The True Non-Conformist, Part 7 (3 of 3)

The True Non-Conformist · Part 7 (3 of 3)

p. 459You adde, That in England, though a Popish and persecuting Queen interveened, betwixt the first Reformation of King Edward, and the second of Queen Elizabeth, p. 460yet none rebelled. And what then? Pray Sir, how or wherefore doth Scotland want that glory? Sure I am, that the Reformation being established in Scotland, after a sharp war (and by the way, you may remember, that Queen Elizabeth sided with the subject) both by Pacification, Authority and determination of a General Assembly, yet we received Queen Mary from France, a declared violent Papist, without the least question anent her right of Government, or any opposition moved against her, until provoked by such weakness & wickednesse, as I am ashamed to mention. Wherein then in this regard are we inferior to England, unless it be that neither for the favour nor fear of a woman, we were moved by any publict act, let be by vote of Parliament, as the Representative of that Nation, to deny the …aith, and again take on theyoke of the Romane Antichrist? Or how are you not ashamed, to reproach your Nation with a nimious fervour, specially upon this occasion, wherein our worthy Reformers did make the Court complyance, back-drawing and lukwarmness of a few temporizers, their great and continual complaint.

In the next place, you tell us, that all that travelled the World, can witness that we were not approven in our late rebellion, and passing by Diodat, Spanhem, Rivet, Salmasius, Blondel, Amerald, de Moulin, and others, not named, as all either in print or publick discourse declaring for you, you say, There was an act made by the Consistory of Charentoun that no man should be barred the communion for the Scots Excommunication, except it were for a crime; And this, forsooth was a loud declaration of their disowning of our practice? 'Tis answered. 1. Though you could give a account of the opinion of the Nations abroad, concerning p. 461our late wars, yet their judgement, in matters so remote from their knowledge, and wherein, the favour generally born to Kings, specially when so fatally unfortunat as Charles the first was, is able to create in the most part, very little inquisitive, a very strong prejudice, cannot amount to a testimony of any moment. 2. That the more knowing among them did, both by their Histories and other writtings, & also by their letters, approve our proceedings, might be very easily made out by an unanswerable condescendence; nay that the generality both of Dutch and French Protestants did condemne the King's party and their practices, I am certain, none of these to whom you appeal, in this matter, can justly disown it. As for Diodat, and the rest you name, why do you not e…hibite their words? You say indeed for some of them, very wisely and safely, That they did only declare themselves in their Discourses and Sermons. And for these I think you must be excused, because you heard them not. But for the rest I ingage, that whatever passages you shall adduce from them on your part, I shall redargue either their information, in matter of fact, or their reasons in matter of Right, to the satisfaction of all unbyassed men: Beside Salmasius is most exceptionable, in respect he was imployed, and got money in the cause: and yet, in the judgement of many, though he had unanswerable advantages, as to the main design of his defence, he was even in that shamefully baffled. And for Amerauld, read but his own vain and ridiculous Dedication of his paraphrase, upon the Psalmes, to the King, in the year of his restitution, and I am certain you will allow us to think the want of his suffrage no prejudice to our cause. Now for your act made at Charenton I confess your p. 462not producing of it doth the more dissatisfy, because you represent it in termes little consistent, viz. That the Sco…s Excommunication should not debar, unless it were for a crime. That you take a crime in this place in its larger acceptation, for an offense, and not in that more strict and proper wherein Lawyers use it, it were disingenuity in me for to call it in question. But then how Excommunication can otherwise proceed without the allegation of any crime, as you seem to accuse us, is indeed to me a difficulty inexplicable, & whereof, I am sure, our Church could not be guilty; and therefore seing the Consistorie could not doubt that the Church of Scotland did hold an offense and obstinacie to be the necessary causes of excommunication, for them to have …lighted the tryal by us made, and judged the particular grounds of our procedure not answerable to the general rule, had been breach of Christian communion and charity, whereof your naked assertion shall never make me think the French Church guilty: withal yow know that the Bishop of Galloway, whom you alledge to have been upon this act admitted to the Lords Table, notwithstanding of his excommunication, was excommunicate upon the accusation of clear crimes. So that, what you call a loud declaration on the Consistories part, I apprehend to be only a loud calumny on yours. But, whatever be in that act, or the Bishops admission, upon his own information, in opposition to all your vain pretenses of contrary Authorities, it is certain, that not only the truth and right was on our side, but also that our practices were approven, yea applauded and we therein encouraged by letters from several of the reformed Churches, yet extant upon record.

p. 463But, in the next place, your. N. C. Demanding it, you undertake to tell him ingenuously what precedents there are in History for subjects fighting upon the account of Religion. And the first, you say, that you know, is that of Gregory the seventh arming the subjects of Germanie against Henry the fourth, from whom other Popes taking example, they made no bones upon any displeasure, pretending alwayes some matter of Religion, to depose Princes, and liberat their subjects, As you instance in Frederick the. 1. und 2. Lewes of Bavier, and several others, but the latest precedent, you say, is the holy league of France, from which you think our whole matter seems to be transcribed. I have on purpose exhibited these passages together, that men may the better perceive the malice of your calumny, which prefacing and palliating with a great show of ingenuity, you prosecute with meer falshood and impertinency. But first, dare you, after second thoughts, affirme upon your ingenuity, small as it is, that this History of Gregory is the first precedent that occurres to you of fighting for Religion? I have already told you, how, before Constantin's Empire, the Christians in the East, the Armenii by name, did by armes assert the liberty of the Gospel, and rout Maximinus their Persecutor, and that the Persian Christians, persecute by their Princes, did implore the assistance of the Romanes against them, is obviously notour. Are not these then antient and undeniable precedents? But 2. What likeness find you in Gregories case to these practices that we maintaine? An usurping Prelat, according to the Spirit of pride and violence, moving in that order, quarrels with the Emperour, anent the investiture of Bishops, whether upon just grounds or not, is not the present concern, and thereupon excommunicating him, extites his Subjects, yet unstable p. 464after a recent rebellion, to a second rising. Pray Sir, was this a war provoked to by persecution & the necessity of defence, in which points, the justice of our courses doth cheifly Consist? Sir, do you think that a war, being sometime made upon a false or unjust pretense of Religion, should be an instance sufficient to disprove all warres whatsomever upon a Religious account? Certainly, if we admit of such reasoning, the most necessary and just defensive war that ever was or can be supposed, may by the objecting (though most groundlesly) of any of the most arrant rebellions, by the same consequence be condemned. Seing therefore that Gregorie's course was plainly wicked. 1. Because his medling with the Emperour after this sort was a proud usurpation. 2. Because whatever right or wrong was in the matter, abstractly considered, yet, without doubt, the Emperour's pretense was better founded, then the Pop's. 3. Because he not only abused the spirituall censure, but perverted it to the instigatting to perjury, rebellion, and blood, for his own tyrannous lust and ambition, your reproaching us, who from our heart detest all such wayes; either with this or any the like act of the papal insosolence and domination, is but dull and ridicluous envy.

As for the Holy league of France, from which, you say, our whole matter seems to be transcribed, Was it not contrived and entered into, at least in pretense, for the restoring and settling of Romes superstition, and consequently for the extirpation of the protestant Religion? How then can our necessary undertaking for the defence of our selves, in the maintenace of the true Religion, and covenanting together, in this cause, expresly against Romes designes and instruments, be assimulat to that precedent? Out of what Topicks p. 465will you prove such direct opposites, as a League for establishing error against truth, and a Covenant for truth's defence, to be parallel? Or do you think, that the same common name and forme of a League, or the accidental similitude of certaine ordinary methods and circumstances is sufficient to conclude all ingagements, accordingly modelled, under the same character? But it is so certaine, that the most wicked combinations of the ungodly may proceed in the same form & manner, with the righteous Covenants of the faithful, and that as these may joyn themselves to the Lord, in a perpetual Covenant, so those also may conspire against the Lord and against his anointed, plote against the just, and make a Covenant even with hell and death, that I am ashamed of your futility.

