſo oft as they break that promiſe made by oath unto their ſubjects; Becauſe the Prince is no leſs bound by oath unto their ſubjects, then are the ſubjects unto their Prince: and it should be kept and reformed equally, according to Law and condition of the oath that is made by either party. Vicen…ius de Placentia ſuſtained this Poſition. And when all reaſons, that the Popes Governors could alledge, were heard, the Pope was fain to take up the matter, and did promiſe not only to keep the liberty of the people, but that he should neither abrogate any antient Statute, nor make any new one without their conſent. The Histor of the Reformation of Scotland Pag 399 edit Edinburgh 1644. which was writen by Jo. Knox, albeit ſomeſentences have been added p. 155by another after him. At that time John Craig (a Scotish man, who afterwards was Miniſter of Edinburgh, of whom mention is made hereafter) was a Monk, and conſidering the common doctrin of juſtification by works, did not approve it, and shewed unto an old Monk his arguments in the contrary. The old man ſaid, It is true, as you ſay: but be ſilent, leſt you fall into danger: for the dayes are evill. But ſuch was the mans zeal unto trueth, that he could not contain himſelf: and for this and other things that he taught, he was carried to Rome, and caſt into priſon with many hundreds more in the time of Paul 3: but they all eſcaped that night of the Popes death, when the Citizens broke up the priſons.

XLIX. John a Laſco a Noble man of Poland intending to ſee other Nations, went to Zurik: there he was eaſily perſwaded by Zuinglius to betake himſelf Reformation in Poland.to the ſtudie of Divinity, and where as he might have been advanced unto honour in his native Countrey, yet ſuch was his love to Chriſt, and hatred to Popery, that he chooſed to embrace that Religion, which hath it's ſoundation upon the Word of God. In the year 1542. he was called to be Paſtor at Embden: the next year Anna the widow Counteſs of Oldenburgh invites him to reforme the Churches there: which he endeavoured with great diligence. Afterwards Edward King of England ſent (by information of Cranmer) for him, to be Preacher unto a Dutch Church at London. In the firſt year of Queen Mary he obtained leave to return beyond ſea: a great part of his Congregation went with him and Martin Micron another Preacher, to Copenhagen: but the King would not ſuffer them to ſtay within his kingdoms, unleſs they would embrace the doctrine of Luther concerning the local preſence of Chriſts body, and uſe the ceremonies ordained by him. For the ſame cauſe they were refuſed by the Hanſ-towns and Churches of Saxony. At laſt that vexed congregation was received at Embden. Then he would viſite his own Countrey after twenty years abſence: there he found many affecting a Reformation, but few Preachers. The Popish clergy ſought by all means to deſtroy him, or to have him bannished, and they accuſed him unto the King for an heretick. The King ſaid, Though they called him an heretick, yet the States had not decerned ſo, and he was ready to cleare himſelf from ſuch imputations. In the year 1557. a Parliament was aſſembled at Warſaw: there was great contention for Religion. The Princes (whom they call Vaivodes) crave that the Auguſtan Confeſſion should be eſtablished. The Bishops ſtrove againſt it, ſo that the Princes could not obtain any liberty. Nevertheleſs after the Parliament they cauſed the Goſpel to be preached in their own Provinces without the Kings permiſſion. John á Laſ…o impugned the doctrine of the local preſence, and cauſed the trueth (which the adverſaries called Calviniſme) to be received by many: and unto this day that Church is miſerably rent: the King and moſt part are Popish; many are Anabaptiſts, few are Ubiquitaries, yet a great many hold conſtantly the ſounder Trueth.

