History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600, Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 2 · Chapter 3 (2 of 5)

History of the Catholic Church from 600 to 1600 · Ecclesiastical epoch 1300-1600 · Century 16 · Part 2 · Chapter 3 (2 of 5)

p. 77XIV. The Goſpell began to be avowed by many in that year. In the Reformation in other places.Court of Lewes King of Hungary, God raiſed up George Marques of Brandeburgh to join with the Vratiſlavians in their ſupplication for liberty of Religion: and ſo began the Reformation there. Hartmund à Cronbergh a Noble man did prevail powerfully at Cronbergh. The people of p. 78Strawſburgh were much commended, that in the midſt of many diſcouragements on every ſide, they did receive Reformation by the preaching of Matthias Zellius and Symphorian an old man, who had been many years prieſt of S. Martin's there; and others after them, who had alſo been prieſts or Monks. John Froſchius a Carmelite preached in Ausburgh; Andrew Oſiander in Nurimburgh, and Gallus Korn a Franciſcan joyned with him. Hartman Iback à Monk of S. Catherin's, having the favour of Amandus holtz-hauſen and other Senatours preached in Frankford on Moen. In Weſſenbergh on the borders of Alſatia and the Palatinat began to preach Henry motherer a Prieſt; and they called Martin Bucer from Wittembergh: but in the next yeare they were both put out by the Vicar of Spira, and Bucer went to Strawsburgh. In the country of Greichga by the river Neccan many towns received preachers. Henry Sutphan an Auguſtinian having eſcaped from the hands of the Inquiſitours in Antwerp, went to Breme, and preached in S. Anſgarie's Church, which the Chanons had left, becauſe a man had been killed in it. The Clergy ſeeing the people following his preaching, did complain unto the Magiſtrates, and then unto the Bishop: but Sutphan defends his doctrine by authority of the Scriptures, and promiſed to ſurceaſe, if they shall convince him of errour. So the Magiſtrates maintained him. The light of the Goſpell went a long to Magdeburgh. Stetin, Sund in Pomer, to Riga, Derbat and Reval in Liveland; to Scaphuſen, Berna, S. Gall in Helvetia; to Dantſick, Vienna, Ulma, Wila, Creilsheim. Cothuſe, Arnſtat &c. From Delph in Holland, Friderik Canirm wrote unto Caſpar Hedio then in Mentz, ſaying, The adverſaries do attempt much by their mandates, letters and meſſages, but God infatuateth the Counſell of Achitophel, and it comes to paſſe, that Monte parturiente naſcatur ridiculus mus: this I know, that if we had liberty to preach in publick, the Monks (which are bitter againſt the truth) would turn to nothing; for their credite is gone already by a few preachings in the Schoole. But we muſt patiently wait upon the will and good pleaſure of the Lord, who when he ſeeth that we are ſo earneſt; doth purpoſely delay to help, leſt we ſacrifice unto our nets, and take the praiſe unto ourſelves, if every thing went on ſmoothly: He hath reſpect not only of them which are to be called, that they may be brought unto grace, but likewiſe of them that are called, that they may continue in grace: but when he shall ſee us giving over, or deſpairing of ſalvation unto Iſrael, and to be altogether doubtfull, then that he alone may be ſeen to work on the earth, he will help his Church unexpectedly, that unto him alone may be praiſe and glory, Amen. I am very ſorry, that Eraſmus becomes colder dayly, and ſo far as I can judge, he retraits indirectly, what he did ſeem to have written and ſpoken freely; and I perceive his childish fear, in reſpecting the honour of men more then of God. And there bee many ſuch Nicodemuſes with us, but certainly they would ſtand more ſtoutly, if the glory of Chriſt, who only doth ſtrengthen weak conſciences, were publickly preached. Abr. Schultet. Annâl.

15. In that ſummer Luther published the New Teſtament in the Dutch Oppoſition by others.language; and a book againſt the falſely named Order of Bishops: there he accuſeth them for condemning and perſecuting the truth of the Goſpell, howbeit when he had ſo oft provoked them to diſpute, they could neither oppugne the doctrine of the Goſpell, nor defend their Popish errours. He telleth that they will not come to ſpeed with their tyranny: for he regardeth p. 79not the Papall curſe, nor the Ceſarean edicts, that for them he will not forſake the profeſſion of truth, but the rather shall it ſpread through the world; and he endeavours to do it the more heartily, becauſe that they rage ſo cruelly: neither shall the Goſpell fail, albeit he were killed: but God will punish them grievouſly, if they will continue in their fury. When the bb. abbots and Monks heard of this book and of the Dutch New Teſtament, they were the more enraged, and ſought by all meanes they could, to have Luthers books burnt: and in ſome places they prevailed: as in Wittembergh Ferdinand the Emperours brother (the lawfull Duke being exiled) put in execution the Edict of Worms, and in November put many to death. As alſo Henry Duke of Brunſwike, George Duke of Saxony, and Philip Bishop of Friſinga & Naumburgh were violent againſt all having any of Luthers books. Likewiſe Eraſmus ſent a Letter unto Jodoc Preſident of the Senate of Mechline, dated, Baſil. prid. Jd. Jul. An. 1522. ſaying, Here and there I have turned away partly by my words, and partly by epiſtles, many from Luther's faction: nor doth any thing ſo much diſcourage the Lutheran affections, as that I have declared plainly by my divulged books, that I do cleave unto the Romane Pope, and do diſallow Luthers buſineſs. Scultet writes that Pope Hadrian had exhorted Eraſmus to employ his pen againſt Luther.