But you say, That herein we symbolize with Courtiers, Canonists and Iesuites the worst gang of the Romane Church, and yet fill heaven and earth with clamors against the Church of England, for innocenter resemblances. Sir, This your (herein) needeth explication; for that as they did, so do we enter into Leagues, is too general to import any reflection: and as to the specifications of that popish League, seing they disterminate our cases to no less opposition, then that of error, persecution and destruction, on their part, to truth, necessary defence and preservation, on our part, what remains to make out this your objected agreement? 'Tis true, these French leaguers were subjects, and did pretend for their Religion, with an avowed preference to the subordinate duty of their allegeance to their Prince: but seing their religion was a false superstition, and their ingagement neither provoked by injurie, nor limited to defence, but in manifest malice, Without the countenance of Authority, p. 466entered into, to suppresse, by bloud and violence, truth and innocenie, our Covenant, authorized by… the unanimous vote of the Estates of Parliament, for the necessity of defence, in an exigent, very demonstrable both from our first and chief obligation unto God, and unquestionable liberty and priviledge of selfe defence, can not without an impious effrontery, be compared to that wicked and cruel Bond. And here, if comparisons were not more odious then pungent, it were easie for me to prove, that as our National Covenant was at first made in opposition to the bloudy decrees of the Council of Trent, and the combinations framed for execut…ing thereof …and our League and Covenant afterward ingaged in, upon the express consideration of the continual plotes and conspiracies of the enemies of God, against his truth; so, it is only the practice of your Prelats, their persecuting bonds and subscriptions, with their persidious …ellum Episcopale, and not our defensive Covenants, that can be reproached with the imitation of these popish courses. But seing the necessity and justice of our cause was plainly such, as neither can be convelled by your aspersions, nor needeth the confirmation of the known precedents of the French, and other protestants, counter-leaguing, in opposition to that wicked League devised against them, I shall not detain you longer on this subject.

As for the Church of England's seeming to symbolize with Rome, in some innocenter things, as you phrase it, I wish she were indeed as innocent in that matter, as we are in what you objecte. But seing what you would only have to be a seeming appearance, is a manifest reality, already clearly Demonstrate, by the Authors of Altare damascenum, and the English Popish Ceremonies; passing this poor p. 367reflection, as one of your affected transitions, I follow you to your next purpose.

Which you table by a challenge from your N. C. that you still retain the papacie, and do only change the person from the Pope, to the King, whom you make, and swear to, as Head of the Church. And to this you answere very vehemently, that it is an impudent calumny, as you promise to clear by an account of the whole matter. But behold the worthie performance; a lame, confused, pitiful storie, how the Pope, beside his general tyrannie, did, upon King John his base r…signation, exercise over England a particular authority; that after the Reformation and the shaking of the papal voke, the Oath of Supremacie was brought in, to exclude all forraign Iurisdiction, and reinstate the King is his Civill Authority; That Henrie the 8th did indeed set up a Civill Papacie, but the Reformation of England was never dated from his breach with Rome: that the Oath of supremacie was never designed to take away the Churches intrinseck Power, or to make the power of Ordination, of giving Sacraments, or of Discipline to flow from the King, that however, because the generality of the words might suggest scruples, they are explained in an Act of Parliament of Q. Elizabeth, and in one of the 29. Articles, and morefully by B. Usher with King Iames approbation. And lastly since we have this oath from England, none ought to scruple, the words being sufficiently plain, and the English meaning ours. This is the full and clear account which you promise; But who knows not these poor and insignificant pretenses: King Iohn's resignation was indeed so base, that by all disinterested it was ever held to be invalid, and in after times scarce ever mentioned, let be pleaded. It is therefore the Pop's general tyrannie, and what it was, and whether abolished, in these Kingdomes, or in effect only transferred p. 468from him to the Prince, that we are here to consider. And, I think, I may take it for granted, that you judge the Pope's exorbitant usurpation, specially his assumming to himselfe, not an external assisting oversight (which we grant to be the proper right of Princes) but, by way of an intrinseck and direct power, the sole and uncontrolable care of the Church, her ministry and ministers, with his arrogating an architectonick power in the ordering of Gods Worship, so that in all Ecclesiastick meetings and matters therein proposed, he may enact what canons he pleases, to be parts of the Papal tyranny, not only as in him, but in all men under our Lord Jesus Christ, unwarrantable and antichristian; nay some of these are points of so high a nature, that the greater part, even of the members of the Romish Church, do reclaim against them. Now questionlesse if this power be to the Pope unlawful and incompetent, all secular persons and Princes are therefore much more excluded, in asmuch as the Pope being at least in shew a Church-man, and, according to the hypothese even of your Hierarchy, the first Bishop of the westerne, if not of the whole Church, he is fortified by certain seeming pretenses, of which the clame of civil Princes is wholly destitute. To come then to our purpose, that after the Reformation, the Popish yoke not only as to the particulars above mentioned, but also as to his forreign Jurisdiction, unlawfully usurped over Church-men in civills, to the prejudice of the King's Soveraignity; was righteously shaken off, and the King re-instated in his Civil authority, over all Persons, and also, in all Causes, in so far as they are committed to his royal direction and tuition, is not at all denyed: If that matters had here sisted, and upon the abolition of the Papal domination, the things of God and of Caesar p. 469had been equally restored, who could have gain-said it? But that, on the contrary, by the Pop's exclusion, and, in place of this righteous restitution, the King, under pretence of the vindication of his own Supremacy, did procure to himself a very formal and full translation of what the Pope had not only usurped from him, but arrogate from God, specially in the things above-specified, both the occasion of this change, and the manner how this Supremacy hath since been exercised, do aboundantly declare. And for clearing the occasion, it may be remembred, 1. That the Peter-pence, called in the beginning the King's almes, imposed by on Ina King of the West Saxons, was discharged by Act of Parliament in the reigne of Edward the Third, and the contention anent the exemption of Church-men from the King's Courts most hotly agitate, in the reig…es of Henry Second and King Iohn, was composed many years before the dayes of Henry the Eight: So that neither that exaction, nor this old debate, and far less King Iohn's most invalide resignation, not worth the naming, could be the cause of King Henry his acclaiming the Supremacy. 2. The only motive that we find in History, whereby Henry was instigat to reject the Pope, and to declare himself to be supreme in causes Ecclesiastick, aswell as civil, was his purpose of divorce from Queen Katharine, wherein, finding himself abused by the Pope and his Legates their delayes, he discharges all appeals to Rome, appointing them to be made from the Comissary to the Bishop, from the Bishop to the Archbishop, and from the Archbishop to the King, and is thereafter first called by the Clergy, and then declared by the Parliament, to be Supreme head of the Church, in liew of the Pope, whose authority was abrogat by the same Act: These things p. 470then being certain, and you your selfe acknowledging that King Henry did set up a civil Papacy, It is easy to determine, that this change was not a bare exclusion, but a plain translation of the Popes usurped power. We know the Reformation of England was never dated from that breach with the Bishop of Rome: But what then? Can you deny that this was both the rise and establishment of the Supremacy, which being transmitted to Edvard the sixth, and then renounced by Queen Mary, and again restored to the Pope, was by Queen Elizabeth reassumed, and so continueth untill this day? It is true, that after the breaking up of the more clear light of Reformation, whereby not only Rom's Superstition, bot also the Popes usurpation and tyranny, in many things, was, upon better reasons, rejected, and especially after the succession of Queen Elizabeth, to whose Sexe the former title of headship, for all the smoothings that had been before used, was nevertheless construed not to be so agreeable. Many explications were adhibite for qualifying the Supremacy, both in answer to the opposition of Papists and for removing the offence of the Protestant Churches. But the truth is, these explications, though more sound in their grounds, yet, in their explication, were nothing conclusive as to the present debate, and their Authors arguing for the Supremacy from the examples of reforming Kings and Emperours, acting not by vertue of an assumed prerogative, but only from that extraordinary power, which the necessity of the end, upon the failzour of other midses, doth measure out to Princes first, and to others also, if in a competent capacity, did rather infer the justification of the work, then conclude the approbation of the Supremacy, notwithstanding it was therein imployed. Nay, while by these their reasonings, they went about from such p. 471extraordinary interpositions, only warranted by the exigence of necessity, and the rectitude of the work thereby effectuat, to establish to the Prince a constant setled authority, properly conversant about these matters, the argument is far more absurd, then if because a Governour may, in a manifest incident disorder falling, for example, in a Family, repone the Father and head thereof to his paternal oversight, one should thence conclude to the same Governour, a proper power and faculty of placeing and displaceing Heads of Families, and appointing the Rules thereof at his pleasure. Now that thus it fell out in England after the Reformation, and that the same (if not a more exorbi…ant power) taken from the Pope, was transferred and setled upon the Crown, as a perpetual privilege thereof, is in the second place by the manner of its exercise, and its ensuing fruits, ve…y evidently held out. For proofe whereof, the office and actings of the Lord Cromwell, as Vicare General, appointed by Henry the eight, over the spirituality, though by the good providence of God ordered to be a notable mean for advance of the Reformation, is an undeniable argument. And as to the continuance of the same usurpation, in order to other effects in themselves evill, and not to be justified, there needeth no curious search; the frequent practices of after Princes, laying claime to this power, namely Elizabeth, Iames and Charles, in their ecclesiastick medlings, but especially of his Majesty now regnant, in his interposing in Church-matters, and thereby overturning a true Gospe-…ministry, introducing a new model of Church-government, absolutely dependent upon himselfe, reviving vain, groundless and antiq… ceremonies, appointing and imposing new Religions, Dayes and Forms. And lastly, giving Rules to Ministers their p. 472doctrine, what points to preach and what to omit all according to the device of his own heart, are an obvious demonstration: which things are in themselves so evident, that I strange you should accuse Henry the Eight of a civil Papacy, and so inconsequently acquit al his Successors: Whereas, in effect, they not only acted in Church-matters after the same method by him observed, using the same prerogative, in the grant of their High Commissions and in other acts, which he exercised in his vicarious deputation; but he is the Prince who (waving his haltings upon the other side, and considering the necessity there was at that time, of an extraordinary remedy, for the good things that he did) seemeth to have employed their usurped Supremacy most excusably, and also very advantageously for the promoving of the Reformation.

