The English Balance, Part 1
THE ENGLISH BALLANCE, Weighing the Reasons, of Englands present conjunction with France, against the Dutch.
With some Observes upon his Majesties Declaration, of Liberty to Tender Consciences.
PROV. 20: V. 18.
Every Purpose is established by Counsel, and with good advice make War.
PROV. 24: V. 6.
For by wise Counsel thou shalt make thy War, and in multitude of Counsellours, there is safety.
Printed in the Year MDCLXXII.
THE ENGLISH BALLANCE, Weighing the reasons of Englands present Conjunction with France against the Dutch. With some Observes upon his Majesties Declaration, of liberty to Tender Consciences.
THE present aspect of affairs, being obviously such, as not onelyonly amuseth all, but really concerneth the greatest part of the Christian World, and my own proper interest (not more from pure incapacity, then, real choice and inclination) being most precisely confined, to that of religion, and reason, I presume, that if by a few sober reflexions, I break that common silence of my Nation (which seems to proceed rather from a deep amazement, then any other consideration) I shall not therefore incurre the censure of singularity; but if the fate of truth, shall neverthelesse expose me to the hatred of any, all I wish them, is, as little prejudice from their mistake, as I intend of particular advantage by the following representation.
The subject then that moves me to this undertaking, is, briefly, the allarume of war, that soundeth every where, the tendency of the French. Armes, against the united Netherlands, and the apparent conjunction of the King of England, with the French, in this their invasion.
What may be the pretenses of the French, just or unjust, since conjecture (of all things most dareing) hath not hitherto adventured upon the discovery, it were in vaine for me to attempt the research: It is known, that the Estats most interessed, did addresse their inquirie unto the French King, who certainly knoweth best, and that upon the fairest account, viz. all just and reasonable satisfaction, and yet, had no other returne, save a slender notice, of their acknowledgement of the favours received from his Antcestors, with a structure, upon their omission of his owne good deeds (no doubt the dividing of the English Fleet by Beauforts imaginary assistance) and then, a hint at late innovations in trade, visibly declining reason, by ane insinuat reference, to a neutral arbitration, without so much as a condescendence upon the subject, notwithstanding of the satisfaction offered; concluding, with a scrupulous formalizing at the Estats desire, to be cleared, about their evidently well grounded apprehensions, of his Majesties extraordinary preparations, as if it were boorish incivility, to demand reason abroad, from a Prince that makes his will to satisfy at home; so that the King of France his tendernesse to abuse truth, and unwillingnesse to derogat from the confidence of his great power, by searching after a colourable pretext, where there is none to be found, appeares to be the most favourable account, that his procedour will admit of: It's true, the advance of his Romish superstition doth occurre, as a very probable incentive, but, as both justice doth repugne, and Policy disswade from declaring it to be the cause, of this apprehended war; so, I confesse the manifest decay, and neglect of religion, every where, this day in the earth, with his Majesties not our addiction to his passions, and interests above all other ingagements, do rather incline me to think, that it is the insolent Tyranny of these imperious Lusts, pride and avarice, that doth thus derobe a great Prince, of his solid glories, and pleasures, and in lieu thereof, with pain and hazard to himself, and injury to his neighbours, render him a slave to the motions of his insatiable appetit: But, though the candor I am resolved to use in this Discourse, doth make me thus figure to my self, the French King's incitements; yet, I am very far from thinking, that the matter of religion is no more interessed in this war, then intended: To knit the consequences of war, and victory, either to the declared causes, or influencing reasons of the undertakers, is, an error, that both reason and the experience of all ages doth abundantly disprove; but why should I here make any profusion of reason, where common sense may be so convictive? Can Popish Armes prevail, and not establish Popish superstition? Can this Popish Superstition have power, and not both prosper and persecute? These are consequences so natural, and evident, that it were superfluous, either to challenge one instance dissonant, from the thousands, that confirme them, or to reminde what, and how successefully, the present French King hath (what by force, and what by policy) practised, in his own dominions: or lastly, to adde, that as the genius of Popery, hath ever been most bent, to seek to reenter where it hath been ejected; so it cannot but in this invasion be animat, by a great accession of vigour, in the hope, thereby to triumph in the conquest of the main fort, and bulwarke of the Protestant interest: And verily these things are of themselves so obvious, that I almost blame their conduct, (if onelyonly designed for clearing of this point) who of late have caused Print, a Letter to the Estats, from their Resident in Vienna, acquainting them with the King of France his intentions, as by him communicat