XVI. We have heard before (in part) what Pope Hadrian had written The Diet at Norenhergh An. 1522, & 1523.unto the Diet of the Germane Princes at Norinbergh in November An. 1522: now hear their anſwer: they ſay unto the Legate, They had with all reverence read the Popes Brieve, and heard his commands againſt the Lutherans: they give God thanks, that his Bleſſedneſſe was come into that See, and unto him they wish all happineſs. And (after they had ſpoken of their unanimity to joyn in war againſt the Turk) they ſay, they are ready to execute the ordinances againſt the Lutherans, and to root out all errours, but for weighty cauſes they had delayed, becauſe many had underſtood by Luthers books, how Germany was oppreſſed many and grievous waies by the Court of Rome: and if they had attempted to execute that Edict, many would have thought, that they were confirming all theſe vexations; and thence had certainly a popular tumult ariſen, even open rebellion and Civill warr: wherefore in ſuch difficulties it were ſafer to uſe ſofter cures: and ſeing the Legate had confeſſed in the name of the Pope, that ſin was the cauſe of all thoſe miſeries, and he promiſed to Reforme the court of Rome; and if theſe abuſes be not amended, and the grievances removed, with others, which the Princes will now propound, it is impoſſible to calme the preſent broils, or to ſettle peace again; Eſpecially ſeing Germany had conſented unto the paiment of Annates, expreſſely on condition, that they should have been employed in warrs againſt the Turks, and theſe have been payed for many years, and never applied unto that uſe; they entreat that the Romane Court would permit that money be brought in to the Emperiall Chamber for that uſe. And where he craves their Counſell for healling the preſent and imminent maladies; they think, they have not to do with Luther alone, but to root up many vices that are feſtered by long cuſtom, and which ſome through imprudence, and others through impudence do defend; therefore they ſee not a more expedient and efficacious way, then if a godly and free Councell be called with the Emperours conſent in ſome convenient part of Germany ſo ſoon as poſſible, and at fartheſt within a year; and there muſt, it be lawfull unto all, both laick and Eccleſiaſticall perſons, to adviſe and pronounce freely, without danger of any p. 80oath or former tye, but ſo far as is expedient for the glory of God, and the ſalvation of ſouls &c. The Legate replieth, That excuſe of delaying the Edict is but weak: for albeit it may ſeem, that ſcandals might have ariſen, yet evill things may not be tolerated, that good may ſpring out of them; as neither did the followers of Luther pretend theſe ſcandals & grievances flowing from the Romane Court; and though they had done it, they should not forſake Catholick unity, but rather in the higheſt patience have ſuffered the moſt grievous extremities: and therefore they should even now put that Edict into execution; as the Apoſtolicall See is ready to relieve Germany of their uniuſt oppreſſions by the Romane Court, if there be any. As for the Annates, ſeing the Pope will give an anſwer in due time, he hath nothing to ſay. But concerning their petition of a Councell, he thinks it will be accepted by the Pope, if they will ſmooth their words, which ſeem to be harsh, to wit, that they require the conſent of the Emperour, and that it be called into one place rather than in another: if theſe words be not ſmoothed, they ſeem to curb the Popes power, and ſo can bring no good effect &c. This reply in theſe and other particulars was not acceptable: for they did meaſure good and evill by the rule of gain unto the Roman Court; and in the mean time they would amend in nothing, but only in words of vain promiſes. Therefore after deliberation they reſolue, that they will not depart from their former anſwer, but will rather expect what the Pope will do. Then the Seculare Princes begin to conſider the manifold Grievances of the Nation, flowing not from the Court only, but from the whole body of the clergy. When the Legate heares of this purpoſe, he will ſtay no longer. Nevertheleſs they go on, and gather them, which afterwards were called, The bundred grievances of Germany, and ſent them unto the Court of Rome, with a proteſtation, that they could endure them no longer. Some of the Grievances were, the vaſt ſums of money for diſpenſations, abſolutions and indulgences; advocations of pleas from Germany to Rome; Reſervation of Benefices, corruptions of Commenda's & Annates, exemption of guilty Church-men from Civill Courts; uniuſt excommunications and interdictions; the bringing of ſeverall pleas unto Church-conſiſtories covered with many pretexts &c. and they reduce all unto three chief heads, the oppreſſion of the people with moſt grievous bondage, Germany is ſpoiled of wealth, and they uſurpe the power of the Magiſtrate. The Diet was diſſolved March 6. An. 1523. and all theſe, the Popes Brieve, and his inſtructions, the anſwer of the Princes, the Legat's reply, and the Grievances were printed and ſpread. When they were brought to Rome, it did gall the Court, that by the Popes confeſſion they were called the fountain of all theſe evills: and the Prelates could not endure, that they were brought into contempt, and that the people now had not only cauſe to revile them, but the Lutherans had matter of joy & exultation; and they were brought into inevitable neceſſity to looſe their power and gain; elſe it were cleare that they were incorrigible. Who did favour the Pope made excuſe, that he was ignorant of the policies, whereby Papall power and the authority of the Court had ſtood ſo long. Pope Leo was more wiſe: when the Germanes had blamed the Court, he ſaid, It was their ignorance and miſtaking, ſo that if Luther had been ſent to Rome, when it was required, he had not ſeen abuſes there. But in Germany they ſaid, The Popes confeſſion was but a trick of that Court, to confeſſe a fault, and promiſe amendement, and never to think of amending, and ſo deceive people for their own intereſt. And p. 81where the Pope ſayd, All things can not be Reformed at once, they ſaid merrily, he will proceed ſo ſlowly, that an age may ſlip betwixt the firſt and next ſtep. And nevertheleſs (ſaith Pe. Soave) Hadrian profeſſed freely and ingenuouſly, that the Church was corrupted, and he was ſolicitous of remedies, as appeares by the iſſue: he died September 13. In that Edict or Anſwer of Nurembergh were alſo other particulares, which the Germans did expound diverſly according to their affections; as, where it was ſaid, Preachers shall not ſpeak of ſuch things that may raiſe broils among the people; The Papiſts ſaid, the meaning is, Theſe things should not be repeated that Luther had taught, and eſpecially the pretended errours of Church-men. On the other ſide, who where deſirous of Reformation ſaid, The meaning of the Diet is, Prieſts should not mantain theſe abuſes, which heretofore had provoked the people againſt Church-men Again, where it was ſaid, They shall preach the Goſpell according to the doctrine of Doctours approved by the Church; the Papiſts ſaid, The meaning is, they should preach nothing but according to the late Schoolmen and the Poſtillators. But others ſaid, By ſuch Writers were underſtood the Fathers of the Primitive Church, as, Hilarius, Ambroſe, Auguſtin, Hierome and ſuch. And ſo that Edict which was ſuppoſed to quench the fire of controverſies, did inflamme them more: and all good men ſaw a neceſſity of calling a Councell, and that parties should ſubmit thereunto. Pe. Soave in hiſto. Concil. The adverſaries of truth deviſe another The wranglings of monks.trick againſt the Reformation, to wit, they traduce the oppoſite doctrin with maligne interpretations; as, when Luther ſaid, Chriſt hath ſatisfied for our ſins, and our works are not ſatisfactory unto Divine juſtice; the Monks ſay, The new preachers are enemies of good works, as if faith alone were neceſſary unto ſalvation, and as if it were alike whether we live holily or not. When Luther ſaid, None is tied neceſſarily to confeſſe all his ſins unto a prieſt; the Monks ſaid, They make no confeſſion unto God nor man. In a word, as Eraſmus writes in Epiſt. in Pſeude-Evangel dated Friburg. An. 1529. the Monks and Divines through cruelty of nature, or foolishnes, or for gain or hope or honour, or privat malice. did moſt cruelly accuſe them, not only of frivolous things, and which might be diſputed on both ſides, but moſt perverſly they did miſs-interprete what was well ſpoken. And this was another ſpurre to provoke their followers to execute the Edict of Worms the ſame year. Therefore ſaid Eraſmus (Io. cit.) Before this time was ſome licence to diſpute of the Popes power, of indulgences. and of purgatory: but now we dar not ſpeak of things that are godly and true: we are compelled to believe, that man of himſelf worketh meritorious works; and by his works deſerves eternall life ex condigno; that the Bleſſed Virgine may command her ſon to hear the prayers of this or that man; and many other things horrible unto godly eares. John Prince of Anhalt began to affect the truth, and did advertiſe Luther by Do. Hierom and a Franciſcan, that he should purge him of that calumny, which Ferdinand Duke of Auſtria had imputed unto him in Norinbergh, that he had ſaid, Chriſt was not the ſeed of Abraham. Charles Duke of Savoy was very deſirous of truth and purity: Luther underſtanding it by Annemund Coct a French Knight, writes unto him a Confeſſion of faith, to confirme him in the zeal of piety; in the cloſure he ſaith, Well, Illuſtrious Prince, ſtirr up that ſparke which hath begun to kindle in thee and let fire come from the houſe of Savoy, as from the houſe of Joſeph, and let all France be kindled by thee; yea, let p. 82that holy fire burn and increaſe, that at laſt France may be truly called for the Goſpel's ſake, the moſt Chriſtian Kingdom; as heretofore for that wicked ſervice of Antichriſt in shedding blood, it was wickedly called moſt Chriſtian, Dated Septemb. 7. An. 1523. The particulare perſecutions that were in that year, I leave unto the Martyrologies.

XVII. In the year 1525. Eraſmus was perſuaded by Henry VIII. King The mutuall reſpect of Luther & Eraſmus.of England, and by Card. Wolſey Bishop of York, to write againſt Luther, which he did under that inſcription, diatribe de libero arbitrio. Againſt that book Luther ſent forth another, de ſervo arbitrio. The eyes of all men were then towards theſe two, as if two bulls of Bashan were to rencounter. But lyke two war-ships they were both ſparing. For Eraſmus writing unto Melanchton, ſaith, You maruell, why I have ſent forth a book of free-will: I had three ſorts of enemies; Divines and haters of learning were aſſaying every where to undo Eraſmus, both becauſe I had hinted them in my books, and becauſe I had brought that moſt florishing Colledge into Lovan, and that I had infected all that Country with tongues and good Letters, as they ſpeak. Theſe had perſuaded all the Monarchs, that I was aſworne friend of Luther. Therefore my friends, ſeeing that I was in danger; gave ſome hope unto the Pope and the Princes, that I was to do ſome what againſt Luther; and I did entertain this hope for the time: and in the interim men, not awaiting my book, did provoke me with their pamphlets. So I could not eſchue, but ſend forth what I had written, or els I had offended all the Monarchs, which would have thought, that I had deluded them; and theſe turbulent bodies would have cried, that I keeped up for feare, and looking for ſome what more sharpe, would have raged more furiouſly. Laſtly becauſe an epiſtle of Luther is in all mens hands, where in he promiſeth to hold his quill off me, if I will alſo be ſilent, men would have thought, that here is a compact twixt us. Moreover the Profeſſors of heathnish letters at Rome, themſelves being more heathnish were wonderfully raging againſt me, as it ſeemes, envying the Germans. Therefore if I had ſet forth nothing, I had given occaſion unto theſe Divines and Monkes, and theſe clay-bakers at Rome, whoſe Alpha (if I be not deceived) is N whereby to perſuade the Pope and Monarchs, what they were endeavoring. Finally theſe furious Evangelicanes had been the more angry. For I have handled the matter very modeſtly; and yet what I writ, it is according to my own mind, albeit I will gladly quite it, when I shall be perſuaded of what is more right: And what Luther thought of this book, wee may underſtand by an epiſtle unto Spalatin, dated, Feri… 3. omnium Sanct, ſaying. It is incredible, how I disdain thar book De libero arbitrio.: as yet I have reade but two shiets of it: it is grievous to anſwer ſo learned a book of ſo learned a man. This year by authority of Frederik King of Denmark, notwithſtanding all the oppoſition of the Bishops, Copenhagen, Malmoy and other towns, eſpecially the diocy of Vibergh forſook Popery, and made open profeſſion of Reformation. So did George de Polentia Bishop of Sambia in Pruſſia, and the town of Coningsberg there. So did Henry Duke of Meklenburgh. At Brunſwik the Minorites held a Synode, and ſetforth ſome propoſitions concerning prayer to Saints and the ſacrifice of the Maſſe: but not only the learned did impugne them, but the people after much contention did expell the Minorites. Jodoc Cownt of Hoia made a Reformation in his Land. It began alſo at Anneberg and Cygnaea in Miſnia; at Gotha in Thuringia; at Noribergh and Noerdling: at Lichſtall, Scaphuſen and ſome other places p. 83in Heluetia; though at the ſame time ſome towns there made a combination againſt the Reformation. Abr. Schultet. Annal.

