A Complete History and Mystery of the Old and New Testament, Volume 3 · Appendix · Chapter 1
Eſther CHAP. I.
SOme General Remarks are requiſite here, before we come to the particular History. As 1. Upon the Book. 2. The Author. And 3. The Time.
Remark the Firſt, In General concerning the Book it ſelf, whether it be Canonical is queſtion'd by Athanaſius and Nazianzen, &c. which they ſeem'd to doubt of, becauſe of the ſeven Apochryphal Fragments (as ſo many Chapters) were uſually and abuſively added and ſtitched to it: I find indeed ſome Rabbins relate, that when this Megillath or Volume of Eſther comes to be read in it's courſe in the Jews Synagogues at their Divine Worſhip, they have a Cuſtome among them to caſt only this Book of Eſther upon the Ground, before they read it, and the Reaſon they render for their ſo doing is, becauſe they find not the Name of God or Lord in this whole Book: But this Reaſon is in Truth no Reaſon, if it be ſeriouſly conſider'd, what a Contexture of moſt eminent Paſſages and Acts of God's immediate Providences (for relieving his Calamitous Church) is contained in this Hiſtory, even ſuch, and ſo perſpicuous, as can ſcarcely be parallel'd in the whole Book of God any where or at any Time and Age.
N.B. 1. This Book hath been conſtantly received as a part of the Canon of Sacred Scripture, and reckoned among the Chetubin, Hagiographa, or Holy Writings by the Jewiſh Church (notwithſtanding the Name [God or Lord] be not named in it) to which the Oracles of God were committed, Rom. 3.2. that they might keep them carefully for, and tranſmit them ſafely to Poſterity, and 'tis more than probable, yea it may be ſtrongly preſumed, that the Jews were true to their Truſt, otherwiſe either our Lord Chriſt or his Holy Apoſtles (who reproved their Rabbins for many other Corruptions, &c.) would have rebuked them for their unfaithfulneſs in corrupting the Canon of the Scripture, as a neceſſary Caution to the Chriſtian Church.
N. B. 2. Rabbi Abraham the Spaniard relateth, this Book of Eſther is had in ſo much Reverence among the Jews, that ſo oft as they do hear the mention of Haman's Name read in it, they do, even to this Day, with their Fiſts and Hammers ſo beat upon the Boards and Benches, as if they were beating upon Haman's Head it ſelf to break out his Brains, &c.
Remark the 2d. in general concerning the Author of this Book. N. B. 1. Sanctius ſaith out of Auguſtin and Iſidore, that Ezra was its Author: But Bonartius anſwers, that this Hiſtory of Eſther ſeemeth to be after Ezra's Time; ſo that could not be while the Temple-building was hindred. N. B. 2. Some Rabbins ſay, the Synagogue of the Jews (to whom Mordecai wrote Letters, Eſth. 9.20. was the Author of it.) But N. B. 3. 'Tis the concurrent Conjecture of moſt Interpreters (both Hebrew, Greek and Latine) that Mordecai himſelf was its Penman, who being a man of God, an Eye-witneſs, and a principal Actor in this whole Hiſtory, therefore none ſo proper and prepared as he for it. Beſides, Serrarius ſaith, Queen Eſther her ſelf did contribute to this work, who alſo had the Holy Spirit.
N. B. 4. Mordecai wrote this Book of Eſther, yet names not God in it, tho' he had many occaſions of mentioning that Sacred Name, as in prayer, faſting, and dependance upon God for his Deliverance from moſt eminent Dangers, &c. The Reaſon ſuppoſed for his not naming God in it, was, leſt this Book (going abroad among the Pagans) ſhould be abuſed, as Gen. 1. ver. 1. was by them, putting in Aſima (that Samaritan Idol, 2 Kings 17.30. inſtead of Elohim, as Aben-Ezra relateth. From this corruption of the firſt verſe in the Bible, this word Aſima afterwards was corrupted into the word Aſina, which ſignifies an Aſs; and from thence the Pagans ſlandered the Jews, that they worſhipped an Aſs's Head. Mordecai foreſaw it, and prevented this corruption by the Samaritans, therefore names not God in this Book. This is the more probable, becauſe ſuch a miſtake ſome Heathens made of the Hebrew word Jeruſalem, by making it in bad Greek foreign Hieroſulon, which ſignifies Sacrilege, &c.