L. When the Kings of Spain had ſubdued the Sarracens (who had continued The Reformation in the Netherlands.there ſome hundred years) and expelled them out of the realm, many of them not willing to leave the countrey, fained themſelves to be Chriſtians, and afterwards they were convinced to deſpiſe and ſcorn Religion. VVherefore the Kings, namely, Ferdinand and I…obella did ordain a ſtrict Inquiſition, that the Monks should ſearch and ſeverely punish all Sarracens and Jewes (all whom by one common name they called Maranites) who profeſs Chriſtianiſm, and yet do ſcorn it. When all thoſe were out of the way, the blood-thirſty Friers ceaſed not, untill they obtained be p. 156the ſame power of Inquiſition againſt the Believers of the Goſpel, whom they called Lutherans. That cenſure proceeds in this manner; If any man be accuſed of hereſy (as they call it) by one witnes, he is apprehended: if he confeſs not, he is tortured, untill he confeſs: who confeſſes, and recants, he is deprived of all his goods, and muſt at all time wear a Sambieta, that is, a yellow garment with a red croſs and ſome devils painted upon it; and ſome are condemned to perpetual priſon; Who will not repent, are burnt; And if they be bold to profeſs, and ſpeak of their faith, while they be in priſon, their tongues are cutt-out, before they be brought forth. In the year 1559. King Philip II. returning from Flanders, was beaten with a fearfull ſtorm; all his ships were loſt, and he ſcarcely arrived on land, when he ſaid, He was delivered from that danger, to root Lutheraniſm out of his Kingdom. He came to Hiſpalis September 24. and immediatly to take away all hope of immunity, he cauſeth to burn Don John Pontius Comes Bailenius, and John Conſalua a Preacher, with ſome Friers of the Monaſtry of S. Iſidor. Then he went to Pincia (Pe. Soave in Hiſt. conc. Trid. Lib. 5. ſeemes to call it Vaglia-dolid): there he cauſed burn 28 of the chief Nobility in his own ſight, and impriſoned Barthol. Caranza archb. of Toledo; and many others of lower condition were burnt, as may be ſeen Loc. cit. and in Thuan. yea Charles Prince of Spain was impriſoned, and (as was reported) was poiſoned by the Inquiſitors at his fathers command An. 1568, becauſe he favoured them of the Low-Countreys, a…d was ſuſpect of Lutheraniſm. Many Spainjards for love of the Goſpel went into Germany, Geneve, and ſome into England, eſpecially all the Monks of S. Iſiodore nigh unto Sivile. This Inquiſition was not only in Spain, but in others of that Kings Dominions, as followeth.

LI. Albert of Hardenberg writing the life of Weſſelus, ſaith, The The Reformation in the Netherlands.Lord Cornelius Honius, the Emperours Counſeller in the Court of Holland in Hague, and ſome other learned men in the kingdom of God had found a book Of the Lords ſupper, which ſeemes to condemn the groſs and Capernaitish eating of the Lords body, and to teach a ſpiritual, which is alſo a true and real eating, though only by faith. They had found this book among the papers of Jacob Hoeckius a Deacon of Naeldwyk, as alſo ſome other VVritings of Jo. VVeſſelus, concerning purgatory and other purpoſes: and becauſe that book Of the Lords ſupper was found amongſt thoſe of VVeſſelus, they took it to be his: which I will not affirm nor deny: for it is certain, that he had written in the ſame manner of the Supper. Nevertheleſs I have heard that that written book of Hoeckius was very old, and that it had been delivered from hand to hand for the ſpace of two hundred years, and that they had kept it as a golden treaſure, as whereby they underſtood, that the idolatry of worshipping the bread should be extinguisht. But theſe treatiſes of Weſſelus and other books of Hoek coming into the Cloiſter of Saint Agnes-hill, where VVeſſelus had often reſorted (as we have heard) had given light unto many, eſpecially unto Henry Rhodius the father of a Monaſtry at Urrecht, who went to Luther in Wittembergh, and shewed him the books of VVeſſelus, and that book Of the Lords ſupper, and entreated him in the name of others alſo, that he would give his judgement of it: but Luther fearing that the Lords Supper might be vilified, would not approve it: whereupon followed ſome difference between Luther and Carolſtad. Afterward Luther did writ unto Rhodius a Letter, which is printed wich the works of VVeſſelus; and p. 157there alſo is another Letter directed unto Oecolampad, craving his judgement of that book Of the Lords Supper, and that the books of Weſſelus might be printed at Baſile: but Oecolampad being a modeſt and peaceable man, would not give his judgement of it, becauſe he knew, that Luther had not approved it: but he ſent Rhodius unto Zurik, and Zuinglius approved it: for before that time he was enclining that way; and then began to maintain that doctrine; yet having heard the judgement of ſundry other learned men: and after that, Oecolampad began to ſpeak more freely &c. William Gnapheus Rector in Hague in an epiſtle dedicatory before his book writes thus; The Archbishop remembreth well, with what diligence I did teach the young ſcholars from my youth, and how great perſecution Satan by his ſouldiers hath raiſed up at the firſt, ſo that I and the honorable Cornelius Honius [above named] without hearing of our cauſe in the year 1523. were impriſoned, and there we lay together three months, and then were confined within the Hague upon Baile for two years; in which time the Honorable Honius departed this life. But when I after thoſe two years confinement was upon ſecurity ſet at liberty, and my adverſaries had ſeen a conſolatory Letter, which I at the requeſt of ſome good men had written unto a poor grieved widow woman, they cauſed me to be put in priſon again: and when the Sophiſters of Lovan with their Commiſſioners had examined mee long enough upon that Letter, they put mee into a cloiſter, to ſuffer pennance for three months upon bread and bier, becauſe I had deſpiſed that Cloiſter-life: for I had exhorted that widow, that she should not be dejected, becauſe her ſon had forſaken his Coul, ſeeing the kingdom of God conſiſts not (as Paul teaches Rom. 14) in cloaths or places (whereupon the life of cloiſterers is principally grounded) but rather in conſtant faith in God, and unfained love to our neighbour, which faith and love, her ſon might have, after he hath gone away as well as when he had his gray Coul. When I was in that cloiſter (ſaith he) in the year 1525, how grievous were thoſe times, becauſe of the grievous perſecution in the Netherlands, and the miſerable blood-shedding of the boors in the Upper-land! and then I enlarged my little book out of the holy Scriptures for my own conſolation, and the deſtruction of the Devils kingdom, who had ſo perſecuted mee for a conſolatory Letter. That this book was printed, it was without my knowledge: for I had not written it for that end: nevertheleſs it hath done good unto many, and brought them to the knowledge of ſome truth: which I underſtand by that, it hath been oft reprinted, and one of the Printers hath been beheaded for it: ſo hardly can Satan ſuffer the publishing of the truth, and he hath perſued mee, untill I muſt leave my native countrey, &c. He had gone into Embden, and lived there untill the year 1557, when he ſent the book with the dedication unto the States of Holland. That book was written in way of a dialogue between Theophilus and Lazarus: of which I add a paſſage or two. Lazarus asketh,