XVIII. The main buſineſs of that year was the work of Card. Campegius An example of Papal fraudeLegate of Pope Clemens, This Pope was altogether againſt the calling of a Councell, and thought upon wayes to put it out of the thoughts of them who were deſirous of it. He conſidered the Grievances of Germany, and reſolves to give ſome ſatisfaction, yet ſo that neither his authority, nor gain of the Court may be abaited. He findeth, that theſe Grievances were not only againſt the Romane Court, but againſt the bb. and their officials, againſt Curats and prieſts of Germany. So he reſolves to ſend an active man, who may make ſome Reformation in theſe ſmaller things: and he thinks, if Germany be ſatisfied in theſe particulars concerning themſelues, they will not enquire further. To this end he ſends Campegius unto the Diet of the Princes at Norinbergh: he had a long oration, admiring that ſo many wiſe Princes would ſuffer any change in that Religion, wherein they were born, and their Anceſtours had died, and that they conſidered not, how this change tendeth not only to condem all theit forefathers and the deſtruction of their ſouls, but likewiſe to a rebellion againſt Civill Powers. The Pope regardes not his own intereſt, but in compaſſion toward Germany hath ſent him to ſearch out meanes of healing theſe maladies throughly. It is not the purpoſe of his Bleſſednes, to preſcribe any thing unto them, and far leſs expects he, that they will preſcribe any thing unto him, but rather that they will think upon expedient ſalves: And if this diligence of the Highprieſt be now refuſed, they can not blame him herea…ter. The Emperour was then in Spaine; and the Princes give thankes for the Popes good affection; they shew, that they are ſenſible of their own calamities, as they had repreſented unto Pope Hadrian both their maladies, and what ſalves they thought expedient, and as yet they had received no anſwer: and if he had any commiſſion in that matter, they entreat him to deliver it. Campegius anſwereth, that he knowes not whether any thing in that kind was propounded unto the Pope or his Cardinalls, but he knowes their good affection, and he hath full commiſſion to concurre with them in what they shall judge conducible: and he knowes what Ceſar and they had done in the Diet at Worms; and ſome had obeyed that Edict, but why others had not obeyed it, he knowes not; but it ſeemes expedient, that chiefly they would take a courſe to proſecute that Edict. As for that they ſpeak of Propoſitions tendered unto the Pope Hadrian, he knowes not whether the Pope hath heard of them, but this much, three Coppies were brought to Rome, and the Pope had ſeen one of them: but he and the Cardinals did judge that theſe things were not done by Order of the Princes, but published by ſome heretick; and albeit he hath no command therein, yet he hath full power to do what is expedient. In theſe demands are many things derogatory unto Papall authority, and ſmell of hereſy, nor can be handled there, but he is ready to take notice, and do what is not contrary unto the Highprieſt, and is grounded on reaſon: or if they have any buſineſs with the Highprieſt, it may be propounded in milde terms &c. The Eſtates thought, It could not be unknown unto the Pope, what they had treated with Pope Hadrian, and that the Legate put another face upon it: nevertheleſs they appoint ſome to treat with the Legate, if they can fall upon any expedient meanes. They could gain nothing, but that he promiſed to reforme the Clergy of Germany; and theſe who ſpoke againſt p. 84the Romane Court, were but hereticks, and the examination thereof did belong only unto the Popes. The Princes conſider, that the Reformation whereof he ſpeakes, was but of ſmall things, and did tend to the prejudice of Seculare Power, and to the faſter rooting of the power of the Romish Court and of great Prelats, and as gentle remedies do often bring greater evils, that might open a wider door unto greater rapine; therefore they refuſe it; albeit the Legate was very inſtant in the contrary. So the Diet was cloſed Aprile 18. and another appointed to begin at Spira Novemb. 11. to adviſe what is to be done, if a Councell shall not be called in the Interim; and that the Princes, each within his own Province shall adviſe with godly and learned men, what is to be diſputed in the Councell; and that Magiſtrats shall have a care, that the goſpell be preached according to the doctrine of Teachers, that have been approved by the Church; that pictures be forbidden, and libels againſt the Court of Rome. Campegius proteſts that Princes should not medle with the buſineſs of faith, and he promiſeth to report what they had demanded of a Councell. After the diſmiſſing of the Diet, Compegius dealeth with Ferdinand the Emperours brother, the Dukes of Bavier, the bb. of Salisburgh, Trent and Ratisbone, and nine Commiſſioners of other bb. that they would meet at Ratisbone July 6. On which day they decree, that ſeing it was ordered at Norembergh to put the Edict of Worms into execution with all diligence, therefore they at the inſtance of Card. Campegius do command that in all their dominions that edict be fully execute; and all men who have ſent their ſons to Wittembergh, shall recall them within three months. The next day the Card. propounds 37. Canones concerning the reformation of the Clergy, to wit, of their habite and manner of life, of the ſacraments and other rites, feaſts, fabrick of churches, of entring into orders, of feſtivall days and faſts, prieſts that are married, confeſſion before communion, blaſphemy, witchcrauft and ſorcery, and charming, and ſuch things: at laſt bb. are ordered to keep Synods twice a year for diligent obſervation of theſe Canons. All theſe that are named before, did approve, and ordain them to be obſerved. When this Decree was published, others which were not preſent, were offended againſt the Card. and theſe his aſſociates, that in ſuch a meeting they had determined ſuch a decree, concerning whole Germany; eſpecially ſeing it was told them in the Diet, that ſuch a courſe could bring forth more evill than good; and had mentioned petty things, without any mention of ſoarer grievances, as if all other things were on a right poſture. My authour (Pe. Soave in hiſt: Conc. Trid.) ſaith, Campegius and others with him did not regard what Germany thought of their Decree: it was their only care, to ſatiſſie the Pope who ſaid that a Councell was neceſſary, unleſs they will treat of Papall authority, but in that caſe nothing is more dangerous or pernicious. When the Emperour underſtood of their treating at Norinbergh, he was offended, that they had dealt with a ſtranger in ſuch a buſineſs without his knowledge; and the rigour of their Decree did diſpleaſe him, becauſe it would diſpleaſe the Pope, whom he deſireth to keep in friendship upon the account of his wars in Italy: but eſpecially it did vexe him, that they had determined to have a Councell in Germany, as if that buſineſs did not appertain unto the Pope and him, but unto them; or if they had thought a Councell neceſſary, they should have ſupplicated him, that he might deal with the Pope for it, and that he might appoint time and place, as his affaires might permitt his preſence. As for that Diet, they p. 85had appointed to be at Spira, he will in no way yield unto it, and commandeth to execute the Edict of Worms, and, medle no more in religion, untill a Councell be called at the Popes and his own command. The Princes for a long time had not ſeen ſo imperious commands, and were ſo offended, that they were like to have fallen iuto an open broile. Charles was ſo confident, becauſe of his late victory at Ticino, and had the King of France captive, and ſo thought to rule all at his pleaſure. But the Pope fearing his power, did make a league with other Kings and Princes for his aid, if it shall happen, that the Emperour shall fall out with him; and dealt for relief of the King of France. This was unſavoury unto Charles. So far Pe. Soave. In the mean time Ferdinand, and theſe that had been with him at Ratiſbona, went on in proſecuting the Cardinal's canons, and perſecuting the contraveeners within their jurisdictions, as Abr. Schultet. and others shew at length.A controverſy for the lords Suppet