to the Elector of Mentz, viz. to daunton the pride of the Estats General, and compel them to the restitution of Ecclesiastick Lands, and goods, and that assurance hereof, is long since given to the Pope; As if the manifest hazard of the Protestant Religion, from the French Armes, and their approaches, and its infallible prejudice in their successe, not onelyonly as to this restitution, but the subversion of its truth and purity, did need the accession of such a conjectural proof? But it is indeed to be regrated, that such at present, should be the reguardlesse indifferency, in the matter of religion, of the neighbouring Protestant Princes and Estats, that neither the undeniable evidences of all appearances, nor all the arguments whereby they may be seconded, seem sufficient, to awake them, from this dangerous slumber: The time was, when religion, as the most precious concerne, was also, the most endearing bond, of mutual alliance; so that whereever it happened to be attacqued, neither distance, nor separation of other interests, did exempt, or excuse, from the common defence; But men have long since, both in their hearts, and lives, cast it downe, from its excellency, and if there it hath lost its power, and influence, no wonder, that it be little operative on publick transactions: Whether for this cause, the Lord be now arisen to contend, first, with these united Provinces, and thereafter with all the Churches, is no doubt a question, which every man hath reason to move with trembling; my hearts desire is, that as God by his dispensations, is threatning to punish, aswel by the lose of temporalities, sinfully overvalued, and abused, as by the removeal of his Gospel, unworthily undervalued, and dispised; so, his people may thence be warned, and instructed above all things, to seek his face, and peace, and thereby to engage him, to stand on their side, both on his own, and their behalfe, then shall the Lord who waits to be gracious, exalt himself, that he may have mercy upon them, and joine his judgement to the justice of their cause, to scatter the proud & put downe the mighty, that men may see and say, Surely there is a God that judgeth righteoush in the earth.
But is it possible that matters standing thus, betwixt the French and Dutch, and religion being so much concerned, in the event, the King of England should incline, to take part with the French, so manifestly contrair to righteousnesse and religion, yea to his faith, honour, and interest? And really all these (the maine, if not the onelyonly determinations among rational men) doe so directly oppose, and disswade this strange resolution, that, I sincerely professe, it is only from the surprise, and distrust of my reason, and not in the least from any purpose, to amaze men into my sentiments, that my wonder doth expresse itself, in this interrogation; which, if any man doe still judge, to be an anticipation; let him only forebeare what he censures; and I hope, be shall be quickly satisfied.
That I may therefore proceed clearly in this odd rancountre of affairs: Although I doe heartily wish, that my supposition may never exist; yet, seing it is the ground of the ensueing discourse, he who doubts its probability, may consider the following passages. First, the King of England his refusal upon the Estats their just and reasonable demand, to give assurance for the performing of his part of the Triple Alliance. Next, the known ordinary discourse of his court, pretending high provocations. 3. Sir George Downing, his late Embassie, with the unusewall reserve by him practised, in the exposing of his demands, his sudden recall, and his refusing to receive the Stats their answer, unto the memoire he had given in, about the flage 4. the straine of his Majesties returne to this answer, when thereafter presented to him, whereby he plainly intimats his displeasure thereat, signifying that though he be willing to observe the Triple Alliance, yet he doth not judge himself thereby obliged, to suffer them to doe what they please, to his prejudice, nor to wrong their neighbours, in the matter of trade: asserting peremptorily, his soveraignity in the seas, and withal, demanding their positive answer, whether they will punish Van Gent for his not striking to his Flage: And lastly the extraordinary correspondence entertained, betwixt the Courts of England, and France, with their late Treaty: the several millions of money it hath brought from France to England, & the designed expedition of the Duke of Monmouth, with some thousands of Auxiliaries, into the french Campaigne; which passages being joined to the great and fervid sea preparations, wherein England is now bussied, doe in my opinion, sufficiently resolve, that the Dutch are the marke whereat they are levelled, whether justly or unjustly comes next to be handled? And certainly, if they have no other motive or end, then the french assistance, whatever injustice may be, in their causelesse invasion, or whatever detriment Religion may suffer by their successe, doe fall upon the King of England, as an assistant, with higher aggravations, then can be fairly named, before that I doe first propose, and examine, the proper provocations, that he pretends: That, therefore reason and truth, may have their full exercise, and right, my endeavour shall be, to give an impartial and sincere, account of all, that fame or report hath hitherto communicat on this subject.