N. B. 5. This Hiſtory holds forth the Inconſtancy of Human Affairs. The lofty Luminaries of a worldly Heaven do fall into an Eclipſe, and the lowly Shrubs of the Earth are elevated to the Stars. Behold here Humility advanced to the Throne, and Ambition (in its foreign, Zenith and Higheſt Exaltation) is hanged upon the higheſt Gallows. This teacheth, that the Great Ones of the World ought not to rely upon a Fortune of Ice, but to fear every thing, Job 3.25. and that the Godly Poor, tho' never ſo low and miſerable, ought to deſpair of nothing. 'Tis the work of Almighty God to look on the Proud, and bring him low, Job 40.11, 12, 13. and to lift the Poor from the Dung-hill, and ſet them among Princes, 1 Sam. 2.7, 8.
N. B. 6. Some ſay Mordecai had a Prophetick Dream, wherein he ſaw a moſt Dreadful Tempeſt of Thunder, Lightning and Earthquake, which was followed with a fight of two fierce Dragons, ſending forth horrible Hiſſings, many Nations looking on and expecting the Iſſue of the Combat. Then he ſaw a ſmall Fountain, which ſoon became a great River, attended with a Light, growing ſo great as that of the Sun, and thereby the Earth was both watered and illuminated. Mordecai learnt the Interpretation of this Dream by the great Combat he had with Haman, and in the Exaltation of his little Niece Eſther, that was promoted to ſo high a Splendour, as to Refreſh and Englighten her own Nation and others, &c.
The Third General Remark is concerning the Time of this Hiſtory; which, 1. Munſter, Mercator, Canus, Cedrenus and Vatablus place in ſome time of the Captivity. But, 2. All others do unanimouſly affirm it to be after their Return, yet before the Time of Alexander the Great, and while the Perſian Monarchy ſtood in its Grandeur; moreover 'tis ſaid expreſly, ver. 1. in Ahaſuerus's Reign.
Now come we to the Particular Remarks upon Eſther, chap. 1. which may be reduced to two Heads: Firſt, The Cauſes and Occaſions of Eſther's Advancement: And ſecondly, The Occurrences attending the Banquet that occaſion'd it; all which Dr. Lightfoot doth fix for Time the next following the Hiſtory of Daniel, chapters 10, 11, 12.
Remark the Firſt upon the firſt Part is, the Perſon who made this ſumptuous Feaſt, was the Perſian Monarch, who is call'd Ahaſuerus a Median, and Artaxerxes a Perſian name, ſaith Bonartius from Dan. 9.1. and Ezra 4.6, 7. common Names to theſe mighty Monarchs. 'Tis not of neceſſity to know which of thoſe Perſian Kings this was (ſo much controverted among the Learned.) The Rabbins in Sedar Olam ſay it was Cambyſes, call'd by thoſe common Names as is aforeſaid upon Ezra 4.6, 7. However, he was a greater Potentate and Prince, than either Cyrus or Darius before him were, who had but One hundred and twenty Provinces, Dan 6.1. whereas this King had added ſeven more by his Conqueſts of India and Ethiopia, ver. 1. here; yet in all his Reign (ſaith Dr. Lightfoot) the building of God's Temple lays forgotten. Hereupon divers Jews (who had gone up to Jeruſalem in the firſt of Cyrus) return back during this Diſturbance to their old Reſidences in Babylonia or in Perſia again, &c. among whom were Mordecai with his Niece Eſther, to do good unto his Country-men abroad, when he could no longer help them at home.