XIX. That year began the ſtrife concerning the Ubiquity of Chriſts body: the originall of it was thus; After the time of Berengarius the opinion of Chriſts bodily preſence was built upon three pillars, 1. the interpretation of the words. This is my body properly, or as they ſpoke foreign. 2. Tranſſubſtantion by vertue of theſe words pronounced. 3. A twofold preſence, viſible and unviſible. John Gerſon Chancelar of Paris did judge all theſe naughty: therefore he firſt conceived reall communication of natures, and ſaid; Chriſt, as a creature can not be in mo places at one & the ſame time, yet the humane nature by vertue of its union with the Divine nature may have that prerogative communicated unto it, to be preſent where ever the Sacrament is adminiſtred, and there only. Jac. Faber Stapulenſis about the year 1523. taught, that as Chriſts body may be wherever the ſacrament is adminiſtred, ſo it may be every where. Theſe two opinions began therefore in Paris; the firſt is held by the Papiſts; as a pillar of tranſſubſtantiation; and the other came flying into Germany, and was embraced as a ground of foreign. At firſt, Luther denieth tranſſubſtantion; but of foreign and the twofold preſence, it ſeemes; he ſpoke variouſly: for in the year 1523. ſome Bohemians came unto him in name of their Brethren, and did conferre in the doctrin of faith: of them he writes unto Nicol. Hauſman to. 2. epiſt. pag. 167. ſaying. Pighardi judge ſo of the ſacrament, that Chriſt is not bodily under the bread, as ſome ſay, they have ſeen blood and the babe there.....but ſpritually or ſacramentally, that is, he that receives the bread viſibly, verily receives naturally the blood of him which is at the right hand of the Father, but receives it inviſibly. I can not blame them more for this. And that they do not worship [the bread] they ſay, it is for the ſame cauſe, that he is not there viſibly, as we ſpeak of ſeeing, but inviſibly, and he is at the right hand of the Fathet. Here is the Bohemians their judgement, and Luthers approbation thereof. Then Ab. Schultet. in Annal. ad Ann. 1524. shewes, that when Andrew Carolſtad was ſtill at Wittembergh, he was ſcandaliſed at ſome words of Luther, who ſaid, Chriſt is in the bread of the Supper tantus quantus in cruce pependiſſet, ſo bigg as he did hang up on the croſs: and that this was an occaſion of alienation of their minds. We have ſeen other cauſes of their ſchiſme. On Auguſt. 22. Luther preached at Jena againſt the fanaticall ſpirits of Anabaptiſts pretending revelations: and at that time he ſaid, Of the ſame Spirit are the breakers of images, and Sacramentaries. Carolſtad was preſent, and took theſe words as ſpoken againſt him, becauſe he had noted, and challenged Luther upon theſe former p. 86words. After Sermon they meet in an Inn, and in end Luther provoketh Carolſtad to writ concerning that queſtion of the Supper: and ſo began that Sacramentary ſtrife. Luther hath written of that Conference at Jena one way (Scultetus ſaith, falſly) and Martin Rheinhard preacher at Jena at that time, hath writen of it another way. Within two dayes Luther went to Orlamund, (where Carolſtad was preacher at that time) but he would not ſpeak with Carolſtad: yet ſome of his hearers diſputed, with Luther, and did maintain, that what they had done in breaking down images, was warranted by the word of God, ſo that Luther went away, being almoſt ashamed. Not long after, by the means of Luther, and at command of John Frederik Duke of Saxony, Carolſtad was exiled out of Thuringia, and ſo was Rheinhard, who had written the Conferences at Jena and Orlamund. Carolſtad wrot Letters unto Orlamund; theſe were read in a publick meeting, and all the people did weep at the reading of them: the ſubſcription of the two Letters was this, Andrew bodeynſtein neither heard nor convicted yet exiled by Luther. Bodenſtein was his fathers ſirname. When Luther heares of this ſubſcription, he writes to Amſdorfius, ſaying, you ſee, how I, which should have been a Martyr, am come ſo far, to make martyres: you can ſcarcely believe, how largely this doctrine of Carolſtad concerning the Sacrament hath ſpread. Carolſtad went to Baſile, and there he converſeth with the Anabaptiſts only, and ſet forth ſixe little books concerning the Lords Supper. Upon which occaſion Eraſmus wrote unto Henry Stromer, 4 id. Decembr. ſaying, Carolſtad hath been here, and ſcarcely did viſite Oecolampade: he hath ſet forth ſixe little books: the printers were impriſoned on the third day after, at the command of the Magiſtrate, eſpecially becauſe (as I heare) he teaches, that in the ſacrament the very body of Chriſt is not. None can endure this: for the vulgare ſort are offended, that God is taken from them; as if God were in no place, unleſs he be under that ſigne; and the learned are moved by the words of holy Scripture, and decrees of the Church. This buſineſs will breed a huge tragedy, when we have too many tragedies. So far he. The ſum of Carolſtad's doctrin concerning the Supper is, The body of Chriſt neither is, nor can bee eaten with the mouth, but there is a celebration of the remembrance of his body broken for us, and of his blood shed for us. So he acknowledges a figurative ſpeach in the words of inſtitution: and the word, This, he expoundes not of the bread, but of the body, as if the meaning muſt bee, Take, eat this bread in remembrance of mee: for here is the body that was given for you. He addeth, there muſt be a trope neceſſarily, leſt we be forced to maintaine, that the bread was crucified for us; and that the Scripture commandeth us to eat his flesh, which is falſe; and that flesh profiteth; which is alſo falſe; and that his body is given and broken for us in the uſe of the Supper which is alſo falſe. In the book which he called, Of the un-Chriſtian abuſe of the bread and cup of the Lord, he pleadeth againſt their errour, which bid men ſeek remiſſion of ſin in the ſacrament: and he aſſerts, that the Sacrament should be often celebrat to declare the Lords death; and the annunciation of his death to flow from the remembrance of Chriſt; and this remembrance to flow from the diſcerning of his broken body and shed blood; and that the body is diſcerned, and not the bread or the ſacrament, when we diſtinguish his body and blood from other bodies and bloods; and that we then diſcern the body and blood of Chriſt, when we conſider that his body was broken for us, and his blood was p. 87shed for us; they who conſider not theſe things, are guilty of the body of the Lord, even as the wicked men, which killed him, becauſe ſuch do eat of the bread of the Lord, and drink of his cup: Therefore a man should examin himſelf, to wit, whether he thinkes rightly upon the death of Chriſt, and whether he be ſuch, as Chriſt would have him to bee. He denieth alſo that the ſacrament can be called an earneſt or pledge of redemption by Chriſt, becauſe what is proper unto Chriſt and his Spirit, should not be attributed unto the bread and wine; and the Scripture ſaith not, that conſciences are quieted by the bread and wine; but rather the Apoſtle commandeth, that a man should firſt examin himſelf, and then eat of that bread: which examination were ſuperfluous, if one were made more ſure of the remiſſion of his ſin by the Supper. The Senate of Zurik were offended at the newneſs of this doctrine, and therefore had forbidden the ſelling of theſe books. But both Zuinglius and Oecolampade had ſpoken of a trope in the words of inſtitution, long before they knew, how to make it cleare: and thereupon Zuinglius in a Sermon exhorts the Magiſtrat, to let the books paſs and be read, that ſo the victory of truth may be the more ingenuous, and he ſaid, Carolſtad was lyke unto a ſouldier which hath arms and a good mind to fight, but hath not skill of arms, and puts his helmet on his shoulder, and takes his breſtplate as a buckler in his hand....ſo Carolſtad is ſenſible of the truth, but becauſe he knowes not throughly the proper nature of tropes, hee diſpoſeth and places the words, not in a right ordet. Likewiſe Oecomlapade wrote unto ſeverall friends, that they would not judge amiſſe of Carolſtad: for albeit he had not attained what he would, yet in the ſubſtance of the matter he hath not erred much. And albeit the Anabaptiſts knew what difference was between Zuinglius and Carolſtad in this particulare, yet they follow Carolſtade, and ſpread his books far and wide. After the divulging of theſe books, Zuinglius wrote unto Matt. Alber Paſtor at Reutlinga, ſaying, Hitherto we have erred from the But or mark: neither Leo Juda, nor other brethren, nor I do altogether diſallow the judgement of Carolſtad, but many are offended at the obſcurity of his words and his immoderat ſcoffs; eſpecially our Tigurines, becauſe he hath a little departed from the way, wherein he should have walked. And then he teaches, that to eat the body of Chriſt, is no other, but to believe that Chriſts body was broken and died for us; and he proves this from John VI. where it is written of Spirituall eating, whereof the ſigne is in the ſacrament. 2. from the words of the inſtitution, where he expounds, Is, by, Signifieth, as the following words do evince, Do this in remembrance of me. 3. from the words of Luke, This is the new Teſtament in my blood: therefore it is not the very blood &c. Likewiſe the Diuines at Strawsburg, to wit, Wolfgang Capito in October, and Mart. Bucer (with whom all the other Miniſters did ſubſcribe) in December of the ſame yeare, did by their published papers exhort all men, to leave ſtrife, and think upon the right uſe of the holy Supper, that is (as Bucerſpeakes) we should eat the bread, & drink the wine, and then come to that which is ſpirituall, the remembrance of Chriſts death: for we should ſo eat the bread, and drink the wine, that we remember how Chriſts body & blood was once offered for us, and ſo we eat his flesh, and drink his blood ſpiritually. Luther was vexed with the ſucceſſe of Carolſtad's doctrin, and in wrath writes in the ſame December unto Amsdorf, ſaying, We have no other cauſe, but to be humbled: for Carolſtad's venom ſpreades very wide, and unto his opinion is p. 88joined Zuinglius of Zurik, Leo Judaeus, and many others affirming conſtantly, that in the ſacrament is only bread, as in the market &c. The next year this conteſt grew hoter betwixt Luther, and Jo. Bugenhagius in Pomer on the one ſide, and Zuinglius and Oecolampade on the other▪ In a third piece, which Zuinglius wrote in October, anſwering to Bugenhagius, he proves that his doctrin was not new (as the other had called it) but the very mind of Chriſt, of the Apoſtles and the Fathers; and that they have not expounded the tropes, albeit they have ſpoken with tropes; and he profeſſeth, he knew, there is a trope in the words of the inſtitution, but he knew not in what word the trope is, untill he had read an epiſtle of a Batavian, teaching that the words of Chriſt, The flesh profiteth nothing, ſpeak not of a carnall underſtanding, becauſe the text preſſeth another thing; and, who will ſay, that The flesh profiteth, he makes two wayes of ſalvation, &c. The ſame Abr. Schultet teſtifieth; that when Carolſtade ſaw the books of Zuinglius and Oecolampade, he forſook his interpretation of the particle This. Afterwards more oile was added unto this flamme, when Brentius heard of the Ubiquity, which Faber Stapulenſis had imagined. I do not intend to handle controverſies: but of this purpoſe for clearing the hiſtory, I add two paſſages; one from Ab. Schultet. Annal. ad An. 1525; Oecolampad at Baſile with his Collegues teaches the ſame with Zuinglius: when it was reported that he was a Carolſtadian, his friends did entreat him to declare his mind concerning the Sacrament; and the ſame year he publishes a book, Of the genuine expoſition of the Lord's words, THIS IS MY BODY. Therein he shewes, that orall eating had its beginning from Pe. Lombard, or Gratian, or if it be more antient, from Damaſcen the later; that Lombard in condemning them of hereſy, who ſay that Chriſt uſeth the ſame phraſe in theſe words, This is my body, as Paul had uſed in theſe, The rock is Chriſt, did condemne all the antient Teachers: which were of the ſame judgement. Then he anſwereth the objection, What things are above our capacity, men should not ſearch: iherefore we should not ſearch into the ſacrament, And he proves that the ſacraments are not of the ſort of incomprehenſible things, ſeing in the Lords Supper is no miracle, nor any thing exceeding mans capacity. Thirdly he wipeth-off the calumnies of ſome preachers, who clamorouſly ſaid, that the Goſpell was denied and Chriſt's God head, and all Chriſtianity was overthrown by them who deny orall eating of Chriſts flesh; and he affirmes, that the Holy Ghoſt hath ſpoken in ſuch a way, leſt any take occaſion of errour; and he would have ſome paſſages a little darkly to the end, that ſome ſeeing shall not ſee, and knowledge or revelation should be acknowledged to be a gift of Gods Mercy. Then he comes to the point, and proves the words This is my body to be ſpoken with the ſame trope, as theſe of Paul, Therock was Chriſt. This is not a ſtrange expoſition, nor is the phraſe ſeldom uſed in the Scripture; as nothing is more inconvenient than the expoſition of the Synuſiaſts; a trope certainly is in the words, and many abſurdities follow otherwiſe: all the Fathers were for a trope in theſe words: he confirmes the ſame, and refutes the contrary by many reaſons according to Scripture. The Senate of Baſile ask Eraſmus his judgement of that book: he anſwereth, He had read it, and in his judgement it is learnedly and well written, and I would ſay (ſayd he) very Chriſtian, if any thing can be called Chriſtian, which is contrary unto the decrees of the Church, from whoſe judgement it is dangerous to decline. The other paſſage, that I add, is in Oſiander Cent. 16. Lib. 1. Cap. 36. where ſpeaking of theſe three, Carolſtade, p. 89Zuinglius, and Oecolampade, he ſaith. The judgement of all theſe three Divines was the ſame, to wit, that Chriſts body is not given in the holy Supper with the bread and wine, but are preſent above only in the higheſt heaven, and no where els before the laſt day. In after times (ſaith he) Caluin did ſeem to reject their expoſitions, but indeed was of the ſame mind with them: for in his agreement with the Divines of Zurik he writtes, that the body of Chriſt is as far diſtant from us, as the heaven is diſtant from the earth: but deceitfully did Calvin teach the ſame impiety in other & ſmoother words, ſo that he blinded the eyes of many learned and good men, and drew them into Zuinglianiſme. So far he. I marke theſe two, that the Reader may ſee, how theſe do prevaricate or wrangle, which have been for conſubſtantiation; they will not underſtand any thing to be ſpoken againſt them: and as if blew, green and purple were all white, becauſe they are not all black; ſo how beit in this queſtion Carolſtade, Zuinglius and Calvin were in ſome partdifferent, and all were againſt conſubſtantiation, both Luther, Oſiander and theſe others of that ſort will not obſerve any difference among them in their doctrine. But this difference among them gave occaſion unto the Papiſts to inſulte againſt them; as alſo the marriage of Luther with one Catharin à Bora, which had been a Nonne. Indeed many both the friends and enemies of Luther were offended: his friends, not ſimply, as if they had condemned marriage, but in reſpect of the time when all Germany (almoſt) was red with the blood shed in the wars with, the bowrs, and eſpecially Saxony was lamenting with many others, for the death of the good Duke and Electour Frederik. And his enemies wrote bitterly, yea and impudently againſt him, alleadging (among other things) that within few dayes after his marriage, Catharin brought forth a ſon: which was not true. But afterwards Luther was much grieved, when he heard that this friends were offended, and eſpecially that his enemies took occaſion to raile againſt his doctrine for reſpect to his marriage; in ſo much, that (as Melanchton writes to Camerarius) he had need to be conforted.Light dawneth in France An. 1523.