Bot you tell us, that the Oath of Supremacy was never designed, to take away the Churches intrinseck power, or to make the power of Ordination, of Sacraments, and of Discipline, flow from the King. It is answered, seing the many evill effects of this Supremacy, do so pla…ly evince its direct and proper tendency, and its late explanation by Act of Parliament, doth put its nature and extent beyond all controversy, to tell us what at first it was or was not designed for, is but a vain suggestion. And therefore according to these …urer grounds, I must now tell you. 1. That although the King, not likely to be tempted by such an empty curiosity, hath neither expresly declared in his own favour, nor assumed to himselfe the exercise of this power of administration; yet that by vertue of his Supremacy, as it now stands explained, he may do both or either, when he pleaseth, is not to be doubted. I need not reminde you that any Church-power, not acknowledging a dependence upon, and p. 473subordination unto the Soveraign Power of the King as Supreme, is abrogate and discharged. But, pray Sir, he who may enact what he thinketh fit concerning all Ecclesiastick meetings and matters, may he not, if he think fit, declare himself to have the power of the ministerial function? Nay, what may he not do? But 2. admitting that this was not meaned by the Parliament, in their explanation, and that in probability the King will never affect the imployment; yet that the intrinseck power of Government belonging to the Church, both as to a Society of our Lords erection, and by his express gift and concession, is by the Supremacy taken away, I beleeve it will be so far from being disowned, that it is rather vaunted of as its principal end and advantage. But referring the truth and evidence of this point, anent the power of Government, given by our Lord immediatly to his Church, to what hath been very fully by others declared, and is by me above hinted at, I verily think, that though we had no other argument, save the sad changes that of late have ensued upon the usurpation of this Supremacy, the usefulness and excellency of this intrinseck Government, is thereby rendered apparent, beyond the evidence of any further confirmation. And really when, together with the authority of its founder, I consider the undeniable necessity and expedience of an internal power of Government in the Church, as the most significant mean for making all its other gifts, powers, & offices effectual, And how much it is commended by the signal usefulness of a proper Government in every Society, but more especially to our adversaries by that high yea sacred estimat, which they so much inculcat of that Civil-government, and all its punctilios, whereupon their interest depends, and when, on the p. 474other hand, I reflect upon the pe…ous and woful influences, that in all ages have constantly attended either the suppression or usurpation of this great divine ordinance, I cannot sufficiently regrete, that the pride, ambition and vanity of men, in setting up and advancing this Supremacy, should be so sinfully subservient to the Divell's great design, of crossing the progress of the Gospel, and propogating irreligion: Which evil is the more to be lamented, that nothwithstanding that our own experience of its wretched consequences, doth evidently redargue this usurpation, yet these men who, in the matter of Civil government, make every circumstance sacred, and exclaime against the smallest innovation, as if all confusion were imminent, can and do, in the business of Ecclesiastick government, with a more then Gallio indifferency and coldness, slight all its concerns, in opposition to their carnal designes, as questions of meer outward forms, and the skirts and suburbs of Religion, far removed from its life and substance. Whereas it is very certain, that eternal life and salvation, the great end, is not more preferable to temporal peace and outward tranquillity, then our zeal for the government of God's House, institute by himselfe in his Church, in order to our everlasting welbeing, ought to exceed our regard to Civil government, which in this respect, are but the ordinances of man, in order to our temporal interests: Nay, so apparent is the lukwarmness & hypocrisy of mens reasonings in behalfe of this Supremacy, that though in the supposition that our Lord had by himselfe immediatly erected in any Kingdom, a Society or incorporation with masters, laws, and a competent jurisdiction, in order to some temporal advantage, as he hath, in the acknowledgement of all, institute his Church with Ordinances, Officers, p. 475and Government suited to its great ends, all ration… men let be the members of that Society, would judge the King's pretending to an arbitrary and absolute disposal of these previleges thus granted, to be an injurious invasion and usurpation. Yet, in order to the Church and her rights and immunities, they are not ashamed to cut off …o even and just a parallel, and deny so evident a consequence in behalf of her righteous liberty: But wisdome is justified of her children. And how much were it to be wished, that, at the least, the children of light were as wise as the children of this world are in their generation. 3. Beside the invasion threatened to the Church, in its power of administration, and the usurpation from the Church of the power of Government, which this Supremacy imports, it further attributes to the Prince, according to our Parliaments late explication, an illimited power in matters of Religion, proper and reserved to God alone. To enact whatever a man thinketh fit in Ecclesiastick meetings and ma…ers, I am certain, is that which the Lord did never allow to any meer man under heaven; and yet that this power is assumed, and how, by vertue thereof, old, unwarrantable superstitions have been retained, new rites and ceremonies in Divine Worship devised, and Churches turned and overturned, according to mens pleasure, is sufficiently known without my condescendence. And therefore, seing the King, by vertue of his Supremacy, doth not only intermedle, by giving his civill sanction and confirmation to the intrinseck powers of the Church, by you mentioned, as you do allege, or by acts imperate, as others, in contradistinction to elicite acts in these matters, doe use to express it, but doth lay claime to an absolute power in and over all Church-matters and persons, the filly pretense p. 476whereby you go about to smooth it is not worthie of any mans notice.

In the next place, you tell us of some explications provided for removing of the scruples, which the generality of the words of the oath of Supremacy might suggest. And to this it may suffice for answer, that seing these explications are certainly confined to England, and by no publick Act received or owned among us, your allegeance, with your childish ground, that we have this oath from them, is wholly impertinent as to our releife… But seing the setting down of these explications, contained in the English act and Articles above cited, (Which you do counningly omit) will not only, by comparing therewith the far different practices of the Kings of that Realme, discover the inadequatnesse, not to say the slightnesse of these sensings, in effect meerly devised to palliat an excess in it self nowise justifiable, but more fully manifest the strange extravagance both of the practical acceptation, and late express interpretation of this Supremacie. You may read them as follows; the words of the Act in quinto Elizab. Declare her power and Authority to be a soveraignity over all manner of persons, borne within the Realme, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, so that no forreigne power hath or ought to have any superiority over them, and these of the Articles, run thus. Art. 37. We give not to our Princes the ministring either of Gods. Word or of the Sacraments, the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by Elizab our Queen do most plainly testifie: but that only prerogative, which we see to have been given alwayes to all godly Princes, in holy Scriptures, by God himselfe, that is, that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the civill sword the stubborne, and evill doers. These p. 477being the termes of these explications, what consonancie the medlings of their Princes in imposing rites, ceremonies and formes of Worship, enjoyning their own dayes, and profaning God's, commanding what Doctrine Ministers should forbear, permitting excomunication in their own name jointly with the Lords, and finally, by sitting and ruling in the Temple of God, as in their own Court, do hold therto, is obvious to the first reflection: Only this I must say, that if the Kings of England their Ecclesiastick actings be indeed sufficiently warranted, by the foregoing explanations, the Author of the late discourse of Ecclesiastick policy, who, in prosecution of the King's Supremacie, doth plainly annexe unto it the Authority of the preisthood, and power over the conscience, at least the obedience of men, in matters of Religion; in place of that applause, wherwith he is generally received at Court, deserves rather to be demeaned as the highest calumniator and depraver of his Majesties government.