Whereunto doth the Spirit lead the children of God?

Thophilus anſwereth,

VntoUnto the love of holineſs, and hatred of ſin: they are alſo ſaid to have a delyting and reſting heart upon the bountifulneſs of our heavenly Father in all their neceſſities, ſufferings and adverſities: for the power of Chriſtian faith is of ſuch virtue, that it drives through all perſecution and ſuffering, unto the acknowledging and feeling of the good will of God toward us, with which will of God a Chriſtian believer is ſo well ſatiſfied, that he ſtrives no way againſt it, that the vile flesh of old Adam should ſuffer here, and the wicked will should not have p. 158always the dominion,

Lazarus.

Whence comes that Chriſtian faith?

Theophi.

The knowledge of faith comes by hearing Gods word: but the lively feeling and the delight, which we get by hearing, reading and thinking-upon that word, is the gift of God, which is powred and ingrafted by the Holy Ghoſt into the hearts of believers: Paul teaches this clearly, ſaying, I have planted, Apollos watered, but God hath given the increaſe.

Laza.

What is that faith?

Theoph.

Chriſtian faith is a lively faſt feeling and truſt into the love and mercy of God our heavenly Father, manifeſted unto us in his only begotten Son Jeſus Chriſt.

Laza.

I confeſſe, that I should have my refuge unto the Lord God, as the Apoſtles did; but I can not believe, that God is ſo neer us, as he was with them in the ship.

Theoph.

Albeit God is not with us viſibly, as he was with them, nevertheleſs he is with us and in us, by his Divine power, mercy and anointing of the Holy Ghoſt; eſpecially God is very neer unto them that are grieved in heart: the whole Scripture declares in many places, that the Lord God holdes us in the hand of his counſell, and keeps us under the protection of his wings, as a henn keeps her chickens: yea can a mother forget her child, and not have pitty on the ſon of her wombe? and albeit she should forget him, yet I will not forget you. Is not this a great comfort, that God pittieth us as a mother doth her children? Saith not God unto his choſen people, He that touches you, touches the apple of mine ey.......

Laza.

Can we not deſerve the kingdom of heaven? how comes that?

Theoph.

It is, becauſe by nature we are altogether the children of wrath; in ourſelves we are unclean, and begotten of them that were unclean, ſo that the Prophet ſaid truly, All our beſt works and righteouſneſſes is as a filthy cloath; where of we may be ashamed to come into the preſence of God, and far leſs can we deſerve any good for them. If we could ſatisfy the wrath of God by our good works, then Chriſt had died in vain, and we were Saviours of ourſelves, nor had we need to give God thanks for his mercy to wards us in Chriſt. The kingly Prophet confeſſes this, when he ſaith, Lord enter not into judgement with thy ſervant, for in thy ſight can none that lives be juſtified. And that we may do any thing acceptable unto God, we muſt be born again by the quickning water of the Holy Ghoſt, who tranſlates us from the kingdom of deceiving Satan, into the kingdom and government of our Lord Ieſus Chriſt. So long as we are not by the Spirit of faith purged from our in-bred infidelity, and grafted into Ieſus Chriſt as our true Vine, to bring forth by him the fruit of life, we continue like to bad and unprofitable trees. &c,