That the King of England hath of a long time acclaimed, the soveraignity of the Brittish seas, and therein also been universally acknowledged, by the formality of striking, is notour over all: and, as it is not my duety, willfully to diminish or impugne the former, so, the latter is expressely agreed to, by the Dutch, in the last treaty of peace: But the difference at present, arising from this head, seems to be twofold, the first in matter of fact, viz. that the King of England accuseth the Dutch, of an injurious affront, both against his right, and the late treaty, in as much as their fleet, under Van Gent's conduct, did of late, refuse to strike sail, to one of his Jachts, bearing his flage. To which the Dutch answer, that the Kings right being drawn unto the Treaty, for its better confirmation, it must thence take all its measures, and it being thereby only provided, that all dutch ships, shall strike to the King's men of war, in the British seas, as the cleare termes of the Treaty in the 19 Art: thereof, and the quality of the Jacht, being onelyonly a pleasure boat, and no man of war, doe furnish a defence for what is past; so, by their answer above mentioned to Sir George Downings memoire, they offer, that if his Maj. will observe the Triple Alliance, they will still agree, that all dutch ships shall strike to his Ships of war; but the King not herewith satisfied, desires the Estats, to be positive, whether or not they will inflict punishment on Van Gent? as we have heard: The other branch of this difference toucheth the point of right, the King of England asserting peremptorily, in his above mentioned answer to the Estats, his dominion, and soveraignity over the narrow seas, and the Dutches, hitherto silently forebearing, either to debate, or consent to the claime: The next ground of provocation discoursed of, in the King of Englands court (for as yet it hath proceeded no further) is the making & publishing amongst the Dutch of certain scandalous pictures, and pamphlets, to the King's dishonour, whereof some, at least one, viz. the picture dedicat, and affixed by the towne of Dort, in the Stadt-house, to the honour of Cornelius de Wit, in memorie of his attacque at Chattam, bearing the draught of the thing, with certain Lines of Elogy subjoined, (all no doubt contrived with the lustre of advantages sutable to the designe) licensed by authority, and the rest onelyonly of privat authors, but publickely permitted, and of this kinde (as is reported at court) a pourtrait of the King of England, surrounded by some ladies of pleasure, bussied in picking his pockets, is most noticed, and talked of: the third pretense for war, intimat by the King of England's last answer, above spoken of, wherein he saith, that though he be willing to stand to the Triple Alliance; yet, he is not thereby obliged, to suffer, either things prejudicial to his own honour, or them, to doe what injuries to their neighbours in matter of trade, that they think fit; which last passage, is no doubt to be understood of the same innovations in trade, complained upon, by the King of France, his letter, as we have said: but what these are, is alike obscure in both, and remain's yet to be explained.
This being the summe of what I have learned, of the King of England's provocation: Their import, and merit, is in the next place to be weighed: To discourse then first the alledged incivility of Van Ghent; I know, it would be thought ridiculous, for me to endeavour, to accommodat this mistake, by these Gospel rules of simplicity, meeknesse, and divine goodnesse, to offer to square the actings of Princes, and Stats, in such emergents, by that deference, forebearance, and readinesse to pardon, held forth; in its high and heavenly precepts, in prejudice of their grosse, and vain politicks, would be in the construction of these delicat Spirits, and refined witts, (which deceive themselves and others, to the foolish admiration, and esteeme of things of no moment,) to trample upon the tender point of honour, and dissolve the noble frame of interest: neither shall I at this time further urge, the difference pretended by the Dutch, betwixt a man of war and a jacht; impartialitie must certainly graunt, that the refusing to strike to this vessel, (if in the Brittish seas) which ten yeers agoe the Dutch had not scrupled to honour as a man of war, and not much above a hundred yeers, might possibly have served for their Admiral, could onelyonly have flowed from their late successe, and elevation; but as it is aboundantly evident, that, nothing save a fatal misfortune, could engage either party, to forme a quarrel upon this only occasion, and that without the influence, of far different considerations, the King of England would not therein, have shewed himself so uneasie; so, it must be acknowledged, that in so light an offence, not destitut, at least of a colourable excuse, the