But not to trouble you further with these double English senses, viz that pretended by their Acts of Parliament and Articles, which I grant to be more sound, and such wherewith many godly men have rested satisfied, and the other more true, received and followed by their Court and Clergie, nor yet to insist upon your incomparable and blessed (Who now hath mens persons in admiration?) Bishop Usher his more full interpretation equally redargued by what I have alreadie said. Let us consider our Scots most excessive, though more ingenuous, explanation; and although, I do apprehend the words of the Oath of Supremacie to be in themselves capable of a sound sense, and that by understanding supreme Governour of this Kingdome… not to be a limiting designation, but a plain qualification p. 478of the nature of the government as being in order to its correlat this Kingdome, in it selfe civil, and only in this notion, to be extended to persons and causes ecclesiastick, all difficulties may be salved; yet, when to the rise and manner of this Supremacie above declared, I adde how of late it hath been made the ground of the King his restoring of Bishops, and framing their government to an absolute dependence upon himselfe, granting of the high Commission, appointing the constitution of a National Synod, and of other strange acts before touched, and especially that as the Act Parl. 1592. expresly and justly limiting this Supremacy, was by the first Act … 2. Parl. 1661. Wholly abrogate and made void… so by the first Act of the Par. 1669. The same Supremacie is ass…rted to that absurd hight, as doth import a plain surrender of Conscience, and submission of all Matters of Religion (for as to civills, we are not so rash) to his Majesties pleasure, in a more absolute manner, then ever to this day hath been acclaimed either by Pope or general Council. These things, I say, being weighed, I think I may safely conclude, that I look upon the Supremacie not only as a civill Papacie, but an height of usurpation against our Lord, King in Zion, whereunto never Christian Prince nor Potentate did heretofore aspire.

And here, your N. C. seconding my assertion tells you, that this Supremacie clearly makes way for Erastianisme. To which you answer, That this is one of our mutinous arts, to find out long & hard names, and affixe them to any thing displeaseth us. But passing the childishness of this conceite, as if either a long or hard name were more odious then a short, in my opinion, s…ch is the manifest wickedness of this your Supremacy, that it is one of your …elusive arts to make your. p. 479N. C. rather vail it with an obscure name, then leave it to an open discoverie; and in the same manner it was, that the men of your gang, after they begun to broach their dangerous, dissolute, and undermining principles, thought fairly to have palliate all with the gentle name of Latitudinarian, as apparently obleidging to all parties: But now that they are detected, they turn their talk, and loth to marr their affected smoothness by terming it otherwise then, the long name, they blame us for loading them with reproach: whereas, to the best of my knowledge, it was their own invention and choise. But not to detaine you about names, which really I do so little value, in any respect, that I do not so much as regard the name Fanatick, nor these many other, wherewith the truth, and partie, which I maintain have been standered, let us proceed to what you say to the things.

And first you tell us, that in the old Testament the Kings of Judah frequently medled in divine matters, and the Sanhedrin, which was a civill Court determined in all matters of Religion, 'Tis answered, did you not just now give us an account of certain restrictive explications made of the Supremacie? What do you then intend by these instance? Not that I do exclude Kings from a due medling in divine matters, or do decline the righteous practices of the Kings of Iudah, in the largest construction that they can receive; But certainly, if what you say of their Sanhedrin be true, it will overturne all your pretended limitatio…s, at least, give to the King a determining judgement in all matters of Religon, which neither ought, nor can be admitted. But. 2. This threed-bare argument, taken from the Kings of Iudah and the Sanhedrin, for your Supremacie, is so fully answered by others, specially p. 480by Mr. Gillespie, in his Aaron…s Rod; and he hath so evidently cleared, that there was a Sanhedrin ecclesiastick, distinct from the civill, and that these two governments were not confounded, that I wonder you are not ashamed of such jejune repetitions. And, in effect, it is so plain in Scripture, that none of these Kings did interpose in matters of Religion, otherwise then by their extrinseck oversight and assistance, except either by immediat commission and direction from God, as it happened in the establishment made by David and Solomon, not to be drawn in consequence, or els in the case of necessary Reformation, in which, ordinary means ceasing, the obligation of the end doth authorize even more extraordinary endeavours, that seing the Lord himselfe did immediatly reprove the usurpation of Uzziah, I can not imagine from what particular precedent you do designe your advantage. However, of one thing I am most perswaded, and I am charitable to think that all your confidence dare not deny it, that had any one of the Kings of Iudah arrogate to himselfe a Supremacie in all causes, and over all persons, aswell Ecclesiastick as Civill so as to declare that whatsoever he, should enact, anent Ecclesiastick meetings or matters should be obeyed and observed by all his subjects, he had been repute no other then a rebell and usurper against God, and a proud contemner of his Law: And as for the Sanedrin, though it were not proven that there was one Ecclesiastick, and …n other Civill, yet their distinct, sacred, and inviolable Preisthood, doth so strangly plead for a constant separation where we find the Lord to have made a divided institution, that any conjunction in that Court, or any thing beside occasioned by their singularly mixed Policy, can nowise infer the conclusion you plead for.

p. 481The next thing you say is, That the Christian Emperours did medle in matters of Religion, 'Tis ans. That the first Chistian Emperours did medle in matters of Religion, so as to confirme the truth and Ecclesiastick decrees by their Civill sanction, to establish the Chu…ch in the condition wherein they found her, to adorne her with certain priviledges, enrich her with revenues, and beautifie her with fair structures, is not denyed; But what is all this to your Supremacie? And who is he who doth not wish for a just measure of the like favour and assistance? You add, that they called the first general Councils. And why not? Who denyes that the King may, within his Dominious, do the like? But the point you drive, is to have this power to the King solely, and exclusive of any right and power in the Church to appoint and meet in such Assemblies, (what ever be the necessity) contrary to the Kings prohibition: And that, for order and decency, the King's consent and countenance should first be sought, nay, that his refusal ought to be of that moment as not to be counter-ballanced, but by a very visible urgencie, is by all granted. Only that he hath an absolute veto in this matter, I positively and firmly deny: for, seing it is evident, that the Church, while under pagane Princes, did enjoy this power, how she should lose it, upon their becoming Christian, otherwise then to be tyed, out of respect and for order, to make to him the first application, to be regulable by his reasons, and very tender of his displeasure, is utterly unexplicable, and were in plain termes to defer to them as Christians, though acting as Antichristians, and worse then their pagane predecessors. And further it may be considered, that the power of conveening in Council, being founded on the same warrant with the Churches liberty p. 482to meet for the duties of Worship, the former no more then the later can be made dependent upon the Prince his pleasure.

But you subjoine, that they presided in these Councils: And to this there is no answer like unto your own, viz. that in presiding they only ordered matters but did not decide in them; which, together with a Moderator, after the example of the first Nicen Synod, wherein Constantine presiding, Eustathius of Antioch did by prayer open the Council, you know we do willingly allow. But to help you a little in this point, I grant that Theodosius in the Council of Constantinople seems to have gone a great length; yet all that we find upon record is that the Council being divided without issue, by the opinions of the Orthodoxe, & of the Macedonians, Arrians & Ennomians, the Emperour requires their several confessions, and, after much earnest prayer to God for light and direction, he declares for the Nicen Faith; whereunto the Synod agreeing, the contrary heresies are condemned: And this was no doubt a very laudable practice, warranted both by the exigent and the truth it selfe, whereby many things less regular, without inferring an ordinary and proper power in the Author for their warrant, have very often been sustained. A good turne, specially when done in the cessation of other midses, doth sufficiently subsist by its own merit. Iehojada a Priest in a state of necessity, armes against a Tyranne, and reformes the Kingdome: But can you or any man thence conclude, that therefore he acted from an ordinary power and facultie, a priviledge proper to his office? Why then should men be so absurdly unequal, as from the like extraordinary interpositions of Princes, in Church perturbations, to attribute to them a proper inherent right and perpetual prerogative?