Remark the Second; This great Conquerour (elevated with his late Conqueſts of ſeven more Provinces) makes a moſt ſumptuous Feaſt for all his Nobles, &c. ver. 2. to gratifie them for their former Valour and Victory: 'Twas a None-ſuch Feaſt in reſpect of the number of its Gueſts, largeneſs of Preparation, and continuance of Time; for it laſted half a year long, and ſeven days longer in Shuſhan, ver. 3, 4, 5, &c. And this he did alſo to demonſtrate his own Splendour and Glory. N. B. Tho' this Feaſt laſted long, yet had it an end, but ſo hath not the Feaſt of a good Conſcience, Prov. 15.15.
Remark the Third; Tho' there was much that was Blame-worthy, and juſtly to be condemned at this None-ſuch Royal Feaſt; ſuch as, 1. Vain-glory. 2. Prodigality. 3. Miſſpending of Time. 4. Neglect of Buſineſs. 5. Contempt of the True God, not once acknowledged either by the King, or any of his Gueſts. 6. The mad Merriments, and profane Jollity and Jovialty for ſo long a time practiſed without the leaſt Note of Sanctity, or Reſpect to God's Glory (as Merlin well noteth) yet ſomething there was very Laudable and rightly to be commended, that this King (together with his lawful Liberality to his Peers, and his comely Courteſie to his People) did preſcribe by a Law, that every man ſhould only Drink what he thought good, without either ſtint or force. As there was no Reſtraint from Sufficiency on the one hand, ver. 6, 7. ſo there was no Conſtraint to a Superfluity on the other hand, ver. 8. This King's Law was, that none ſhould compel another to drink more than he liſted.
N. B. 1. Maſius reads it, none did compel another to drink according to the Law of the Perſians, which allowed forcing of drink among that looſe People; this Law Regulated that.
N. B. 2. Erpenius bewails the Luxury and Intemperance of our Times, ſeeing the Roaring-Boys (ſo they will needs be call'd by a woful Prolepſis, Here for Hereafter in Hell, when Fire and Brimſtone, &c. ſhall be the Portion of the Drunkard's Cup, Pſal. 11.6. and then ſhall they be Roaring-Boys indeed) have in our days taken up that Curſed Cuſtom of the Old Perſians, who were allowed by their Laws to conſtrain others to pledge them in full Cups: And of the late Germans alſo, of whom it is phraſed, Germanicè vivere, eſt bibere; their B ſounded as V. a German Life is a drinking Life.
N. B. 3. Lyra here declaims againſt that common Cuſtom of Drinking Healths, and deteſtable Carouſing brought up firſt by the Barbarians, and carried on in Chriſtendom, &c. Oh how lamentable it is, that a civil, ſober man (in ſuch a State and Day as we live in) ſhould be urged, yea forced to ſwallow down ſuperfluous Draughts (as an Horſe doth ſome Drench) by Domineering Drunkards, who keep Tully's Law [aut Bibat aut Abeat] either Drink or Depart.
N. B. 4. Thoſe Gueſts here had Royal Wine in abundance, ver. 7. in Cups of Gold, all adorned and enambled (as Joſephus addeth) with Pearls and precious Stones, every Circumſtance being accommodated to the matchleſs Munificency of ſo mighty a Monarch. So that while all the Gueſts did even ſwim in Wine, there was no need of any Compulſion, but rather a reſtraint the King judg'd needful, leſt his Palace ſhould have been made a place of Intemperance, and ſo a ſhameful Spewing might have come upon all his Glory, Hab. 2.16.