Dutch their offer of good performance, for the time to come, is as much as in reason, can be expected: the next point that occurres, is, the King of England's soveraignity, over the Brittish seas, whereof at present he appeares to be very jealous, and questionlesse if his Majesty doe not content himself, with the formality of striking, as his sole prerogative, but holds it only for a marke of due recognisance, asserting withal, his soveraignity indefinitly, as to all effects, that such a title may import; it's value, doth not more deserve his jealousie, then it's consequences may justly, excit all, to inquire into his pretenses. I shall not here table the debate, an mare sit liberum an clausum, the reasons of those learned men, who have managed it, pro and con: doe, in my opinion, very happily compose it, in this reconciliation: that, as the nature, and end of the seas, doe plainly appeare, incapable of dominion, so, in as far as they are destined, and doe serve, for common use, the expresse or presumptive consent of one people, may qualify, restrict, or renounce the same, in favours of another; and, thus we see, that wherever dominion over particular seas, are acclaimed, their effects are not onelyonly precisely limited, but almost every where different, so, to one is given thereby the sole benefit of fishing, to another a certain tribut, to a third the power of jurisdiction, and so forth to every one, as restrictedly to the condition of his right, as to its respective bounds, either of which, if the owner should happen to transgresse, his dominion would be in so far, reput, an insignificant plea; so that this maritime dominion, not being of the nature of terrene propriety, of it self absolute, unto all intents, (unlesse diminished by law or the owners concession) but meerly, a certain priviledge, or servitude, established by consent, in that which of it self, is, as the air, reserved for common use, it's evident, that the consent, and possession, which constitut the right, doe in like manner define it's extent: And that upon the pretext of some particularities conceded, to arrogat an unlimited soveraignity, would, both in reason, and in the event, prove an insupportable usurpation. Hence it is, that for all England's glorieing, in this, our dignity, and for all the power, (wherewith no doubt, we both did acquire, and doe continue it) yet, it hath not to this day, been further recognosced, even in the Channel, (it's principal seat and subject, and where it hath alwayes affected it's maine Parad: for as to the other brittish seas, which are onelyonly, the neerest circumambient parts of the wide Ocean, the Law of nations doth onelyonly attribut to England its common priviledge) then by the bare ceremony of the first salute; neither in the last Treaty, wherein the King of England was greatly concerned, and no lesse solicitous to cleare this title, was there any thing else agreed unto, as I have already marked; and without all peradventure, if his Majesty in the conceit of his dominion, should once offer to exert it, though but in very ordinary effects, such as the assuming of jurisdiction, or imposing of tribute, whereof the Sound and Adriatick do exhibit cleare precedents; he would soone be made to understand his error, not onelyonly by the reclaming dissent, but also, by the vigourous opposition of all his neighbours: I might insist to disprove this pretense of an indefinit dominion, from the far more rational judgement, of the ancient Romans, who not only reckoned the sea with the air, Inter ea quae sunt nullius; but, though by reason of the encircling of their vast Empire, they might have acclaimed, even the whole Mediterranean Sea, jure diverticuli, & in many parts thereof, had indeed several powers, and priviledges; yet, were they so far from captating this vaine and groundlesse title, that one of the greatest Emperours, begins a rescript, with relation to this same subject, in these words, Ego quidem munai dominus, lex vero maris: thereby manifestly holding forth, that, as he judged it incapable of dominion, so it's unstable nature, and common destination, could only be regulat, as to humane concernes, in so far, as Law, and consequently, condition or consent, did determine: from all which, I conclude, that as the Dutch, doe fully satisfie, all that in justice, the King of England can demand, by their offering to strike, conforme to the last Treatie, and have good reason to repugne, either to his indefinit soveraignity, or any further preheminence, for which nothing anterior to the said last Treaty, can in reason be obtruded; so, his pressing them further, in this affair, is, both captious, and unjust, and he might upon as good grounds, refuse them the liberty, of a free passage in the channel, as exspect of them a consent, to adominion, which if not cautioned, by a particular explication, might assuredly be thereto extended.