p. 483Next you say, That the Emperours also judged in matters of Schisme. But seing that any judgement given by them was consequent to the Churches determination, though perhapes with a little attemperation for conveniency, whereof determinations in these matters do very naturally allow, the instance is no more favourable then the rest you have adduced. But the Code, Basilicks & Capitulers of Charles the great shew that they never thought it without their sphere to make laws in Ecclesiastick matters. 'Tis answ. This objection shewes, that either you are little acquainted with what is in these Books, or little advertent to the conclusion you have in hand. The laws you mention, are either imperial confirmations of the truth, owned by the Church, or for condemning and punishing of declared hereticks, or for authorizing and ordering a slender umbrage of jurisdiction called episcopalis audientia, granted to Church-men in charitable and favourable cases, or for restraining and correcting their dissolute manners, or lastly, anent the regulating, of Hospitals, Alms-houses, & other things, pertaining to the outward policy of the Church. Pray Sir, what make these for your Supremacie? Or was ever this part of his Majesties power by us questioned? But where wil you finde, in all approven antiquity, that ever a Prince by vertue of a pretended inherent right in his Crown, or any acclaimed prerogative and Supremacie, in causes Ecclesiastick, took upon him, with one blow, summarily to overturne the established Ministery of a Church, by himselfe formerly by solemn Oath confirmed, introduce new Office-bearers, set up a new frame of Church-government, declaring himselfe to be the sole head and fountain thereof, to whom all others, as subordinat, must be accountable p. 484for their admistrations? In what antient record did you ever read of a Commission granted by a King for Ecclesiastick affaires, impowering Secular persons to appoint Ministers to be censured by suspension and deposition, and Church-men to punish by fining, confining, incarcerating, and other corporal paints? What Emperour or Prince did ever assume to himselfe, in the right of his royal power, at once to impose upon a whole Church a new liturgie and form of service never before heard of among them? Or, did it ever enter in the heart of a Christian Potentat to declare for a Law, that what ever he should please to enact anent Church-meetings and matters should upon the publication be by all obeyed and observed, and, in suite of it, to statute, that if either Minister or other person, not allowed by his or his Bishops authority, do preach, expone Scripture, or pray, except in his own house, and to these only of his own family, it shall be judged a Coventicle, and liable to pains of Law? These are a part of the native fruits of your Supremacie. If you look back to confirme it by antient precedents, pray, give us but one parallel. I grant, that Iustinian, in some of his Constitutions, after having declared and confirmed the truth, received by the Church, and d…termined by her Councils; not only condemnes, but anathematizes the contrary heresies. But seing his using of that phrase peculiar to the Church, and properly importing a power, acknowledged not to be competent to secular Athority, doth only express his more enixe detestation of these errours, and approbation of the Church her censures against them, it cannot with any colour of reason, be made use of for your purpose.

But you proceed to tell us, that the Bishops, not p. 485excepting the Bishope of Rome, were named, at least their elections approven by the Emperours. And what then? For my part, if the Emperour, and all Christian Princes should agree at once, to reduce them, aswell as they advanced them, it should not be accounted an invasion of the Churches power or priviledge. But, because it is like that these Emperours, you speak of, did indeed regard them, as true Church-officers, & nevertheless medled, as is mentioned, in their elections, I answer further, that the true cause of Princes their first medling in the elections of Bishops was, either the diffidence of the Bishops, as to that office and title, wherein not being satisfied from Scripture-warrant, they were inclined to apply to the Emperour for the supplement of his confirmation, or els their solicitous ambition, which, in thesearly contests that they had for precedency, did prompt them, among other artifices, to fortify their pretensions by the Emperour's favour and suffrage. However this is very certain, that whether the Emperour's medling was first procured by the Bishops address, or did flow from their own proper motive, had these Church-men contained themselves within the rules and limits set to them by our Lord, they had never judged the Emperours confirmation requisite to the validity of their office and title: and therefore seing the true account of this matter, is, that the aspiring of Ecclesiasticks did give the first rise unto this secular medling, whether we take it to be no usurpation, as being conversant about that, which, to say the truth, is not Christian, let be Ecclesiastick, or to be a partaking in the Church-men their usurpation, either of the two do…h equally make void your argument.

p. 486After the reasons, which we have heard, you conclude, That Kings their medling in Ecclesiastick affaires, was never controverted, till the Romane Church swelled to the hight of tyranny, and since the reformation, it hath been still stated, as one of the differences betwixt us and them. It is answered. If Princes had at first exceeded and intruded too far in Church-matters, and then the Pope acted by a worse spirit, and no less aspiring, had risen up against his Masters, and thrust himselfe into their rooms, what would this make for your advantage? Or doth it to either of them conclude a right? Suppose a Papist debating this question should argue thus, that the Pope his headship in Ecclesiastick affaires in England was never controverted, till Henry the Eight, impatient through lust, did arrogate to himself the Supremacy, and since that time it hath still been stated as one of the controverted differences, would you think this reasoning pungent? Why then is not your discerning equall to your judgement? But the clear truth in this matter is, that although the Emperours of old did, at no time, lay claime to this Supremacy questioned, yet they and the succeeding Princes, having too much connived at and countenanced the Antichristian ambition, working in Prelacy toward the Papacy, it was from the righteous judgement of God, that, upon its exaltation, they were blinded and involved in these contentions, and justly plagued by the transcendent insolence of an evill, which they had too much fomented: And therefore your dating the period of these contests from the setting up of the Papal tyranny, doth contribute nothing to your advantage. And where you say, that since the Reformation the Supremacy hath still been stated as one of our differences from them, 'Tis very certain, that it hath been granted by all the reformed Churches, that Princes p. 487may and ought to reassume their own power and Kingdome, given unto the Beast, in so far as, in the times of the prevailing of the mystery of iniquity, it was either by force extorted, or by fraud elicite from them: But that any King or Prince, upon the pretense of recovering his own from the Pope, should lay claim to all that he hath usurped, either against our Lord, or over his Church, nay to more then ever any Pope did arrogate, which is the case and import of your Supremacy, is that whereunto, I am confident, no true subject of Jesus Christ, and enemy of Antichrist can judiciously assent: And therefore if in this we do more solidly & soundly maintain the differences betwixt the Reformed and Popish Churches, and, while we assert our Lord's prerogative and his Churches priviledge against the Pope, do not betray them to any other pretender, we hope our differing from you, aswell as the Papists, in this matter, shall only witness us to be the more upright defenders and no deserters of the Protestants plea, and the truth of God. Now, this is That Supremacie which as I have very plainly and graphically represented without making use of Scolastick termes or distinctions, in my opinion not more frequent then super…luous in a matter so palpable; so I am confident that every one who hath that true understanding of the fear of God, and the sincere love of our Lord Jesus, will ever abhorre it with all its wicked effects.

But you in your crastines do not only make your. N. C. cede as it were to your reasonings, but in a manner own the late pretended Indulgence, as flowing from the Supremacie, on purpose to fix upon these few Ministers of ours, who have been thereby restored, at least, a constructive approbation of this evill. And thus you move your N. C. to say that he p. 488hopes you are so much for the Supremacy, as not to quarrel at this Indulgence lately granted; and by way of reply you tell him, how good Subjects you are not to criticize upon your Soveraign's pleasure, and how much more moderate then we, who would not have received ann. 1641 such a proposition from the King in favours of the Doctors of Aberdeen; And from this, falling to touch our opposing the readmission of Malignants to the Army against the Englishes, you exceedinly please your selfe in your own well-natur'd compliance, and would have even the jealousy and aversion, which some of you have for this favour, commend your submission as the greater vertue, because against your inclination. But, not to lose time in these your trifflings, the weak shadowings of your vain imagination, to be brieff and round with you, I differ from your N. C. and am so much against the Supremacy, that I abominat the Indulgence under this name. That God hath disposed the King, to restore, in any measure, what was so sinfully taken away, we account it a great blessing, wishing that he may be in such manner satisfied with the fruits of this course as may more and more convince him of its righteousness, and encourage him to its prosecution: But if you or any els do think, by this poor and scant restitution, to bribe the Lords People to a consent to the rest of your usurpations, and a more tame compliance with all the other wrongs and mischiefs, that you have done and are still doing, we trust the Lord shall deliver his own from so fearfull a snare: And that as hitherto our Ministers have looked upon themselves as such, neither of man nor only by man, but by Jesus Christ and God the Father; so they will accordingly acquit themselves, and in a special manner (as they expect our Lords presence to be with them) testify for his right and p. 489ordinance against all invasions, and that so much the more, as the hard condition of the present times hath in some sort ingaged them to a seeming allowance, of which they ought to purge themselves in the first place.

As for your being better subjects to the King then we are; we know indeed that many, if not all, of you, either principally designing, or els simply deluded by outward peace and ease, do, in order to this end, not only acknowledge the King as Supreme, but in effect adore and revere him as the most high, and for the freedome of your persons and fortunes, really enslave your consciences to his dictates: But, as this is a subjection no more stable and fixed, then the mutability of that interest, whereon it depends; so it is a measure thereof, for which we do neither envy you, nor for the want thereof fear to be less accepted, either with God or man. Only let me tell you, that I take your not criticizing upon the late Licence, a thing, though very hardly resolved upon, and no better digested by your evill natures and foolish malice; yet, in it selfe, most conducible, and in its effect very advantagious to your ends, to be so much the concernment of your interest, as scarce to be a mark of just and ordinary subjection, let be to furnish a complement to your slavish flattery.