N. B. 5. As this King had his [Kol-Rab Betho] the prime Moderators of his Feaſting-Tables, Ne quid Turbaretur, &c. leſt any Moleſtation ſhould ariſe, ſaith Menochius: And the Greeks for the ſame purpoſe, had their Sympoſiarchs in Plutarch, &c. ſo the Jews had their Moderators at their Merry Meetings (call'd foreign Eyes and Overſeers) that none ſhould over drink himſelf drunk, thus we read of foreign, the Ruler and Governour of the Feaſt, John 2.9. for moderating the meaſures of Drinking, which condemns the immoderate uſe in our Day.
N. B. 6. As this King had his Royal Wine, or Hebr. Wine of the Kingdom at this magnificent Banquet, Vinum Coſ. C. Coloris O. odoris & S. Saporis optimi, Wine of the beſt Colour, Smell and Taſt for Quality, together with Plenty, and Variety thereof for Quantity, ver. 7. ſo our Lord Chriſt (that King of Saints, Rev. 15.3.) makes a better Banquet for his Gueſts at his own Table, where the Redeemed of the Lord may ſay ſo, Pſalm 107.2. that they have a Feaſt of Fat things, and Wine upon the Lees well refined, Iſa. 25.6. where they feed upon the fatted Calf, Luke 15.23. even upon Chriſt himſelf, and drink his Blood, Luke 22.19, 20, 30. This is Richer and more Royal Wine than any meer Blood of the Grape, Deut. 32.14. and where he kindly Invites his Friends to eat and to drink abundantly as his beloved ones, Cant. 5.1. If our Lord Chriſt provided ſuch good Wine, and ſo much Wine at that Marriage-Feaſt, John 2.6, 7, 9, 10. how much more in this higheſt of Ordinances the Lord's Supper, &c.
The Second Part of Eſth. 1. is the Accidents that happen'd at this Feaſt.
Remark the Firſt, Is the Pride and Petulancy of Queen Vaſthi, ver. 9. ſhe was called to the King, ver. 10, 11. but refuſed to come, ver. 12.
Mark 1. Queen Vaſthi made a Compotation for the Women (as the King did for the Men their Husbands) by the King's Conſent (ſaith Druſius) for it was the manner of the Perſians, that the Women ſhould be diſtinct from the Men at their Feaſts, and Plutarch Sympoſ. 1.1. ſaith, they might have their Whores to drink and be drunk with them, but not their Wives, yet ſometimes they were admitted afterwards, as Eſth. 5.5. and Neh. 2.6. ſaith Bonartius: Joſephus, and after him Lyra gives this Queen Vaſthi the Commendation of a modeſt Woman; ſhe feaſted not in the Garden where the King did (ſaith Grotius) but in the Palace under Covert, ver. 9. more meet for Women's Modeſty.
Mark 2. 'Tis like this lofty-Dame (as afterward ſhe appear'd, ver. 12.) would not be behind her Husband (the King) in Feaſting the Women, as he did the Men, and with his liking too, being a Branch of his Royal Magnificency, that both Sexes ſhould equally contribute their proper Parts to illuſtrate this ſplendid Feaſt; and this was done with great Grandeur for ſix Days together, with an uninterrupted Splendour, ver. 10. but on the ſeventh and laſt Day of that Feaſt, ver. 5. ſaith Vatablus, and Druſius, &c. then comes the Mar-mirth, and a lamentable Exit of all their luxurious Jollity, the King calls for the Queen, and ſhe denies to come, ver. 11, 12.
Mark 3. When the King was warm'd with Wine (which had drown'd his Wit, and darken'd his Wiſdom) he commands his ſeven Chamberlains (who ſhould have adviſed him better) to bring in Vaſthi with the Crown Royal before the King, that he might ſhew her Beauty to his Princes and People, as another part of his Royal Pomp and Glory in having ſo beautiful a Wife. Maſius ſaith, there was more Raſhneſs than Reaſon in this Action, but he did it (ſaith A Lapide) in his Heat of Luſt, inflamed with Wine even to Drunkenneſs; which had he been ſober, he would not have done, for this was to ſhew to all his Gueſts his own Imprudence, yea and his Impudence alſo: But now being intoxicated, he could not conſider how Candaules King of the Sardians had loſt his Life, by ſhewing his fair Wife to Gyges in a vain-glorious Humour, as Herodotus and Juſtin relate.