The second ground of offence mentioned, is, that of the scandalous pictures and pamphlets: but as every sober person, may justly apprehend, that, that prudence, which often adviseth a connivent dissembling, of things of this nature, at home, will far more restraine, any such contentious inquiries, as may advance unto a challenge abroad; so, in case it should here prove too feeble, for the provocation pretended, it is evident, that only such of those pictures, and pamphlets, as are indeed injuriously reproachful, and are licensed, or openly countenanced by the Stats, their authority, can warrant the King of England's charge; by which rule if any man please to examine, the above mentioned condescendence, he must of necessity rest satisfied, that on the one hand, the picture dedicat to De Witt, being onelyonly a true, and honourable representation, rej gestae, containing nothing more, then the most ordinary, and easie reward, and encouragement of heroick atcheivements, and consequently free of all shaddow of reproach, and on the other hand, that picture of his Maj. with his paramours, being at most (if any such thing was at all) a wanton privateer timeously enough suppressed, when noticed, and so not chargeable upon authority, until once questioned, do no wayes amount to a sufficient verification; whether there be any other pictures, or what there may be in those pamphlets, I must confesse, that for my own part, all the matter of this Article doth appeare to me so light, and slender, that my curiosity hath not hitherto been tempted to an inquiry: This onelyonly I am assured of, that if injuries of this kinde may be compensat, by a counter-charge, the Dutch may quickly ballance this account, the English disdain of the Dutch is an infinit theme: It's true, either its excesse, or some other cause, hath hindered it, to shew it self, in the ingenuousnesse of pictures, and the like phansies; but he who judgeth this, to be a want, may easily finde it supplied by ane immense overplus of pride, and contumelie, in their discourses, and descriptions of that People, both old and late: One thing I may further adde upon this subject, that for that picture instanced of the King of England, and the Ladies, even interest and policy seeme to absolve the Estats of any advice to the Painter, or other accession unto it.
The 3. ground of provocation, intimat by the King of Englands last letter to the Estats, is, That his Majesty thinks himself not bound to suffer the Dutch, to do what injuries they please to their Neighbours, in matter of trade, which if we consider, with a respect to the King's acknowledgement, of the Triple Alliance, and with this onelyonly import, as if he did not judge himself thereby bound, to concurre with, and assist the Dutch, in their injustice, is no doubt fair & righteous, & when made out, cannot but excuse him, to abandon the Dutch, in any such unequal controversy, they may fall into with the French, or any other; Although, whether it may, in like manner, warrant him, to passe froma neutrality, and take part with their adversaries, when there appeares no ingagement of his own proper interest, may still remaine a question: But seing the circumstances, and whole straine of that letter, togither with it's coincidence with the King of France, his complaint of the Dutch innovations, doe visibly hold forth, a quit other tendency, in the expression, and in plain English, that his Majesty presuming upon his Soveraignity of the seas, or some other ground, known to himself, would have the Dutch to submit to his arbitration; upon whatsoever difference, the French may alledge: such an officious interposing, without so much as the pretext, either of a solid title, or real occasion, is palpably void of all colour of right; so, that in effect, the challenge here couched, in place of a declaration of a just offence, doth only exhibit, to the construction of ingenuitie, his Majesties compliance, with the French resentments, and his resolution, to second their armes just or injust, and procure their satisfaction: As to the innovations, or injuries in trade, generally hinted at, when their Majesties, are both so reserved, who can be expresse? The increase of the Dutch in this matter, is indeed very extraordinary, both to the prejudice and envie of all their neighbours; but, seing it is so assured, that all the Dutch their advantages in trade, are the Pure effects, of their own greater industry, and sobrietie, that neither of the Kings have as yet, thought it fit to acquaint the world, with the particulars of their complaint, it is cleare that these murmurings, so like to the repineings of profuse debauches, equally covering and lazie, to the proportion of their immense riot, against men of vertue, and diligence, can never amount to a justifiable quarrel: I know, injuries in the remote parts of Africk and Asia, have been discoursed of, and in special, that the Dutch doe there, either secretly instigat, or by compact, oblige the natives, to exclude all others, and principally the English, from commerce in their bounds, (and this was also the great pretext of the last war) but, whither this be only an invention, simulating to come from far, the better to cover it's groundlesse contriveance at home, or, that the Dutch by a more happy, and dexterous addresse, in these many lawful wayes, and methods, that may be practised, doe indeed prevail, and carry the affection and trade of these countreys, to the neglect and dammage of other adventurers, I am not inquisitive? OnelyOnly, as there hath not hither to been given, any satisfieing information, in matter of fact; so, I am very confident, that if artifice, and covetousnesse, were sufficient, to compasse such a priviledge, neither English nor French, in these parts, had been at this day, short of those, at whom they thus unreasonably grudge: I need not here much notice, the grievance talked of, by some, against the Dutch, for their excessive transportation of Gold and Silver, to the East Indies: that the thing is an abuse in it self, draining Europe, of it's best substance, to the languishing of trade, and Arts, and the occasioning of many miseries, and that in such a measure, as even the treasures of America, which Europe hath lately devoured, are not to be known, but, it's leannesse rather greater, then before, and for no better returne, then that, of spiceries, drugges and other the like superfluities, is, too too visible: neither can it be denied, that the Dutch, their East Indie Company, who suck our much of the substance of Europe, as the English their Company doth impoverish all England, are, deepest in the transgression; but, seing, beside what may be alledged, from the absolute power, and liberty, competent to every Prince or State, in these matters, the restraining of this evil, is so far from being the ground of the controversie, that on the contrair, the contest, is much animat, by the envie at, and desire of the same pernicious profit, it is evident, that the King of England's plea is nothing thereby bettered.