XX. The Goſpel began to be openly preached in France at Gratianople in the Dolphinate by Peter Sebeuilla, in the year 1523. Zuinglius wrote (as in epiſt Oecolamp. & Zuin. lib. 4.) exhorting him to lift up his voice lyke a trumpet, and ſound forth the Goſpell in France, invitis omnibus puppis & papis. Who shall not make him ready for the battel? (ſaith he) the prophet ſaith, Where the Lion roareth, who will not feare? When Chriſt thundereth by his ſervants, which of his enemies will not be afraid? yea certainly fear hath overtaken them in all their tents: they are ſo amazed and perplexed, that they know not what courſe to take: for if they begin ro kill the flock of Chriſt by their deluded Princes, they fear, that in ſo doing a door be opened to fall that way upon themſelves: But if they attempt to reſiſt by Scripture, their conſciences tell them, how they are guilty in wreſting it, and therefore they are cold and faint. Why then fall we not on theſe cowards, when we have the only and ſafe enough buckler of Gods worde? He will beat down Antichriſt with the breath of his mouth. Chriſt is on our ſide, who shall be againſt us? albeit we are but lyke the veſſell of Samos, yet none can break us ſo long as God is with us: and He will be with us according to the certain promiſe of his word, where he hath promiſed to be with us untill the world's end; and hath commanded us to fear nothing, when we shall be brought before Kings or Princes for his ſake, for he will give wiſdom and utterance, which all the adverſaries p. 89shall not be able to reſiſt. Why then do we linger? Victory is at hand, why will we not reap it.....thou muſt wreſtle not only with Antichriſt, but whith all the world, if thou will advance into heaven: theſe only can come thither, who are careleſs of earthly things: Therefore firſt of all thou muſt deny thyſelf, and dy dayly: but thou canſt not do ſo by thyſelf: therefore flye to the only mercy of God, and begg of him, that he would direct thy waies &c. At the ſame time in Melda about ten myls from Paris was Bishop William Briſſonnet: he was a lover of truth and light; he paſſeth by the Monks, and ſought learned men to teach the people: ſo from Paris he calleth Jac. Faber; William Fatell, Arnold, & Gerard red: they did teach the people with chearefull livelineſs. But the Bishops courage was ſoon abaited by terrible menaces of the Sorboniſts. Nevertheleſs religion was planted in the hearts of many, and by the wondrous Counſell of God, from the perſecution of that one Church many Churches through France were planted: for both the Teachers and hearers were ſpread abroad. On May 20. An. 1525. Pope Clement wrote unto the Parlament of Paris (the King was in Spaine) shewing, that he underſtood by Letters from Aloiſia the Queen mother, how the ſeeds of wicked hereſies were beginning to ſpread through France, and they had providently and prudently choſen ſome men to ſuppreſſe the fighters againſt the old religion: and he by his authority approves them that were choſen for that effect: for now all men should be diligent to preſerve the common ſalvation, when the malice of Satan and the rage of his ſouldiers have ſtirred ſuch a broile; ſeing this madneſs intendeth not only to confound religion, but all principality, nobility, lawes and order.....It was very acceptable unto him, what they had done, and he exhorts them to continue with the like courage, &c. The King was advertiſed by his Siſter Margarit, that they had driven Ja. Faber out of Erance: he wrote unto the Parliament, giving him a large approbation for learning and godlineſs, as knowing that the man was admired even by the Spaniards and Italians: therefore he willeth, that they ſurceaſe from all action againſt him untill new advertiſement.

XXI. The wars of the Bowres in Germany was a ſore hinderance (for Inſurrection of the Bowres.a time) unto the Goſpell: for the Papiſts in Germany ſaid, Thoſe are the frutes of the new doctrin and of Luthers Goſpell. And Aloiſia in France ſaid, In Germany is nothing but confuſion, and no acknowledgement of a Prince. And this was the colour of the Popes bitterneſs in that his Letter. A wicked follow had teached the people (as Sleidan in Commente. shewes more fully) that the doctrine of the Pope and of Luther is alike wicked: the Pope tieth mens conſciences with hard lawes and bonds; and Luther hath untied the bonds, but hath declined to the other extremity in giving looſe reyns, nor teaches by the Spirit: they may well contemne the Papall Decrees, becauſe they conduce not unto ſalvation: and to attain ſalvation we muſt eſchue all manifeſt ſin, as murther▪ adultery, blaſphemy: we muſt chaſtize the body with faſting and ſimple cloaths: our countenance muſt be ſad, ſpeak little, and not have dreſſed haire. This is to beare the croſs, and to mortify the flesh, ſaid he. And when his hearers were thus prepared, They muſt forſake the crowd of men, and being ſeparated, think often of God, who he is; whether he hath any care of us; and would have us to continue in this religion. And if he will not give us a ſigne, nevertheleſs we muſt continue, and be inſtant in prayer, yea and sharpely chide with him, as not dealing with us ſufficiently: p. 90for ſeing the Scripture promiſeth, that he will give what we aske, he doth not righly, in not giving a ſigne unto them, which would know him. He ſaid, This expoſtulation and wrath is very acceptable unto God, becauſe thereby he ſeeth the inclination & fervour of our mind; and without doubt, when he is entreated this way, he will declare himſelf by ſome ſenſible ſigne, and quench the thirſt of our ſoul, and deal with us, as he did with the Fathers. He ſaid alſo, God declares his will by dreames, as he had done unto him ſelfe, and had given him a command, to kill all wicked men, and pull down all Princes and Magiſtrats. He taught alſo, that all things should be common, and all should have alike freedom and liberty without all ſubiectjon. Sleidan. Comment. lib. 3. &. 5. In Apile. 1525. the countrie-people in Suevia by the river Danube (being deluded with ſuch errours) began to refuſe obedience, and they demand 1. liberty to chooſe their Miniſters that will preach the word without mans traditions and decrees. 2. liberty from all tieths, except only corne; and theſe to be diuided at the diſcretion of good men, a part unto Miniſters, part unto the poor, and part unto publik buſineſs. 3. it is not equitable, that heretofore they have been held in the condition of ſlaves, ſeing they are made free by the blood of Chriſt. They profeſſe, they do not caſt off Magiſtrats, but they will not endure that bondage, unleſs it be cleared by teſtimony of Scripture, that it is reaſonable. 4. It is not reaſon, that they are forbidden to take wild beaſts, or fishes; eſpecially when the beaſts deſtroy their cornefields: from the beginning God hath given unto man power over all living creatures, 5. it is a great prejudice of the people, that woods are in the power of afew men. 6. they demand that their Princes or Maſters would moderate their dayly burdens of ſervice, according to the equity of the Goſpell, and lay no more upon them than was craved of old &c. Ibid. Albeit the attempts of theſe men was alike againſt Popish Maſters and others which were deſirous of Reformation, yet I can not find that any Popish perſon did endeavour to convince them by information. Luther did publish books, to refute them many times: before they did publish their Demands he diſſuadeth them from ſedition as a moſt fearfull ſin, not only in the externall fact, but even to be ſpoken or thought upon. After the publishing of the Demands, he told them, they did wickedly in cloaking theire rebellion with the pretext of ſinceer doctrine and equity, ſeing God hath commanded to obey Princes and Maſters: then he ſifteth their Demands ſeverally, and shewes, that ſome of them are contrary unto the law of nature and equity; and if any of them have any reaſon in them, they should be examined by prudent men; but they should not move broiles: if their Maſters will not let them have the liberty of the goſpell, they may go in quietneſs, where they may have it, but they should not uſe violence againſt their Maſters. He wrote alſo unto Princes and eſpecially unto the Prelats, that their hindering the liberty of the Goſpell was a provocation of Gods wrath, and their laying of intolerable burdens on their ſubiects, for their own pleaſure and prodigality, was alſo offenſive unto God: and he exhorts them, to uſe all meanes of peace rather then force, ſeeing the iſſue of warrs is uncertain, and arms are ſooner taken up, then can be layd off. When they had taken arms, he wrote the third time, exhorting both, to take away their controverfies by treaties of good and prudent men. Many other preachers did alſo publish books, shewing the craft of Satan in raiſing ſuch broils at that time; and that theſe should not be imputed unto the preaching of the truth, as the aduerſaries of truth did crie▪ p. 92and it is no new thing, that the iudgements of God upon men for their ſins, are imputed unto the Goſpell, ſeing in the days of the Apoſtles and of the primitive Church, the heathens ſaid, that all their troubles came upon them for the Chriſtian religion, whereas God was offended for their idolatry and contempt of the Goſpell, as they proved by the teſtimonies of Tertullian in Apolog. and Cyprian contra Demetr. Auguſtin de Civ. Dei, and others. Abr. Scult. Ann. ad An. 1525. When neither Princes would yield unto a treaty, nor the Bowrs would lay down arms, Luther wrote a fourth book exhorting all men as for the quenching a common fire, to take arms againſt the rebells, and kill them which had ſo baſely denied obedience unto their Maſters, and had begun to uſurpe other mens poſſeſſions, and do cloke ſo vile villany with the name of Chriſtianity. Nevertheleſs theſe villains grew into a hudge multitude, and divided themſelves into three Armies, one at Biberac, another at Algovia, and the third at the lake of Conſtance: they took ſome towns, as Winsbergh and Wirtsburgh: they killed ſome Noble men, as the Court of Helfenſtein, moſt unworthily. The Princes that went againſt them were John Elector of Saxony, and his uncle George, Philip of Haſſia, Henry Duke of Brunſwik &c. In ſome places when they were put to flight, they run into the river: there were killed of them in ſeverall places 50000. ſome write, 100000: and the chief enticers wete taken and beheaded.