Lavater Miniſter of Zurik shewes (in a Narration of the Sacramentary ſtrife) that in the year 1524. John Rhodius and George Sagan two learned men coming to Zurik, conferred with Zuinglius concerning the Sacrament, and hearing that he was of the ſame judgement with them in that queſtion, did thank God, that they were delivered from the contrary error; and as yet they had not shewd the Letter of Honius, in which the word Is in the inſtitution of the Supper is expounded, Signifieth: which expoſition Zuinglius did think moſt convenient. That Letter of Honius is large, but there he ſaith, Our Lord Ieſus had many a time promiſed remiſſion of ſin unto believers, and at his laſt Supper he willing to confirm their hearts; added a pawn unto his promiſe, that they might be in no more doubt; as a Bridegrom, who would aſſure his Bride, that she doubt no more of his love, gives her a ring, ſaying, Take this, there give I thee myſelf: She receiving this ring, believes that the Bridegom is her's, turns away her heart from all other wooers, and thinks p. 159how she may pleaſe that her ſpouſe. So is it with them, who receive the Euchariſt, as a pawn from their Bridegrom, &c. At that time lived. John Piſtorius or Baker of Woerden: he was a Prieſt, and had been inſtructed by Io. Rhodius in S. Jerom's School in Utrecht: becauſe he married a wife, he was accuſed by the Inquiſitors, impriſoned and burnt, An. 1525. He was a learned man, as appeares by his books printed lately. Theſe few particulares shew how the light of the Goſpel began to breake out in the Netherlands, ſo that even before Luther aroſe, God had preſerved from time to time …ome few believers in the midſt of the groſſeſt darkneſs; as alſo we may under ſtand, how the truth was hated and perſecuted, as I touched before in the life of Charles V. and more may be ſeen in the book of Martyrs in the Netherlands: about the year 1540. the perſecution was hott; and then many went from Flanders and other Provinces into England. Trigland. in his Church hiſto. againſt V…enbog. par. 3. King Henry accepted them, and placed them in ſeveral towns, not only for enuy againſt the Pope, but becauſe many of them were wool-weavers, and by them he brought that trade into his kingdom. In the year 1550. they obtained liberty under the Kings ſeal, that the Dutch and French Churches should continue in their Church-Diſcipline and order, as they were then begun, (though not conform unto the Diſciplin and ceremonies of the English Church) and to hold Synods by themſelves; and that was; in every congregation to chuſe their own Miniſters, ruling Elders and deacons, but with this condition, that when they had choſen a Miniſter, they should crave and obtain the conſent of the King or of his heirs or …ucceſſors; as alſo when in their Synode they shall chuſe a new Superintendent. John Laſco was Superintendent at that time; and Miniſter of a Congregation in London: by advice of other Miniſters Gualter Delen, Martin Flandrus, Francis Riverius and others, he drew-up a book of Diſcipline, preſcribing the form of election of Miniſters, Elders and deacons; directions concerning prayers before and after Sermon, adminiſtration of baptiſm and the Lords Supper; the manner of catechiſing; the manner of cenſuring ſcandalous perſons either repenting or obſtinat, and prayers belonging to …ach one of thoſe; as alſo concerning the Viſitation of the ſick. Thoſe who ſuffered in theſe Provinces, were for the moſt part accuſed concerning the Maſſe, prayer to Saints, worship of images, purgatory, the merite of works, the ſupremacy of the Pope, and the lyke: all which they denied, upon grounds of the Scripture. King Philip II. went about to turne the Civil gouvernment into a Monarchy, and was adviſed by the Cardinal of Lorrain, to ſeparate ſuch parts of theſe Provinces, as in former times were ſubiect unto the Bishops of Germany and France, and erect new Bishopriks in them: then he erected three archbishopriks and twelve bishopriks (whereas before they had but one Bishoprik in Vtrech…) that by them as ſo many Overſeers the office of Inquiſition might be the more ſtrictly executed. This was not darkly made known by the Popes Bull granted to the ſame effect; and Henry the Ambaſſador of Spain declared the ſame plainly unto William Count of Naſſaw. Whereupon the States began to conſult how to defend themſelves againſt the cruelty of Inquiſition. Thuan. hiſt. Lib. 22. But firſt they wrote a Confeſſion of their faith in the year 1561. and ſent it unto the King with a Supplication, proteſting that it was great cruelty and iniquity, to punish them as hereticks ſo horribly, becauſe they forſook the traditions of men, which had no warrant in Gods Word. The Confeſſion was at the firſt written by Guido de Bres (who afterwards ſealed it with his blood, and Gode…rid p. 160Wingius (who was ſent by the Church of Embden to gather the firſt Reformed Church in Flanders) and other Fellow-labourers in Flanders, Brabant, Holland, &c. and it was communicated unto Cornelius Coolthunius and Nicolaus Carenaeus Miniſters at Embden, unto Pe. Dathen, & Caſpar Heidan at Frankendal, and others in other parts. It was preſented unto the King in the year 1562: but he was ſo far from yielding unto their Supplication, that they were the more grievouſly oppreſſed. In the midſt of their cruell perſecution the number of true profeſſors increaſed wonderfully, and by example of the French Church (which in the beginning of King Charles IX. had purchaſed ſome liberty) they avowed the Religion openly. Cardinal Granvellan on the other ſide went about (contrary to the mindes of the Noble men, who were appointed by the King unto the government) to afflict Antwerp, though having a particular exemption from the Inquifition. The noble men ſent their complaint againſt him; and he was deprived of his authority by Letters from the King: but before his departure he had provided ſo, and the King was ſo affected toward the Inquiſitors, that their Inquiſition went on the more cruelly: among others great ſeverity was uſed in Antwerp againſt the believers of the Goſpel in the year 1564. Many Noble Men, who before were enemies of the truth, began to hate ſuch cruelties, and embraced the Goſpel; and albeit they ſaw themſelves in danger of the Inquiſition, yet they determine to make a league of mutuall defence, namely, that they would endeavour to help one another for avoiding pe…ill, and to certify one another of the attempts and plots of their enemies. When they had made this agreement, they ſought to gain the favour of others moſt bitter againſt them. At that time Margarit the Dutcheſs of Parma, and the Kings Siſter had the government of the ſeventien Provinces: by the advice of other Rulers foreſeeing the imminent danger, she ſent Count d' Egmont (a Papiſt, but a good Patriot) unto the King, to certify him, that great trouble was like to enſue, which could not be prevented, if the ſeverity of thoſe Edicts, and the boldneſs of ſome men abuſing them, were not reſtrained. Then the King ordered the Dutcheſs to mollify the edicts, as neceſſity required with the advice of prudent men, for preventing the dangers which she feared, yet ſo that the Romane Religion be kept in ſafety. She calleth a ſolemn Counſel, in which twelve men were appointed to rectify the buſineſs. They call the odious Inquiſition, a Viſitation; and for burning they ordain hanging, but the Inquiſition was confirmed, and continued ſtill. This petty change did not pleaſe Granvellan nor the Pop's Legate in Spain; nor did they ceaſe, untill the King diſcharged that order again: ſo by a new edict he eſtablished the Inquiſition, and commanded, that the former edicts should be every where put into execution; Dated in December An. 1565.