Having thus weighed and rejected the King of Englands proper pretenses, I am sorry, that such a soul conclusion, doth so fairly present, viz. That, his Majesties present concurrence with the French, against the Dutch is, not onelyonly a manifest partaking with them, in their injustice, and violence, but accompanied, with such circumstances, as doe render the accessory, an hundred fold more guilty then the pall: which that I may more distinctly explicat, I shall breifly reduce, what remains, to the heads proposed, viz. That this assistance, of the King of England, is aggravat on his part, from no lesse opposition, then that of religion, faith, honour, and interest: the dearest and highest of all concernes.
And first for Religion, it is evident, that it's disswasion, cannot be called in question, by any, who doe not doubt his Majestie to be a Protestant; for, seing the truth and protestant cause, are unavoidably threatened, by the French successe, what rational man can think, that a protestant Prince should second them, in the interprise? And really, the connexion of these things, is so obvious, that, it cannot but be grievous, to all his Majesties wel wishers, to heare, and understand, how, that his present proceedings, have so much every where brought his affection to this interest, under debate: I need not here mention, the specious title, that he assumes, of defender of the faith, it's engagements, hitherto, have proved so insignificant, that such as before did hesitat, doe now begin to say openly, that his resentment of gratitude, toward the sea of Rome, that conferred it, do in effect seem to preponderat all it's reall import, and that Henry the eighth his scribling against Luther, which procured him from the Pope this title of the faith's defender, was not in any proportion, that way so considerable; as Charles the second his present arming against the Dutch, may very justly entitle him, with all true protestants, to be the faith's betrayer: whether he will hold on the paralel, and disappoint all appearances and their feares, as the same Henry did the Pope his author, the event will testify, and that he may, is my hearty desire?
The next head that prohibits this apprehended assistance, is, that of faith, and in this togither with the more common assurances of humanity, Christianity, and protestanisme, doe conspire the special engagements, both of the late Treaty, and Triple Alliance, whereby, the King of England, and the estats, are expressely bound to keep true, firme, and inviolable peace, and neerer, and stricter Alliance, and union, from that day foreward, &c. All which, if he should now breake, strangers may indeed exceedingly wonder: I say strangers, for as for us, his subjects, sad experience hath aboundantly instructed us, that all our part in this matter, is, to wish, that where neither religion nor faith have availed, yet at least common honesty, and good fame may be prevalent.