XXII. Notwithſtanding theſe broiles, it pleaſed God to ſpread the Progreſſe the Reformation.Reformation the ſame yeare. Luther at that time did firſt adminiſter the Lords ſupper in the German language, and did ordain a Miniſter without the Popish rites. And Zuinglius did alſo forſake the Latine language, and the rites. Albert Marques of Branbeburgh was entituled Maſter of the Teutonick Order: but that year having warr with the King of Pole for ſome towns of Pruſſia, and ſeeing no aid from the Emperour was content to agree upon condition, that he should acknowledge the King as Superiour, and poſſeſſe Pruſſia under the tittle of a Dukedom; and then he authorized the Reformed religion through out that Province. Guſtavus King of Sweden ſent for all the Prelats to come unto his palace, and there without any noiſe gave them in their option, to continue in their places, and profeſſe the Reformed religion, or then to leave the Country. Some gave him their oath of obedience, and others went whether they pleaſed. William Landſgrave of Haſſia eſtablished the Reformed religion within his jurisdiction. So it was eſtablished at Gorlik & Lauba in Luſatia. In Rhetia alone were reckoned 41. preachers of the Goſpell. So did Philip Count of Hanove, Criſtopher and Antony Counts of Altenburgh & Delmenhorſt. Conrad. of Tecklenburgh & Linga, and Baltaſar Lord of Eſens & Witmund, Vniformity in circumſtantials is not neceſſary.all within their territories: and ſo did many other free towns. In the year preceeding a motion was made to aſſemble a Synode of all the Reformed Churches, for eſtablishing an uniformity in rites or circumſtantiall ceremonies. Luther oppoſeth it, aſſerting that it was not expedient: albeit it was propounded in a good zeale, yet it hath no precedent: for even in the Councell of the Apoſtls they did treat more of works and traditions than of faith, and there they had diſputed for the moſt part concerning opinions & queſtions, yet he was no leſs ſuſpicious of the name of a Councel as of the name free-will: for if one Church will not follow willingly the example of another in theſe circumſtantiall things, why is a Councel needfull, to compell men by decrees, which may turne to lawes & ſnares of mens conſciences? Therefore let one follow another freely, or uſe their own p. 93fashion, ſo that the Spirit be mantained in the faith and word, howbeit there be a variety in other externall things. Schultet. Annal. ad Ann. 1524. ex Luth. tom. 2. epiſt.

XXIII. In the year 1526. Solyman the Turk entereth into Hungary; 1526.there the King Lewes could have no help from Chriſtians: yet the bb. ſtirre him to a batell, and as he had ſold himſelf to be a ſlave unto them in killing The authority of th… Pope is denied in Spain.the profeſſours of Reformation, he was killed. Jo. Sleidan. The ſame year the Emp. being provoked by that league made by Pope Clemens, diſchargeth the authority of the Pope through all Spain, leaving an example unto poſterity, that Church-diſciplin may be maintained without Papall authority. But as good ſeed being ſown out of ſeaſon, ſo good works without good motives and principles have no continuance. In Juny was a Diet at A Diet in Spira.Spira: Letters were brought from the Emperour dated at Spala March 23. the ſum was; For ſo much as he intends to go shortly unto Rome to be crowned, and to talk with the Highprieſt concerning a generall Councell, and no good can be done in the matter of religion in theſe aſſemblies; therefore they should obſerve the Decree at Worms, and take his abſence in good part, hoping there shall be a generall Councell shortly. The Princes and towns profeſſing the Reformation ſaid, They were deſirous in all things to pleaſe the Emperour: but if he were rightly informed of the condition of Germany, and how the controverſy of Religion increaſeth dayly, he would not urge the Decree of Worms; As for a Generall Councell, there is no appearance of it, ſeeing there was friendship twixt him and the Pope when the Letter was written, as appeares by the Date; but now it is otherwiſe, ſeing the Pope hath levied an Army againſt him. Wherefore they think beſt to ſend Oratours unto the Emperour to informe him more fully, and how dangerous it is, to delay the buſineſs of religion, and no leſs perillous to execute the Decree of Worms; and to entreat him to call a Councell in Germany, and come unto it, or at leaſt to permit it, as it was determined at Noribergh, but was contromanded by the Emperour to the harme of Germany: Or if he will not allow a Nationall Councell of Germany, to entreat him to delay the execution of the Decree untill the Generall Councell: for otherwiſe the malady will waxe worſe; And to repreſent, that ſo long as every man is ſolicitous of his own eſtate in time of this variance, it will be difficill to collect any money for any other uſe. Then another ſupplication was preſented unto the Diet, complaining of the multitude, idleneſs and oppoſition of begging Friers, of the multitude & abuſes of holy Dayes; and petitioning to leave unto every man the choiſe of his meats, untill the generall Councell. At this time the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave of Haſs enter into conference with the Commiſſioners of Strawsburgh, that ſeeing they know not what the bb. and their adherents do intend, all of tkem shall concurr unto mutuall aid, if any of them shall be in danger for Religion. But the bb. would not proceed here in matters of Religion, and crave to delay theſe, becauſe of the preſent variance betwixt the Pope and Caeſar. Great ſtrife ariſeth among them: Wherfore the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave ſay, they will ſtay no longer. Ferdinand and the Bishop of Trevers conſidering how dangerous it were, if nothing be done, and all depart with grudge and malice, do propound (for appeaſing ſuch heart burnings) that it is neceſſary to reſolve upon a lawfull Councell either Generall or Nationall within a year at farreſt, and to entreat the Emperour to repaire shortly into Germany in conſideration of their preſent condition; As concerning p. 93the Decree at Worms, they are content that all shall demean themſelves in their Provinces untill a Councell, ſo as they will be anſwerable unto God and Caeſar. And it was decreed ſo. After this Diet certain Princes conſult at Eſling, to write ſpeedily unto the Emperour, and shew that they had decreed to ſend Oratours unto him: but the King of France will not grant them paſſage, except for foure months, whereof one was paſt: therefore they have determined to defer their Oratours untill their next aſſembly, which they have appointed to be at Regensburgh the firſt day of Aprile next; to treat of the Turkish warr, truſting that by time they shall have better occaſion to ſend; or they shall give him intelligence another way, and entreating him to repaire into Germany as shortly, &c. Slcidan. lib. 6.