LII. Often mention hath been made of the controverſy concerning the A Retractation of Bucer concerning the Supperpreſence of Chriſts body in the Lords Supper: here by way of corollary, for clearing both the hiſtory and the ſtate of that queſtion, I add the words of Martin Bucer in his Enarrations on Matth. 26. in his ſecond edition. When he comes to the Inſtitution of that Sacrament, he ſaith; It ſeemes good to treat of this text, as of new, becauſe in my former edition are ſome words, whereby, it may ſeem, both that I have not ſufficiently declared the Matter, and that I have been too little dutifull toward thoſe, unto whom wee all who worship Chriſt, do owe very much. For by our ingratitude p. 161toward the moſt large gift of God, the revelation of the Goſpell, which hath been in our time, and by our ſloth in all the work of Chriſt our Saviour, we have deſerved, that God hath ſuffered Satan to raiſe a ſtrife (certainly a very unhappy one) amongſt the Miniſters of the revived Goſpell, concerning the ſacred myſtery of the Lords table. Into this contentien I alſo was drawn, while (I know not with what Zeal) I did endeavour to defend ſome men, againſt whom others ſeemed to deal too harshly, and to eſchue on the one hand the impanation of Chriſt, or the local incloſing of him in the bread, and on the other, the prepoſterous confidence on the outward action in the ſacraments. I confeſſe ingenuouſly, that this Zeal was immoderate, and that I did not honour enough the authority of thoſe, whom I ſaw to be firſt promoters of the Goſpell unto us all, tow…, Martin Luther and ſome others; neither did I conſider rightly the dammages, which the Church hath ſuffered by that difference: for elſe I might have taken another way both to defend the innocent, and to wave the fond opinions, neither should I have taken exception againſt the words that are agreeable unto Scripture, and may bevſed piouſly, which M. Luther and they who are with him do uſe. For becauſe I thought, that by thoſe phraſes the people were made to believe the impanation of Chriſt, or certainly was a locall incloſing in the bread, and that the ſacraments by themſelves, after whatſoever manner they be taken, do bring ſalvation, I thought, that I should not only impugne thoſe phraſes, but that they should be waved, and others uſed; that thereupon Luther and others did judge, that I acknowledge nothing in the Supper but bread and wine, and aſcribe nothing unto the ſacraments, but that they be badges of Chriſtian profeſſion. But now I affi…e before the Lord unto his Church, as my diu…lged books can teſtify, that I was never of that mind or did think, that in the holy Supper nothing … given or diſtributed, but bread and wine as empty ſignes of the Lords body and blood, and not alſo the body and blood of the Lord. Likewiſe albeit in the ſacraments, I did ſpeak of that as a main thing, that they are the badges of our profeſſion, yet I never denied, that the Lord gives thoſe alſo for recommending his mercy, and exhibiting the gi…ts of life, yea and the ſame gift, not in one place only. The only thing that I did impugne, was that the ſacraments do of themſelves confirm faith, ſeing that is the work of the Holy Ghoſt. But when the diſpute continued, and Luther had declared all the matter of the ſacrament more fully, I ſaw, that he neither did unite the Lords body and blood by any naturall ty unto the bread and wine, nor did incloſe them locally in the bread and wine, nor did aſcribe unto the ſacraments the proper virtue, whereby they of themſelves can bring ſalvation unto the receivers, but he did aſſert only a ſacramental union between the Lords body and the bread, and between his blood and the wine; and that he did teach, that the confirmation of faith, which is aſſcribed unto the ſacraments, is by virtue, not which cleaveth unto the external things by themſelves, but which belongs unto Chriſt, and is diſpenſed by his Spirit by means of the Word and the holy Sacraments. So ſoon as I did obſerve this, it was my ſerious purpoſe, to shew and recommend it unto others: and ſo I deſire to teſtify in this place unto all men who shall read this, that Luther and others who are truly with him, and follow his teaching rightly, doth not hold any impanation in the holy ſupper, nor any local incloſing of Chriſts body in the bread, or of the blood in the wine; neither attributeth any ſaving power unto the external actions of the ſacraments p. 162of themſelves; But they hold a ſubſtantiall preſence and exhibition of the Lords body and blood with the bread and wine in the holy ſupper; and the reby they declare plainly the words of the Lord and the teſtimony of the Apoſtle, which preſence and exhibition is certain