But you talk to us also of your greater moderation: O the impudence! The Prelates having raged several years in persecution and violence against persons, only chargeable with a simple not-countenancing of their evill courses, to the ruining of a part, and distressing of the whole Countrey, and to the manifest hazard of turning all to Confusion, a few of our Rulers more wise (foreseeing the consequences) are at length perswaded to a small relenting, and in hope thereby p. 490more assuredly to compass their end of suppressing and extinguishing the party by them feared, they resolve rather to allay and break them, by pretended favour and seeming indulgence: And this having succeeded more happily, then either reason or sense can convince the ever-jealous and cruel Prelatick Clergie, you would have us so stupid as to applaud you for your moderation, as exceeding any thing by us practised. But to convince you, by the retortion of your own instance, Will you or any knowing man affirme, that if there had been no more of necessity and interest to plead for us, then appeared in the behalfe of the Doctors of Aberdeen, we had notwithstanding have attained to this favour? For my part, I think it may be demonstrate, that had that freedome been used by us in open disputing and opposing, which was permitted, nay allowed to the Doctors, instead of Answers, and Answers to Replyes, as they are termed, we had certainly got Prisons and Gibbets. And yet for all your calumnious alleageance, that they and other worthy persons (whom nevertheless you wisely forbear either to name or number) were by us driven away by tumults and not by laws, It is known that all they suffered was, after desperate obstinacy, to be removed either by Law or Ecclesiastick-censure.

The next thing whereby you go about to make out your charge of rigor against us, is, that we purged our Armies. And wherefore not? That evill men do not by reason of sin forfeit their rights, and consequently may lawfully defend them, is not denyed: But that the Lord, having then so lately testified his displeasure against the Malignant courses of the 1648. And we having thereupon so solemnly vowed a detestation thereof, and a non-conjunction with all their bettors, there was just reason, when the necessity p. 491was not such as to leave no place for election, in the fear of the Lord's displeasure, to preferre his Command. Deut. 23. v. 9. and our own ingagements unto the then contrary pretensions; and to keep us from every wicked thing, can not rationally be disproved. However these things being now past, I love not to rake in them, my hearts desire is, that the things which have since befallen us, and seem to have so clear a dependence upon the unstedfastness, insincerity, mockery, heats and contentions of these bygone transactions, may at length lead every serious fearer and seeker of the Lord, unto a single and through discovery, and the repentance which the Lord requires.

As for the advantage you would draw from this objection, I have already told you that necessity and interest do too visibly influence all your pretended moderation, to leave you any matter of boasting in your late abatements. But he who pleaseth to turne his eye upon the other side, and there, with your former Ecclesiastick rigors, behold your other methodes, in appointing the Declaration, as an indispensable condition of State-trusts, and in your manifest discountenancing all of a different perswasion, will certainly admire to find you so much exceed, even in these very evills, which you would appeare to condemne.

Now to your stiffling of jealousies, which vexe some of your more weak and malicious Modells. We know too well their selfish and cowardly dispositions, to impute their not whispering to any true respect to authority, more then the compliance of others to your alledged moderation. To obey God more then man, and therefore to suffer affliction cross to our inclination, is indeed a faire accession to the praise of p. 492the grace of God in this greater vertue you vaunt of, and wherein we desire to be found: But as for your submission against certain blind perswasions, and peevish fears (which you call your inclination) to that absolute overswaying devotion, which we know you bear to Peace and Ease, many of you have so notourly already basely renounced, not only your God, but your King (for whom you do more highly pretend) for this interest, that you must pardon us, neither to applaud your obedience nor submission from such suggestions. And so indeed you insinuat more intelligibly then you are awar; for you say, that if we abuse not this liberty we have got, you shall never complaine of it: which according to the construction of abuses, held out by your lawes and practices, doth so plainly sound, if you neither offer to reclaime the people from their rebellion against, and backsliding from the Lord, nor to warne and testify against the courses, and tendencies of an antichristian Supremacy and profane Prelacy, that the benefite and security, which you would obtain by the performance of this condition, doth render your pretended acquiescence almost ridiculous.

But you go on to adde, Nay, you would rejoice to finde it produce the effects, for which it is designed, viz. to bring us to a more peaceable temper. And who either doubteth this in your sense, or refuseth it in a just sense? could we exchange a good conscience for Court-compliance, or prefer Peace to Truth, which do plainly appear to be the termes of difference, wherein we stand, there is no question of your victory and our agreement: But seing this may not be, and your designe is at best preposterous, I hope, I shall more easily obtaine your concurrence in my wish, that the Gospel and godliness being by this indulgence p. 493advanced, true peaceableness and peace may thence ensue.

The second effect of this Indulgence by you intended, Is to make us value and love more one of the noblest and most generous Princes that ever ruled. Sir, you just now commended your selfe for a better Subject, then to criticize upon your Soveraign's pleasure, and, I think, I should at least be so civill, as not to controvert his praise; but as I do heartily pray that the Lord would make it a hundred times so much truly greater then it is; So, let me tell you, that to state your superlatives of Nobility, and Generosity, upon the grant of this Licence, a very mean and scant act of justice, elicit by a visible State-conveniency, if not necessity, and many degrees inferior to the liberty granted either by the King of France, to his Protestants, or the great Turk to his Christian Subjects, is rather to betray then advance your Prince his reputation. I say not this to diminish the just acknowledgement of his Majesties justice, that every good subject ought on every occasion to express; but this your artifice, either to baffle our consciencious non-compliance with your remaining corruptions, as ingratitude, or to stop the procedure of the King's goodness, as being already in the next degree to an excess, must not go unnoticed.

Your third effect designed, is to dispose us to a brotherly accomodation with you, Which you say, the Fathers of the Church are readie to offer, on such termes as refused will declare us to be schismatical. But seing all along you would have this licence to be a free favour, and would thence plead its obligation toward a brotherly Accommodation, as I have hitherto told you, that I cannot regard it under that character; so, I hope, the insinuation that p. 494this pretense may import, shall be of no moment to byass any to an Accomodation, in the termes of so stated an opposition. Sir, mistake me not, it is not, that I love division or studie faction; union and peace in the Lord are the earnest desire and prayer of my soul, and that not more for the manifestation of the glorious power of the grace of God, in turning you from your evill wayes, then for that beautie, joy and strength, wherewith it is accompanied, and whereby the pleasure of the Lord might be so effectually promoted: But while you continue impenitent, yea obstinat in your perjury and rebellion, whereby you have overturned the Lord's work, with the Ministrie and Government of His House, and do own that idol of Jealousie and root of wickedness, the Supremacie, and its dependent Prelacy, wherby under the pretense of peace and order, the Kingdome of our Lord, aswell over Consciences, as in his Church, is borne down, prophanity, popery, nay Atheisme and all wickedness connived at, and nothing become more odious and persecute, then a conscientious acknowledgement of the most High, not prostitute to mens lusts & devices; While, I say, you are still such, what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? & what communion hath light withdarkness? And what concord hath Christ with Belial? Or what part hath he that keepeth Covenant with him that avowedly breaketh it? If these be schismatical insinuations, we are very willing to be accounted such, and do heartily imbrace the reproach: nay, if I should tell you, that such are the nature and circumstances of the present defection, that it doth not only enjoyne a necessarie separation from your pretended and corrupt Ecclesiastick Courts, for eviting the sin that attends a conjunction; but also a witnessing p. 495& withdrawing to testify against backsliders, I might as easily evince it both from Scripture-precept and example. But, may be I am too prompt; if the termes that you are about to offer be as fair as is promised, that is, as can be demanded by any rational person, no doubt they will satisfie all our scruples.