XXIV. In the beginning of the year 1527. Otto Paccius Counſeller of George Duke of Saxony informeth the Duke Elector and the Landgrave; that Ferdinand (then King of Bohem and Hungary) and the Bishop of Mentz had made a league with others alſo, to deſtroy them and Luther's religion. Wherefore theſe prepare themſelves for defenſe: troubles were like to enſue: but when theſe which were ſaid to have made that league, did purge themſelves, the fear was appeaſed, Paccius was banished: but the Diet at Regensburgh was diſcharged. Ibid. Leonard Ceſar a preacher was burnt at the command of the Bishop of Paſſaw in Bavier, for holding theſe articles, Faith only juſtifieth: there be but two ſacraments, baptiſme & the Lords Supper: the Maſſe is not a ſacrifice, nor is profitable unto the living nor dead: confeſſion of all ſins is not commanded: only Chriſt hath ſatisfied for ſin: a vow of chaſtity bindeth not: the Scripture ſpeakes not of purgatory: there is no difference of dayes: in Divine things is no free-will. He would have declared himſelf in theſe articles, when he was brought before the court, but they would not ſuffer him. Eccius was his accuſer, and ſpoke always in Latine: but Leonard ſpoke in the common language: he would have all the company to underſtand him. Oſiand. centu. 16. Lib 2. c. 5. This yeare was the firſt viſitation of the Churches A publick diſpute at Berna.in Saxony. On the 17. day of December the Senate of Berne make publick intimation of a Diſpute in the controverſies of Religion, to begin January 7. they envite the bb. of Conſtance, Bafile, Sedun and Lauſan, to come and bring their Divines, or els they tell them, they will confiſcate all their goods within their territory: they shew, that only the books of the old and New Teſtament shall be the rule of the Diſpute; and they engadge themſelves for ſafety unto all who shall come. Two Miniſters are named to ſuſtain theſe articles; The true Church, whoſe head is Chriſt only, ls begotten by the word of God, continueth in it, and heares not the voice of another: This Church makes not lawes without the word of God: therefore unto traditions of men, which have the tittle of the Church, we are not tied, if they agree not with God's word: Only Chriſt hath ſatisfied for the ſins of the world: therefore if any ſay, there is another way of ſalvation or of expiating ſin, he denieth Chriſt. It can not be proved by teſtimony of Chriſt, that the body and blood of Chriſt are received really and bodily: The rite of the Maſſe, where Chriſt is repreſented & offered unto the Father for the living & dead, is contrary unto the Scripture, and contumelious unto the ſacrifice, that Chriſt hath offered for us: We may pray unto Chriſt only as the Mediatour and Advocate of mankind with the Father: It is not found in Scripture, that there is any place, where ſouls are purged after this life: therefore prayers and all theſe ceremonies p. 94and yearly exequies that are beſtowed on the dead, and the waxecandls and torches, and ſuch other things, do help nothing: It is contrary unto Senpture, to ſet up images or ſtatues for uſe of worship: therefore if any ſuch be in a Church, they should be removed: Marriage is not forbidden unto any ſort of men, but for eſchuing fornication it is commanded and permitted by the holy Scriptures unto every one; and unclean and filthy ſingle life becomes the order of prieſts leaſt of any men. When theſe Letters were divulged, the people of Lucern, Vran, Suik, Unterwald, Tugy, Glarea, Friburgh & Soloturn, write unto Bern, exhorting them to ceaſe from that purpoſe, and to remember their league: as for them, they will ſend none thither, nor ſuffer any to come. I. bidem.

XXV. Nevertheleſs the day is keeped at Bern. None of the bb. came nor ſent: Deputies came from Baſile, Schafuſe, Zurick, Abbecella, Sangall, Mulh…ſe and Rhaetia, their nighbours; as alſo from Strawſburgh, Ulma, Ausburgh, Lindaw, Conſtance and Iſna. Among theſe were Zwinglius, Oecolampade, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer, &c. Among the Opponents the chieſe was Conrad Treger an Auguſtinian: he would not bring his arguments from the Scripture: and Preſidents of the Diſpute would not permitt any other authority, becauſe it was ſo ordered by the publication: wherefore Treger went away. On the 26 day of January, Progreſſe of Reformation An. 1528.year 1528. the Diſpute was ended; and then altars, images and maſſes were forbidden in Berne: the day and year of Reformation was Marked with golden letters in a publick place for memoriall unto poſterity. The like Reformation was at Baſile: Eraſmus writes of it in Epiſt. ad Andr. Cruci. Epiſc. Plocenſ. dated Friburgh An. 1529. thus, No violence was uſed againſt any mans perſon or goods: only they ſought a Burgher-Maſter as a chief enemy of Reformation, and he eſcaped in a boat: they break down all images in the churches &c. Eraſmus was preſent, and (as he writes) he did admire, that whereas it had been reported, how S. Francis had ſmote a man with madneſs for ſcorning his five wounds, and other div…or Saints had revenged ſome reproaching words, yet none of them all did at that time revenge the contempt of their images. Pe. Soave ſaith, They of Geneve and Conſtance and other nighbours followed the example of Berne; as alſo Strawsburgh after a publick diſputation makes an ordinance to forſake the Maſſe, or at leaſt to leave it, untill the maintainers of it will prove that it can ſtand with the worship of God; and this they did (ſaith he) albeit the Senate of the Empire at Spira had by their Meſſenger forbidden them, as not belonging unto them, nor unto the States of the Empire, to make any innovation in Religion, but only unto a General or National Councell. Yea and Italy (ſaith he) when for the ſpace of two years there had been no Court in Rome, and all theſe calamities under which they were lying, were thought to be the execution of Gods judgement for rhe abuſes of that government, did gladly hearken unto a Reformation, and in their private houſes, namely at Fuenza within the Popes territory! they did preach againſt the Romane Church, and the number of theſe (whom others did call Lutherans, but they called themſelves) Evangelici. did increaſe dayly.

XXVI. In March An. 1529. was a Diet at Spira: the bb. and their party 1529.thought to have ſevered the Elector of Saxony from the Cities, in contemplation of the variance in the queſtion of the Sacrament: but on the other ſide they did perceive the craft of their enemies, and diſappointed them. p. 96Then Ferdinand excludes the Deputes of Strawsburgh from ſitting in the Diet: they proteſt, that if they be diſplaced, (which is contrary to the law and cuſtom) they will beare no part of the common charges. So they were reſtored ro their place. After much debating in cauſe of religion, at laſt it was decreed thus; They who have obſerved the Emperours decree, let them obſerve it untill the Generall Councel: theſe who have departed, and can not change again for feare of Sedition, let them continue, and change no more untill the Councel: their doctrine, which teach otherwiſe of the Lords Supper than the Church doth, shall not be received, nor shall the Maſſe be abolished; nor in ſuch places where this new doctrin is received, shall any man be hindered to go unto the Maſſe, if he pleaſe: Miniſters shall preach according to the interpretation received by the Church, referring all diſputable queſtions unto the Councell; Let all States keep common peace, neither any take the defenſe of another's ſubjects; all under pain of forfeiture. This Decree was oppoſed by John Duke of Saxony, George Marques of Brandeburgh, Erneſt and Francis DD. of Luneburgh, the Landgrave, and Count of Anhalt. Aprile 19. they proteſt, that they are not obliged to obey this Decree, becauſe it is contrary unto a former at Spire, where with conſent of all parties every man had religion permitted freely untill a generall Councell: and as that was enacted with common conſent of all, ſo it can not be violate without the conſent of all; and whereas there hath been diſſenſion for religion, it was declared in the Diet at Norinbergh, who have heen the cauſers thereof, both by confeſſion of the Bishop of Rome, and by the grievances of the Princes and States of the Empire, and no redreſſe is as yet made of theſe grievances......and there fore they will answer for this their proteſt both openly before all men, and unto the Emperour himſelf; and in the mean time till a General or National Councel be called; they will do nothing, that shall deſerve juſt reproof. Unto this Proteſtation ſome Cities did ſubſcribe; namely, Strawsburgh, Norimbergh, Ulme, Conſtance, Ruteling, The beginning of the wood Proteſtants.Winſſem, Mening, Lindave, Campedon, Hailbrun, Iſna, Wiſſeburg, Norling and Sangall. This was the originall of that title Proteſtants, which afterwards became ſo famous. The Emperour was then in Italy, and was not content with this Proteſtation; as neither with the meeting of the Proteſtants at Smalcald in January following. Where they did agree on a league of mutuall aſſiſtance, if any of them shall be in danger for Religion.