by the Lords word and inſtitution, without any natural union of the Lords body and blood with the elements: for the Lord doth not come down again from the heavenly glory into the condition of this corruptible life. They do alſo acknowledge and preach the ſaving preſence and exhibition, but by virtue of the Lords, and no… of the external action, and that the communicants enjoy it, when with true faith they partake of the ſacraments. Certainly our Saviour did intend, as in all his actions, ſo eſpecially in the ſacraments, to advanoe our ſalvation, which if wee enioy not, it muſt be through our own fau…. For the bread, which wee break, is the communication of the Lords body, and the cup of thankes-giving is the communication of his blood; and unboubtedly unto the end, that both the communion of Chriſt may growe…h us, and all ſalvation may be perfected. Therefore who knowing this myſtery can doubt, that all who are religiouſly partakers of the Lords table, by the ſame partaking have their …aith into Chriſt more confirmed; that is, more full ſalvation, not indeed by the benefit of the external action of itſelf, but through the good pleaſure of our heavenly Father, and power of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, which he shewes toward us in the miniſtry of the holy Church. For the more gravely and with the more religious ceremony the redemption of Chriſt and the communion is ſet forth in the holy table, pious hearts that believe the promiſes of the Lord, are the more commoved, and do the more earneſtly embrace the tendered communion of Chriſt, and afterwards are the more zealous in confidence and duty unto Chriſt. And therefore what either I in my former En…rations, or others have written againſt the natural union of the bread and Chriſts body, or that local incloſing, think not, godly reader, that thoſe were againſt Luther and them that ſtand rightly with him: for thoſe neyther hold nor teach any ſuch thing, neither do the words which they do uſe, carry ſuch an opinion by themſelves, as even I thought ſome time: for which only cauſe I did carpe at their words, and I doubted not that their mind was any way more ſound. Huldric Zuinglius whom all that knew him, know to have been Zealous and of admirable dexterity in windicating the Church unto Chriſt, from the tyranny and ſuperſtition of the Pope; when M. Luther and others contended that the bread is the body of the Lord, or that the Lords body is in the bread, did perſuade himſelf that they thought the Lords body either to be turned into the ſame ſubſtance with the bread, or to be incloſed locally in the bread: and therefore he did alwayes alledge againſt the firſt; If the bread be the Lords body, the bread was crucified for us; and againſt the other, thoſe paſſages, which …eſtify that the Lord left the earth, and went into the heaven, and ſits at the right hand of the Father; out of thoſe he began to expound, Is, in the words of the Lord, This is my body, for, ſignifieth; and by the heat of contention he was ſo carryed, that when he would impugne only the impanation and local incloſing or preſence of Chriſt after the manner of this world, and ſaid that the Lord is more abſent then preſent in the holy ſupper, and that the ſignes are rather given here then the body and blood of the Lord; and yet it was not his judgement, that the Lord is ſimply or wholly abſent from the ſupper, or that the ſymboles are given without or altogether empty of the Lord body and blood, as he himſelfs profeſſed afterwards, when he p. 163was here treating about the agreement of the Churches in this particular; and ſo did he write in the Apology unto the Princes of Germany: for he there did maintain the preſence of the Lord, by the words of Auguſtine. So ſometimes, when he would beware, that men ſought ſalvation by the external work of the …acraments, he averred plainly, that the ſacraments are but badges of Chriſtian ſociety, and conferre nothing unto ſalvation. But in other places, he writes plainly, that the ſacraments do help faith. Whence it it clea…e, that when he writes, Sacraments do confer nothing unto ſalvation, nor confirm faith, thereby he underſtood, that the ſacraments, that is, the outward actions of the ſacraments have of themſelves no power to ſtrenghthen the conſcience with encreaſe of faith: for when he intended to prove that his ſaying, The ſacraments give not ſalvation nor confirm faith; he alledgeth, that to confirm or encreaſe faith is the work of Chriſt by the Holy Ghoſt. Which argument is like unto this, God healeth by the power of nature, therefore a Phyſician o… medicin help nothing thereunto. Certainly only Chriſt worketh whole ſalvation in us; and that not by the power