And therefore wishing that the event may redargue this apparent anticipation, I goe on to your following promise, viz. to give your N. C. at next meeting a full prospect of the state of the ancient Church, and you doubt not to convince him that their frame was better suted for promoting the ends of Religion, then ever Prebyterie could be. Sir, your performance is expected, and for your encouragement, I am free to tell you, that though the improbabilitie of the undertaking may possibly give the world a disappointment, yet it will be no surprise. It is not the first promise that you have failed in, upon more unaccountable reasons: Mean while, you forbid us, to abuse our Soveraign's royal goodnesse, nor the tendernesse of these he sets over us. But this, in my opinion, is a superfluous caution; the Prelats have taken a surer course to prevent your fears; for such hath been their care to secure this goodnesse and tendernesse from our abuse, that hitherto they have thought fit to keep it without our reach. I know this will appear a hard reflection to some of your party, who would have even the common air estemed his Majesties, and us to breath it by his indulgence: But a flattering mouth worketh ruine, and the Lord shall cut off all flattering lips. We despise not his Majesties favour, nay, we desire and long for it that it may come down like raine upon the mowen grasse: But while there is so great a short-coming in the things, which are right in the eyes of the Lord, and righteous toward his servants, why should flatteries deceive?

p. 496And thus we are come to your Conclusion of Prayers for and exhortation to peace, love, and charity; a very expedient one to so bad a cause, so badly managed: your rebellion against God, your usurpation against our Lord Jesus Christ, the wrongs done to his Church and People, by which your Prelats have got into the chair, and in compliance wherewith you your self do at least find ease, If they cannot be mentioned by reason, yet may in a manner be secured by peace. And, no doubt, the love and charity, which you crave would go a great length. I will not say with Iehu, what have you to do with peace? But there is no peace to the wicked, saith my God; And that ought to be unto you of more moment, then if Iehu, with all his fury and forces, were at your heels. But you are of that number, who would have peace though you walk in the imagination of your own hearts; nay, you seduce this people, and heal their hurt slightly, by saying peace, where there is no peace: But if you had stood in the counsel of the Lord, and had caused his people to hear his words, then you should have turned them from their evill way, and from the evill of their doings: am I a God at hand, saith the Lord, and not a God a far off. Can any hide himselfe in secret places that I shall not see him, saith the Lord, do not I fill heaven and earth, saith the Lord. I have heard what the Prophets said who Prophesie lyes in my name, and do cause my people to erre by their lightnesse, yet I sent them not, nor commanded them, therefore they shall not profite this people at all, saith the Lord. As for the love that you desire; should we love them that hate the Lord: you know whose profession it was, do not I hate them, O Lord, that hate thee? And am not I grieved with these that rise up against the? I hate them with perfect hatred, I count them mine enemies. Neither p. 497are these the words of one only under the old dispensation, which elswhere you are pleased to terme, more carnal and fierie. He who wished that they were even cut off, who troubled the Church, appeareth to be of the same Spirit. Nay, God who is love, and perfect in goodnesse to all his creatures, is neverthelesse a consuming fire unto his adversaries. And our Lord Jesus, who came in lowlinesse and meeknesse to seek sinners and dye for enemies, enjoyning love as a badge, and legating peace as his proper blessing to all his followers, doth notwithstanding pronounce many a sad wo unto the hypocritical, proud, covetous & in a word (if as shamlessly irreligious) Prelatick Pharisee. Let us therefore, above all things, in the first place contend for the love of God, and to be found, and to abide therein: This once purging our hearts from dividing and distracting lusts, will only happily cement us by its own bond. But if you continue your opposition against God, perversion of his righteous wayes, and persecution of his Saints, you do in vain pretend to that peace, which is the Saints their priviledge, and without which, outward peace is no better then one of these snares that the Lord raineth upon the wicked.

Your next wish is for charity, and O! that it might be both your and our blessing, in its full extent; charity not rejoycing in iniquity, but rejoycing in the truth, would quickly produce a desireable Accommodation, but this is not the charity which you study; 'tis like a charity thinking no evill of your evil doings, beleeving all your imposings, enduring all your usurpations, and bearing all your rigours, would please you well. And at this rate the most violent irreligious persecutor would become your concurrent. But we have not so learned Christ. It is a very easie and advantagious p. 498thing, to men possest of their desires to wish for security in the peace, love, and charity even of their adversaries. And yet we are not so short of rememberance as to believe that this was alwayes, the language of your partie. At first it was, make a chaine the land is full of bloodie crimes, and the city is full of violence, and your cry was, rase it, rase it, even to the foundation. And when after much crueltie and blood your Prelats would scarce by the restraint of more safe counsel be taken off their eager pursuites, how hardly are they prevailed upon, even by their own interest, to teach this doctrine of peace? It is not many weeks since the chief of your Fathers, as you terme them, preaching before the King's Commissioner and many members of Parliament on that Text, Let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace, told his hearers, in the very entrie, that the particular rules of mutual for bearance and tendernesse, given in that Scripture by the Apostle, were only convenient for the then state of that Church wanting a Christian Magistrate: But now there being a Christian Magistrat, his authoritie should quiet all scruples, and might not be demurred by these pretenses: and going on to show that the only way to peace, is to allow to the King not only an outward coercive power, but also an inward, directive, architecktonick, uncontrollable power (O fear the Lord all ye his Saints) over conscience, in the matters of Worship, with much ado, as eye and ear witnesses do attest, he stammered through a part of the first chapter of a new Piece, entituled a Discours of Ecclesiastical policie. And thus, he delivered to us the very same doctrine of peace, which, in several places of your Dialogues, you do very plainly hold out. Whether or not then it be in the same principle, and for the p. 499same end, that ye do here pray for peace, love and charity, let men judge. For our part, your power, riches, and dignities (in themselves, to say the truth, the very meenest of these trifles) are by us neither coveted nor envied. Our souls desire and earnest prayer to God, both in your and our own behalfe, is that God would open our eyes, turne back our hearts, heal our backslidings, and restore unto us his Gospel and blessed Ordinances in power and purity. O turne us again Lord God of hosts, cause thy face to shine and we shall be saved, then shall Glory dwell in our Land, mercy and truth meet, and righteousnesse and truth kisse each other, then should the work of the Lord appear unto his servants, and the beauty of the Lord our God, even peace, unity and love be upon us.

As for these Scriptures wherewith you second your wish for peace, Were I not more tender in opposing Scripture to Scripture, then you are in abusing it to your own designe, it were easie for me to repay your admonition to love, by a more seasonable exhortation to you of repentance: But since the very consideration of the words, by you cited, may rectify your misapplication, my single desire is, that you had pondered or could yet ponder them. If there be therefore any consolation in Christ, if any comfort of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any bowels and mercies, let us fulfil the Lords joy, that we be first of a sound minde, & then like minded, having the same love, being of one accord, of one minde, Let nothing be done, through strife or vain glory (a short discharge of all the pride, persecution and pompe of your prelatick order) but, in lowlinesse of minde, let each esteeme others better then themselves. Who is a wise man and endued with knowledge among us; let him show out of a good conversation his… works with meeknesse of wisdome. But if you have bitter p. 500zeal, or envying (For seeing that foreign, wanting this adjunct, signifieth also envie, without the least reflection upon that holy zeal of God's house which is said to eat up even the pattern of meekness & Prince of peace, your poor criticisme, in altering the translation, shewes more of your malice then your learning) and strife in your hearts, glory not, and lye not against the truth (foreign be Zealous there fore and repent of your perjurie and Covenant breaking) this wisdome descendeth not from above, but is earthly sensual and devilish; for where zeal or envying (The word is indeed still the same, and so is your folly in this remarke) and strife is, there is confusion and every evill work. But the wisdome that is from above is first pure, then peaceable (not first peaceable and then impure, as that of your partie is) Gentle and easie to be entreated, full of merciemercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisie (O desirable quality) And the fruit of righteousnesse is sowen in peace of them that make peace. Let us put on therefore (as the elect of God, holy and beloved) bowels of mercies, kindnesse, humblenesse of minde, meeknesse, long-suffering, forbearing one another and forgiving one another, if any man have a quarrel against any, even as Christ forgave us, so let us do; and above all things put on charity which is the bond of perfectness. And let the peace of God rule in our hearts, to the which also we are called in one body, and let us be thankfull. Let the word of Christ dwell in us richly, in all wisdome, teaching and admonishing one another in Psalmes and Hymns and Spiritual songs, singing with grace in our hearts to the Lord, and whatsoever we do in word or deed (pray observe this fundamental direction) Let us do all in the name of the Lord Iesus (What shall we then say to these who in the Bond to the Publict Peace would not admit the name p. 501of the Lord to be mentioned) Giving thanks to God and the Eather by him. In all this I wish we were sincerily agreed. And that these words were more deeply infixed in our mindes, for I confesse I am wearie of vain janglings, as much as you are, and do long for truth and peace, as much as you do for your much courted peace; and indeed there is nothing that doth so much portend the Lords displeasure and imminent wrath as that not any pleadeth for truth; they trust in vanity and speak lies, they conceive mischief, and bring forth iniquitie, they hatch cockatrice eggs, and weave the spiders web, he that eateth of their eggs dieth, and that which is crushed breaketh out into a viper; their works are works of iniquitie, and the act of violence is in their hand; they do much love outward peace, but the way of peace they know not, and there is no judgement in their goings, they have made them crooked Pathes, whosoever goeth therein shall not know peace. Therefore is judgement far from us, and justice doth not overtake us; we waite for light, but behold obscurity, for brightness, bot we walk in darkness; for our transgressions are multiplied before thee, and our sins testifie against us; for our transgressions are with us, and as for our iniquities we know them, in transgressing and lying against the Lord and departing away from our God, speaking oppression and revolt, conceiving and uttering from the heart words of falshood, and judgement is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off; for truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter, yea truth faileth, and he that departeth from evill maketh himself a prey. Whether you or your N. C. account these words to proceed from a fretted minde, or not, I know not; sure I am there is that truth in them that though David's wished for wings may better suit your desire of rest, yet Ieremiah's p. 502waterie head, and weeping eyes, with his retirement to a wildernesse, would be the more agreeable wish to our condition. But our relieff is, that the Lord seeth, and who knowes, but he is displeased that there is no intercessor, and that therefore his arme may bring salvation, when he shall put on righteousnesse as a breast-plate, and an helmet of salvation upon his head, when he shall put on the garments of vengeance for clothing, and cloath himself with zeal (even that zeal which you go about to maligne) as with a clock. However this is most certaine that the Redeemer is come to Zion and unto them that turne from transgression in Jacob, saith the Lord.