Mark 4. A Lapide commends Vaſthi, for refuſing to come at the King's call at ſuch a Time, and in ſuch a Place, when and where the well-whittled Courtiers would be eaſily inflamed with the ſight of ſuch a Peerleſs Beauty; ſhe, being jealous of this, did rightly refuſe for the ſake of her Chaſtity, and ſhe choſe rather to obey the Law of Modeſty than the King's extravagant Will, ſaith Druſius, more eſpecially, having the warrant of that Perſian Law, which forbad Wives to be beheld by Strangers. Beſide ſhe might ſuppoſe, that the King and his Courtiers were now all drunken.
Mark 5. But other Learned Men give her the Character of an Inſolent and Imperious Woman, another Aurelia that had nothing laudable in her but her Beauty. The Rabbins relate, that ſhe was Daughter to Belſhazzar that prodigious Quaffer, Dan. 5. who might therefore call her Vaſhti a Drinker, from ſhatha to Drink, and that ſhe extreamly hated the Jews, abuſing divers of their Daughters (her Slaves) by making them Work on their Sabbath-day, &c. Joſephus ſaith, the King ſent for her again and again, &c. but ſhe anſwer'd with more diſdainful Words, than was meet (ſaith Grotius) not doubting of a Doting Husband, that he might be reconcileable, &c.
The Second Part is, Vaſthi Depoſing and Divorcement.
Mark 1. The ſuddain change of the Scene here: The King that had been too Ʋxoribus before, becomes now outragious, ver. 12. his Anger being added to his Wine (ſaith Grotius) by this publick Affront of his Wife, knows no Bounds or Meaſure; but makes him Foam and Froath at the Mouth (as the Hebr. Word ſignifies) like a Wild-Bore or a Raging Sea: Becauſe (ſays Dr. Lightfoot) while he had been ſhewing the Glory of his Vaſt Command over almoſt the whole World, yet then he could not command his own Wife Vaſthi, &c. this turn'd his Mirth into Madneſs. So that (Joſephus ſaith) he brake off the Feaſt in this Frantick Fit: Plutarch ſaith, the Perſian Kings were Captivarum ſuarum Captivi, Captives of their Captives, as he after was to Eſther.
Mark 2. Yet was the King not ſo Mad (ſays Grotius) but he conſults with his Magicians, (a manner he had been ſo accuſtom'd with, that even when Drunk he could not forget it) or with his Mathematicians and Aſtronomers, ſaith Maſius, ver. 13. whoſe Authority was ever greateſt among thoſe Mighty Monarchs, Dan. 2.2. and 4.7. and 5.7, &c. Tho' this enraged King had now quite caſt off his old Love to his Queen, and breaths forth nothing elſe but Reparation of his own loſt Honour, and cannot reſt without reſolving Revenge upon his Peerleſs Parragon Venuſtous Vaſthi: Yet this is laudable in him, that he neither ſent for her forthwith by force, nor himſelf ran in a Rage where ſhe was to diſpatch her with his own hands; but on the contrary, he (tho' in his Cups) doth calmly call for his Counſellors (who had underſtanding in the Times, as 1 Chron. 12.32. and skilful in State-Affairs) to Conſult with them (ſaith Maſius) as unwilling to be Arbitrary, &c. 'Tis not ordinary for Angry Men, eſpecially Kings, to Conſult, ſaith Menochius.