of any other thing, but by his only Spirit; and nevertheleſs for the ſame effect in us he uſeth his word, both viſible in the ſ…craments, and audible in the goſpell; and by them exhibiteth and bringeth remiſſion of ſins, communion of himſelf, and eternal life. Zuingli…s did acknowledge this: therefore when he denied, that the ſacraments give grace, he underſtood the outward action of itſelf can do nothing to this purpoſe, but all thing belonging to ſalvation is from the inward action of Chriſt, and the ſacraments are his inſtruments in ſome manner, And it was Luther, who firſt of all men did impugne this tenent of the School-men, that the ſacraments of themſelves conferr grace without any good motion of ourſelves, and wihtou faith. And ſo in this queſtion Zuinglius did impugne what Luther taught not. The ſame happened unto Oecolampade, whom none doubteth to have been an excellent Divine, if they read his works, as he did read the Scriptures with ſingular modeſty and reverence, and was well acquainted with the fathers, and did much eſteem of them, ſo he wrote very reverently and religiouſly of the ſacraments, howbeit he thought, that Luther's wordes did import an impanation or local incloſing of Chriſts body▪ and upon this account did impugne them: for he writes ſo in his laſt dialogue, when he would declare the difference. The difference, ſaith he, is rather in the manner of the preſence and abſence, then in the very preſence and abſence: for none is ſo blunt, to affirm that Chriſts body is every way abſent or preſent. Some hold that the Lords bread is the very body of Chriſt, ſo that whosoever, whether godly or ungodly, do eat it, they eat not only the bread and the ſacrament, but alſo the body of Chriſt bodily, and let it down into the ſtomack. But we ſpeak againſt this, and affirm that the element is not ſo honoured, as that the moſt excellent of all creatures would unite himſelf into the ſame and natural ſubſtance of it, or that he is ſo naturally contained in it, that by it, as a midle pipe, grace is conveyed, (which the Holy Ghoſt gives unto believers) and by the touch and taſt of it, even the ungodly do touch and eat the very body of Chriſt, and are partakers of grace. From thoſe his words who may not ſee that Oecolampad impugneth three things only, that the body of Chriſt is united with the bread into one and the ſame natural ſubſtance, contained naturally in it, and that by the touch or taſt of bread, all, both godly and ungodly are partakers of grace. But Luther did never affirm any of theſe, albeit not a few did judge that thoſe things were in the words, which he p. 164did uſe in this purpoſe, eſpecially when he did deny any trope in the words, This is my body. I will alſo adioyn a whole epiſtle of Oecolampad, where in he plainly avouches his faith concerning this point. It is thus; John Oecolampade unto N. a brother in Chriſt. Grace and peace from God the Father. I have need to be informed by thee, my brother, and thou comeſt unto mee, and violently preſſeſt mee unwilling to anſwer. Is this thy tyranny tolerable? and yet in Chriſt it is to be comported, for it is friendly and brotherly, and yet upon this condition, that I may have the ſame power over thee, and thou shalt impart unto mee thy judgement mutually, when thou shalt receive mine. Receive then plainly, what I believe. The ſacramentall ſignes, whereby the ſacramentall promiſe concerning the remiſſion of my ſins, that it may be more believed by my infirm conſcience, are not unto mee bread and wine: for I who ſeek higher things, make no reckoning, what ſort of bread and wine be given, but I deſire more admirable things and powerful to ſtreng then my weak ſoul: and thoſe are no other, but the very body and the very blood; not the figure of the body and blood but the body that was given and ſuffered for my ſins; and which the Angels of heaven do enioy deliciouſly, which Chriſt promiſed to give, and did give to be meat, not carnal, but ſpiritual; and the blood which flowed out of his body, and was shed for my ſins: for that doth powerfully ſeal the promiſe of purging mee from all mine iniquity: and for this I believe ſimply the words of Chriſt, ſaying, This is my body, which shall be given for you, and, This is my blood of the new teſtament, which is shed for you. Whereby he teſtifieth, that that body is a ſeal, that ſins are forgiuen unto him who believes and eates ſpiritually, ſeing he ſuffered for this cauſe. The word of Chriſt went firſt, which the effect hath ſealed by the holy ſeal. I hunger and thirſt for this bread and drink, not that it, as bodily meat, may be converted into mee, but that I may be turned into it, and may become ſpiritual by ſpiritual meat; that