But your. N. C. recals me and tells us, that the further he seeth in the great businesse of Religion, he is the the more coovinced of a serene and placide temper, which so qalisies the soul for Divine converse. And these words do ravish and unite your heart to him in such a manner, that, for a conclusion to these your roving Dialogues, you do very agreeably evanish in a fancied transport. And really Sir, I do as little question that the further a man seeth, and is seriously exercised in the great businesse of Religion, he will certainly be therby rendered of a more serene and placide temper. The statutes of the Lord are indeed right rejoyceing the heart, the commandement of the Lord is pure enlightning the eyes; the divine light doth certainly give pure joy, and pure joy no doubt doth elevat above all carnall perturbations, and drossie pleasures: there is a vertue in Religion, that, powerfully rebuking not only the windes of our tempestuous passions, and the tossings of our vaine desires, but the dreadful tempest of Gods anger, doth make a great calme, which bringeth unto Jesus Christ for refuge, unto God for p. 503our rest, and blesseth us with his peace that passeth understanding, and filleth us with all joy in believing. But your insinuation, as if a serene and placid temper not flowing from, but previously disposing unto, Religion and fellowship with God, were of special influence as to divine converse, is at best but a continuation of your delusion, I shall not say deceit, suited to your great designe of preferring peace, to truth, and fraiming Religion to your own accommodation. And truly in order to that end, the advantages of a serene indifferencie and placide compliance, resolving all difficulties by the conveniencie of ease, and not striving in any case against the Authority and commands of such, on whom our outward peace depends, can not be denyed. But seing it is the great work of Religion, first to open the eyes, and to turne from darkness unto light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that we may receive forgivenesse of sins, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith, and in these excellent graces true peace and full joy, let him who would have a minde truly serene, and not only a placide temper, but a tranquill and joyful conscience, studie and walk in this light, discovering and abhorring every evill way, and by purity and faithfulnesse, even in that which is least, make sure his peace, and so shall he not only be qualified for, but certainly attaine unto divine converse. Serenity and tranquillity of minde, when flowing from that wisdome from above, which is first pure then peaceable, and is the product of pure Religion and undefiled, is no doubt, no other then that light wherein God dwells, and that calmness and weakness of Spirit, wherein he delights. But as for your serene and placid Temper, whith you exhibite to us, rather as preparatory, then subsequent to p. 504Religion, I must again tell you my feares that I find it so little agreeable to Religion's genuine methode, and so very suitable to your carnal designes, that I greatly apprehend, that, instead of advancing you to true divine converse, it only seduce you into a fools paradise of your own dreams and imaginations. Whether your ensuing raptures do thence proceed, I leave it to others to judge. But, sure I am, were you as earnest to pray, Deliver my soul, O Lord, from lying lips, and from a deceitful tongue, as you would appear serious in the following regrete of having too long dwelt among them that hate peace: You had rather choosed to suffer affliction with the people, of God, esteeming the reproach of Christ (even treason and sedition) great riches; and respecting and looking for the recompense of the reward, the eternal love and peace of God, then to have taken the compendious, way of a sinful compliance, for obtaining this worlds ease and quiet. Which I am confident… that holy man, whose words you usurpe, would have abhorred at the rate.

As for the thick fogs and mists of contention, which you complaine of, if this life were indeed to you a valley of tears, as you give it out, while all light and purity is almost destroyed by the lust and ignorance of your prelatick party, it would have been to these infernal vapors, and clouds of smok, by which our Sun and air are darkned, and not to the just and necessary opposition of a small faithful remnant against your apostacy, that you had ascribed the noisomness which you mention. But, behold the nimblenesse, aswell as the delusion, of the mans fancy; he hath for outward ease cast away a good conscience, and preferred all along peace unto truth: All the disturbance he mee…eth with, is the dissent of a few faithfull p. 505unto God, and stedfast in his Covenant; whom he and his party do therefore persecute: This small innocent non-complyance he complaineth of, as if he were the most refined and tender Saint, grieving for the wicked and rageful persecution of the ungodly, from which imaginary and feigned distresse, with the same artifice and facility, he pretendeth that his relieff is in divine contemplation, whither, as to the mountaine of God, he flieth, forsooth, for Sanctuary that he may take rest. But this triumphing of your presumption shall be but short, the joy of the hyhocrite is but for a moment, though his excellency reach up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds; yet he shall perish for ever, like his own dung, they which have seen him shall say, where is he, he shall fly away as a dream, and be chased away as a vision of the night: for who, Lord, shall dwell in thy holy hill, and who shall ascend unto the hill of the Lord, and who shall stand in his holy place? he that walketh uprightly and worketh righteousnesse, and speaketh the truth in his heart; he that backbiteth not with his tongue, nor doth evill to his neighbour, nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbour, in whose eyes a vile person is contemned, but he honoureth them that fear the Lord, he that sweareth to his own hurt and changeth not; he that hath clean hands, and a pure heart, who hath not lift vp his soul unto vanity, nor sworn deceitfully, he shall receive the blessing from the Lord, and righteousnesse from the God of his Salvation. If therefore your pretensions be such as you professe, you must not overlooke the way that God himselfe hath designed, but walk in it with fear. Your vain phantastick soarings will not carry you, either over, or by it. Nay in the end they will prove a lie, and tumble you into destruction: For what is the hope of the Hypocrite when he hath gained, when God taketh away his soul?

p. 506Think not that these things are from ill nature, and spoken in bitterness; Nay, Sir, I may very seriously protest, that when I reflect on your laxe and unsound principles, not only in the matters of Government and Worship, but even in the head of justification, and several other parts, that you have given me occasion to touch, with your enmity and reproaches against the work of God, and the Kingdome, Ministry and Ordinances of our Lord Iesus Christ, and how, on the other hand, you endeavour to shreud your self under the high pretenses of peace, love, charity, and devotion, wholly heavenly, I can scarce refrain from trembling, in the thoughts of such deep and abusive hypocrisie. And therefore though you should scorn my compassion, yet will I not forbear to give you my best advice. You seem to have the forme of knowledge, and of the truth in the word. Nay thou makest thy boast of God, and divine contemplation, the secret of Gods presence, and the refreshfull shades of the Almighty, where joy unspeakable, and the most pure solaces flow, appear to be your familiar retreat. But as it is too too evident that neither your principles nor practice are very suitable to this profession, nay, that there is no noise heard of this profession, while you are bussied in serving mens designs, and your own fancies: And that it is only after you have striven to the outmost in perswading or contradicting, that you seek to evade or delude by these pretensions; So my earnest request is that in place of fancie, that evaporats all your knowledge into imagination, faith and love may suck down the truth into your heart, to convert you indeed unto God, and reveal in you with power his Son Iesus Christ, that you may love the Lord with all your soul and p. 507strength, and trust in him alwayes, have respect unto all his Commandements, and observe all his Ordinances; then should you walk in the way safely, and the Lord should be your confidence. And though you should be exercised with the same perverse disputings of men of corrupt mindes, the same strife of tongues and persecution of adversaries, whereof we have so large an experiment; yet amidst all these boisterous windes and tossing waves, God would be your Rock, light, joy, strength, and salvation for ever. Sir, this is our faith and also our victory, for which, when you shall as seriously contend, as you do vainly pretend to outward peace and mans favour, then shall true peace, even that peace, which the World neither gives nor can take, abound unto you to establish you unto the end. Let us therefore fight the good fight, keep the faith and lay hold on eternal life, that we may finish our course with joy, so shall we receive that Crown of Righteousnesse which the righteous Iudge shall give unto us at that day, and not unto us only, but unto all them also, that love his appearing. Even so come Lord JESUS.

FINIS.

End of the text · Robert McWard, The True Non-Conformist (1671)