Mark 3. Memuchan (the Junior of the ſeven, ſaith Bonartius) Speaks firſt, ver. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. and he ſpeaks boldly to gratifie the King's Paſſions, for his following Argument was weak, ſaith Menochius; this Mercenary Orator ſaw the King Angry, and he ſets him more agog and going, and that the Queen was an Eye-ſore now to the King. ſo muſt be Removed Right or Wrong. N. B. Indeed Wives ought not to Deſpiſe their Husbands, but to Reverence them, Eph. 5.33. and to Submit to them, but only in the Lord, Col. 3.18. for in caſe of Sin God muſt be obeyed and not Man, Acts 4.19. in ſuch a caſe Husbands muſt not be bitter againſt their Wives, Col. 3.19. but here malicious Flattery makes Shadows Subſtances, and Improbables Neceſſaries, [all the Ladies of the Land will likewiſe learn Diſobedience from this Example, and this will turn Conjugium into Conjurgium, Wedlock into a Cock pit all the Country over, &c.] Had the King and Queen been Friends again; ſurely Memuchan had loſt his Head for ſo bold a Speech, &c. Some ſuppoſe this Memuchan himſelf ſuffer'd much by his Imperious Wife, ſo under ſhadow of Policy, would Revenge his own wrongs upon her.
Mark 4. The King and Counſellors were all much taken and tickl'd with this Counſel of Memuchan, more eſpecially Ahaſuerus himſelf, ſo that it was ſoon conſented to and Subſcribed by them all, ver. 19, 20, 21, 22. Thus fair Vaſthi was but foully dealt with, being both Accuſed and Condemned, Unheard and Unconvicted, which was againſt all Law, both Divine and Humane: Suppoſe ſhe were an Inſolent Woman and had ſent a Sawcy Anſwer to the King (as is ſuppoſed by ſome) in her Diſobedience both to her Husband as a Wife, and to her King as a Subject: Yet the King's bare word was not a Law, nor any Rule of Right; moreover ſhe ſhould have had a fair Trial before God and the Country, which ought to have been call'd and come in to give Evidence againſt her whom haply they never ſaw, much leſs heard of her Offence: Notwithſtanding ſhe is immediately Depoſed, Divorced from the Royal Bed, and Baniſh'd out of the Kingdom (ſaith Druſins) yea preſently put to Death, ſay Jew-Doctors. This could in no ſenſe carry a candid Conſtruction in a King to his ſo much formerly beloved Queen. Tho' ſhe might be Blame-worthy in not ſending ſome plauſible Excuſe, (as it could not conſiſt with her Modeſty, fear and conjugal Fidelity, to expoſe her ſelf in her charming Beauty and Royal Bravery among ſo many brave Men now intoxicated with Wine, &c.) and ſhe might have quietly waited for the King's Acceptance of ſuch an Apology, and not ſo Abruptly and Arrogantly ſend her Lord the King ſuch a ſudden Reſolute flat Denial for her Abſolute Anſwer; Yet, ſaith Grotius, her Doom was a grievous Puniſhment for ſo frivolous an Offence, if it were an Offence at all: But Plutarch relateth how Auſtere and Severe the Perſians are generally to their Wives, &c. N. B. 1. Junius, and out of him Maſius, doth excellently obſerve, That it is right with God to execute his own Decrees even by the wrongful Actions of Men: 'Tis not to be doubted, but the Righteous Lord did meet with many other Sins in this Lofty Dame, who had been (without queſtion) a pattern of much Pride and Vanity more generally to other Women, than ſhe was probably to prove in this particular point ſo much blazon'd upon by this Court-Paraſite Memuchan for ſo foul a Scandal and perilous an Example; thus her Sin found her out, Numb. 32.23. N. B. 2. Behold here the Wiſdom of the Great God, whoſe hand was deeply concern'd in over-ruling all the Follies of both King and Queen, &c. to make way for Eſther, according to his own Decree; and indeed, in this Book it may be ſeen how the Lord by a concurrence of ſeveral ſubordinate Paſſages, having no manner of Dependance or Coincidency among themſelves, hath wonderfully wrought the Deliverance of his Church, that it might the more eminently appear to be the work of his own hand, &c.