when I shall be in Chriſt, Chriſt alſo abiding in mee (to wit, being received in the ſacrament) may by his grace work his own works; that ſo I may be ready to obey all the members of Chriſt, albeit it were to die for them, as he died for mee, and ſo I may be a true member in that his myſticall body; not in the body of Antichriſt, becauſe I deſire not a portion with him; but I deſire to be a member of Chriſt, though the loweſt. I can not ſpeak more plainly: take this in good part: do with courage, and truſt in the Lord. Baſile. Aprile 19. By the providence of God (ſaith Bucer.) this epiſtle is amongſt the epiſtles of Zuinglius and Oecolampad, which other ways were not happily published: for in that book ſome epiſtles, that were published in the firſt heat of the diſputation, came abroad again, which annoy not ſo much the concorde of the Churches, which the Lord gives at this time, as the ſincere and ſolid knowledge of thoſe myſteries, amongſt not a few. Moreover when I heard that thoſe epiſtles were a printing, and intended in a preface, (which might have been prefixed unto the work in name of ſome man in Baſile) to ſupply ſome things (that were written in theſe epiſtles ſlenderly concerning the ſacraments, and therefore might offend many) that the readers might underſtand, how even that Church approves the right faith of the ſacraments, even as they had embraced it long ago, and doth profeſs it ſoundly; Some man (the Lord forgive him) cauſed the preface be published in my name. And ſo, when it is ſaid in the beginning of the epiſtle, When wee ſet forth thoſe epiſ…les, many did judge, that I had cauſed theſe epiſtles to be divulged; and thence did inferr, that I do p. 165not intend the agreement of the Churches in the doctrine of the ſacrament. And becauſe at this time I can not do it by another writing, I proteſt unto hee…, Chriſtian reader, my very great grief, that thoſe epiſtles are not blotted out of that works, as alſo in that too large preface, which alſo without my knowledge is prefixed unto that work. I allow not whatſoever things may ſeem to maintain ſtrife, or unjuſt explication or commendation of the ſacrament, or may ſeem to advance any man with the diſparagement or imputation of others: but of this at another time: only I would now purge myſelf from that edition. But whereas I have alledged the writings of M. Luther, Zuinglius, Oecolampad and mine own, concerning the preſence of the Lord in the holy Supper, godly reader, doubt not but I have done ſo, to advance the true doctrine of the ſacraments, and the agreement of the Churches, and not for the pleaſuring or contemning of any man, or of a mind to offend any, or to commend any without cauſe or deſert: I know by the Lords grace, that Luther thinks well of this myſtery, as of all things, whereof true knowledge is neceſſary unto Religion. Therefore ſeing in the former editions of my Enarrations, I have ſpoken againſt the natural either union of the body of Chriſt with the bread, or its circumſcriptive incl…ſing in the bread, as alſo of the comforting of conſciences by the only outward receiving of the ſacrament, and againſt ſuch other fictions, as if they had followed upon the words of Luther, which he had uſed, when he was ſpeaking of the ſacraments; it is my part both for Luthers cauſe who hath deſerved well of the Church, and for the Church of God, and for Chriſt himſelf, to teſtify unto the world, that I acknowledge him to be free from ſuch devices, not only in his judgement, but in his words; leſt any one upon occaſion of my writing, which may ſeem to fight with Luthers writings, shall think, that either Lu…h… maintaines any preſence of the Lord in the Supper, unworthy of the Lord, or that I maintain no preſence. The judgement of Zuinglius and Oecolampad (ſo far as I could underſtand it) therefore have I mentioned, that thoſe who reverence theſe mens works, now knowing that theſe did not maintain naked ſeals in the Supper without Chriſt, may the more willingly receive the truth of the ſacrament, if they have miſſed it; and cleave faſter unto it, if they continued in it; and ſuch who make no account of thoſe mens writings, should no way reject the gifts of God, which were beſtowed on thoſe in no ſmall meaſure, ſpecially on Oecolampa…, as his elaboured works shew abundantly....God remove all contention from his people, and all propoſterous affectation and contempt of men, and give us grace to embrace his trueth truly, and to p…omote it happily. Amen. So far Bucer. This was written in the year 1536: what may be gathered out of it, I leave unto the judicious reader, as alſo how it agreeth with the practiſe and doctrine of Luther and them who have followed him after that year.