XXVII. The Emperour ſummoneth a Diet to begin at Ausburgh in The Diet at Auburg 1530. from which the famous Confeſsion was named.Aprile An. 1530. but he came not before Juny 12. the next day was the feaſt of Corp-Chriſti: the Emperour went unto the proceſſion: Cardinall Campegius the Legate ſaid, It was contumacy againſt the Pope, and ſuch grief unto him, as he could not diſgeſt, that any of the Princes did not attend that ſolemnity: wherefore he adviſeth the Emperour to charge the Duke of Saxony to carry the ſword according to the cuſtom, and be preſent with him at the Maſſe that day ſeven night, when the Diet is to begin; With certification, that if he faile, both he and his houſe shall be deprived of that honour. The Elector adviſeth with the Miniſters, what to do in this caſe: to obey, was againſt his conſcience: and to refuſe, was his diſparagement. They told him, What was required, was but a civill ceremony, and he might obey, as Elisha gave way unto Naaman, to be preſent with his King in the houſe of idolatry. Some did judge it an ill preparative, ſeing every one may pretend either neceſſity or expediency in the like caſe. p. 97Yet many did approve the Elector in doing ſo, ſeing he did prevent great inconveniencies which were like to enſue. At that Maſſe Vincentius Pimpinell archb. of Roſa and the Popes Nuntio had the Sermon: it was wholly to this purpoſe; he upbraideth the German's, that they had ſuffered ſo great damage of the Turks without a revenge, and ſtirreth them up by exampls of many Romans: and the Germans are in worſe condition then the Turks, becauſe they are all at the command of one, and have but one religion, where as the Germans are hatching new religions dayly, and deſpiſe the antient religion as out of date; and he accuſeth them of foolishneſs, that ere they had forſaken the antient faith, they had not firſt thought upon another more holy, prudent and politick. If they had thought upon Scipio, Cato and thoſe antient Romans, they would not have forſaken the catholick religion: and therefore now away with their Novelties, and take the ſword in hand. In the firſt Seſſion of the States. Cardinall Campegius hath an oration, tending to shew, that the cauſe of all the ſects among them was the want of antient love; and this change of the opinions and rites had diſturbed not the Church only, but was like to pull up their Civil government by the very roots: the Popes had heretofore applied themſelves to cure theſe maladies, in ſending their Legates unto theſe Diets, but all in vain: and now Pope Clement had ſent him, who is moſt willing to adviſe and do what lieth in him, what may ſerve to the reſtoring of religion: and he exhorts them to obey what the Emperour (he extolleth him highly) shall decerne in matter of Religion, and with readineſs to prepare againſt the Turk, as the Pope is willing to contribute charges, and what aid he can. At command of the Emperour, the Bishop of Mentz replieth with applauſe, and promiſeth concurrence. When other Princes had ſpoken: the Elector of Saxony preſenteth a Confeſſion of faith written in Latine and Dutche Languages, which he in his own name and of other Princes and of Towns, petitioneth to be read publickly. The Emperour will not have it read at that time: and the next day, he will not have the Legate preſent at the reading of it, leſt any thing interveen, that might be prejudicial unto the Popes honour, but calleth the Princes into a large Hall, where it was read; and another that was preſented by the Cities profeſſing the doctrine of Zuinglius, differing from the other but in the article concerning the Euchatiſt, So far Pe. Soave. That Confeſſion (which from the place of this Diet was called, The confeſſion of Ausburgh) was written firſt in 17. articls by Luther, and afterwards reviſed, altered and digeſted in another method by Melanthon in Ausburgh, and ſent back to Luther in Coburgh; ere it was preſented: So it was penned by them two. Melanthon had a ſpeciall reſpect unto the Emperour, to give him as little offenſe as might bee: and therefore purpoſely omitts ſome articls, and made others ſo faire as he could: and the next year they amended it under the name of an explanation. The Emperour delivereth both the Confeſſions unto the Legate, who (as the forenamed author writes) thought to have written in his own name a refutation of them: but conſidering that then the Pope might be called their party, and the Proteſtants might take the more occaſion to write againſt the Pope, he changeth his purpoſe, and gives them to certaine Divines, whom he had brought with him; and they wrote a refutation: and he gave it unto the Emperour with expreſſe caution, to cauſe read it, but give no copy of it, and he exhorts the Emperour to deall with the Proteſtants ſeverally by promiſes of favours, and by menaces, to return again unto the antient p. 98ſaith of their fathers. The Emperour doth ſo in every particulare. Nor is it to be omitted (ſaith he) that the Cardinal Matthew archb. of Saltzburgh ſaid publickly and ingenuouſly; It is expedient to reforme the Maſſe; it is agreable to nature, to give men liberty of eating any meat; and it is equity that Chriſtians be free from the burden of humane commands; but it is intolerable that a ſilly monke shall reforme all. Likewiſe Cornelius Scoper the Emperours Secretary ſaid, The Proteſtant Preachers had done well, if they had money enough, to have bought liberty from the Italianes: but becauſe their religion is not beautified with gold, it can have the leſſe audience. When the Emperour had uſed all the means, as the Legate had adviſed, and the Proteſtants would not yield, no not to permitt the exerciſe of the Romish religion within their dominions (for they knew, it was the Legat's device, to bring the people back by degries; and in the mean time to hold them in perpetuall trouble) on September 21. a decree was read, where of this is the ſumme; The Confeſſion of the Saxons hath been read, and ſo was a confutation of it by the Holy Scriptures; and by great worke of the Emperour and the States the matter is brought to this concluſion, that the Saxons have received certain articls of the Church of Rome, and others they do refuſe: wherefore the Emperour in ſingnlare humanity grants them ſpace of advicement untill the 15. day of Aprile, whether in the other articls they will believe the ſame with the Emperour and the Bishop of Rome and all Chriſtendom; in the mean while let peace be keept, let the Saxon and his aſſociats print nothing concerning religion, nor change any more; let them not compell nor allure any man unto their religion; they shall join with the Emperour to punish the Anabaptiſts & Sacramentaries; Laſtly becauſe there hath been no Councel for a long time, and many things are to be reformed both in the clergy and laity, the Emperour will deal with the high Bishop, that a Councel shal be ſummoned within a half year, and begin within a year after. Unto this decree the Duke and his collegues (after conſultation) reply by his Lawier Pontan, They do not acknowledge that their Confeſſion was refuted by teſtimonies of the Scriptures, as they would have demonſtrated, if a copy of that which is called a refutation, had been given them; and ſo far as they could remember by their hearing of it read, they have written a reply, which if the Emperour will be pleaſed to read, he shall finde, that their religion is ſure and unmovable: And where as they are commanded to print nothing nor change any more, they will do nothing, whereof they may be juſtly accuſed. As for Anabaptiſts and ſuch as deſpiſe the ſacrament of the altar, none ſuch have place within their jurisdiction. And becauſe the decree containes ſundry things of weight, they crave copies of it, that at the time they may give the more adviſed anſwer. They do preſent the Apology: but Caeſar would not accept it, and the next day he threateneth them sharply, if they do not obey the decree. So theſe Princes went away, leaving their Deputies behind them, and having craved and obtained leave. When they began to treat in the Diet concerning the warrs, theſe Deputies do in name of their Principals promiſe to contribute their aid againſt the Turks, if peace shall be granted unto religion. About the firſt of October a sharper decree was read againſt the Cities. which had given-in the other Confeſſion. Finally a third decree concerning religion was read to this ſenſe; Caeſar ordaineth, that they shall not be tolerated, which teach of the Lords Supper otherwiſe than hath been received heretofore; Let nothing be changed in private or publick Maſſe; Let children be confirmed with oil, and the ſick be p. 99anointed with conſecrate oil; Images & ſtatues should not be removed; and where they have been taken away, they shall be ſet up again; Their opinion, which deny the free-will of man, may not be received: for it is beaſtly, and contumelious againſt God; Let nothing be taught, which doth any way empaire the authority of the Magiſtrate; That opinion of juſtification by faith only, shall not be received; Keep the ſacraments in their place & number, as before; Keep ſtill all the cetemonies of the Church, all the rites, the manner of buriall, and ſuch others; Prieſthoods Vacant shall be beſtowed on qualified perſons; the prieſts and Church-men that are married, shall be deprived of their Benefices, which shall be beſtowed on others; and if any will put away his wife and crave abſolution, at the will of the Pope the bb. may reſtore ſuch, and all others shall have no refuge, but be exiled, or ſuffer other deſerved punishment; Let the life of prieſts be honeſt, their cloaths comely, and eſchue all offenſe.....Briefly in the matters of faith and worship of God, let nothing be changed, whoever doth contrarily, shall underly the danger of body, life and goods. Jo. Sleida. Lib. 7. Theſe decrees were grievous unto many: namely, Melanthon gave himſelf to weeping, being penſive not ſo much (as he profeſſed) for himſelf (for he knew what he believed) as for the poſterity. When Luther underſtood this, he conforts Luther's Conſolatory unto Melanthon.him by Letters, That ſeing it is not the cauſe of man, but of God: all the burden should be caſt on him: why then doeſt thou (ſaid he) afflict and torment thyſelf? feing God hath given his Son for us, why do we tremble or feare? why do we ſigh? is Satan ſtronger then God? will he, who hath given ſo great a benefite, forſake us in lighter matters? why should we fear the world, which Chriſt hath ouercome? if we defend an ill cauſe, why do we not change? if the cauſe be juſt and pious, why do we not truſt to Gods promiſe? certainly Satan can take no more from us but our life, but Chriſt reigneth for ever, under whoſe protection Verity conſiſts: he will not faile to be with us untill the end; If he be not with us, I beſeech, where shall he be found? if we be not of his Church, do yee think, that the Bishop of Rome & our adverſaries are of it; we are ſinners indeed many waies; but Chriſt is not a liar, whoſe cauſe we have in hand; Let Kings and Nations …reat & foame as they pleaſe, he that ſits in heaven, shall laugh them to ſcorn; God had maintained his cauſe hithertils without our Counſell, and ſo he will do unto the end.....As for any agreement, it is vain to look for it: for neither can we deprive the Bishop of Rome, nor can the true doctrine be in ſecurity, while Popery shall endure; If they condemn our doctrin, why ſeek we an uniformity? if they allow it, why maintain they their old errours? But they condemne it openly: where fore it is but diſſimulation & falſehood, whatſoever they go about; In that you will have the Lords Supper communicated wholly, and give no place to them which hold in indifferent, you do well, for.....They cry, that we condemn all the Church: but we shew, how the Church was violently oppreſſed by tyranny: and therefore is to be excuſed, as the Synagogue was to be excuſed, when under the captivity of Babylon they keeped not the law of Moſes, ſeing they were prohibited by force. Ibid.