The third disswasive that offers, against this concurrence, is honour: And certainly, where religion and faith doe claime so great a part, honour cannot but have a very large share; but because these succumbeing, no doubt their concomitant will evanish, as a shaddow, it doth therefore present, upon a distinct ground, and pleads from its own peculiar merit. That the English Nation sometimes masters, and ever equal to the French, should not now, be degraded unto a base and mercenary subserviency, it vvould be of moment, vvith a generous person, to suspend, even a real, let be, a groundlesse provocation, rather then to resent it, snakeingly, against his partie, under another's disadvantage; but, neither can policy be exacted to these rules, nor doth the present case stand upon such a punctilio: Our substance and power, with the noble ascendent, that the genius of this nation, hath alwayes had, over that of the French, do upon more solid grounds, equally disdaine, both the Switzers service, & Munsters hire, and that the King of England, should become a Pensionary of the French King, is a novelty, that hath hitherto had no precedent: But it may be said, that however we may thus calculat, on the one side; yet on the other, if we remember the bussinesse of Chattam, and the Dutch their late exaltation, these cannot but chock every true English heart, and to such at least, as are tenderly sensible of this delicat point of honour, excuse us, to embrace any occasion, whereby we may soonest, and best, retrive that of our nation, unto it's former splendor: I graunt indeed, that, that affair of Chattam, was a high affront, turning in effect England's glory, & the worlds terror, unto the contempt & scorne of a feeble defence, and in our estimation, delivering, what was as Neptun's throne, to be dragged in Triumph, by poor distressed fishers; so, as I suppose, that it may be truly affirmed, as the fairest account of his Majesties displeasure, that his resentment of the Chattam-Attacque, is at the root of all: Which as on the one hand, it hath been notably improved by the french caresses, wherewith it is known, that they have plied, both his Majesty, and his favourits, at all points: so, in all probability, the envy of the Dutch prosperity, the irritation of Van Ghent's Goe-by, and the opportunity of the French invasion, with the temptation of their money, have heightened all other grounds of misunderstanding, and advanced the indignation unto this present menacing posture: And thus I confesse things may stand, on the King of England's part: But, seing the surprise of Chattam, was on the Dutch their part, a fair act of hostility, rather advanced, then obscured, by the Treaty, begun with the warning of an expresse proviso, of no cessation, it cannot but be graunted, that all these circumstances of his Majesties disgrace, did onelyonly redound, and accumulate, to the Dutch their honour; so, that now, after the thing is voided by an ensueing peace, and so long after, to meditat the revenge of that, which we had neither the providence, nor courage, in it's season to have prevented, nor perhaps durst yet notice, if the conjunction of the French, did not thereto prompt; besids it's injustice, is an impotency, more shameful, then the cause that provocks it: nay when I reflect upon the Dutch, their then successe, togither with that pusillanimitie, and distresse, that appeared in our court, and that confusion and consternation, which at that time, did seise not onelyonly London, but the whole nation, and withal consider, how little the Dutch did presse these advantages, either by an irruption into that feareful breach, continuance of the war, or shewing themselves more uneasie, in the dependent Treaty, I cannot but judge, that the Dutch their so singular moderation, and disposition to peace, when England was in its lowest State, ought to be a most powerful mitigation, and utterly to efface all rancour against a people as generous in their carriage, and condescensions, as valarous in their atcheivements: as for the Goe-by given by the Dutch Vice-Admiral and Fleet to a pitieful pleasure-boat, it is allready examined.
The fourth and last head, that opposeth the King of England's resolution, against the Dutch, is, that of interest: and this indeed is so much the more to be pondered, that not onelyonly for the most part, it hath the greatest sway in humane affairs, but in this present bussinesse is in effect, the cheife inducement, wherewith many of this nation flatter themselves, and would delude others; for, seing, that the Dutch, are the only people, who can compet with the English in naval forces, and that of late, they have in a manner rendred themselves Masters, of the whole trade of the world, to the prejudice of England, and all others, and thereby doe alone hold the ballance, against us; it, must of necessity be graunted, that the dominion will prove England's exaltation: and as to the feare of too much aggrandizing France's naval strength (for as to their power by land, while England retains the command of the seas, it is not to be reguarded) it is aboundantly excluded, both by the assurance we have, of the Dutch their readinesse to accept of peace, at our pleasure, and of the French their remedilesse want of seamen, and their nurseries, wherewith England is so richly stored: But, though this reasoning, doth appeare plausible, yet, how quickly is it dashed, by this one short, and obvious supposition, what if the English Fleet be beaten? Which as the righteousnesse, and omnipotent power of the great God, the Lord of Hosts, the injustice of our cause, and the dreadful wickednesse of the land, the judgements of plague, sword, fire, and wasting consumption, which we have already felt, without repentance, his Majesties Motto Jer. 22. 30. which hitherto hath not failed, and the injury offered unto the Dutch, with their inclination to peace, and forced necessity to war, doe render many degrees more probable; so I am sure, that the known distractions, and greivances of the nation, oppressed, by both court and Parliament, and yet these two divided one against the other, the strange difficulties, and courses taken, in the out-rigge of the present Fleet, perverting right, and starving trade, by the stop of the exchecquer, and trampling upon the nations honour and interest, by that base and dangerous supply from France, doe thence portend most sad and funest consequences, and these, so much the more assured, and terrible, that they seem infallibly to depend, not on the disasterous successe of a long war, but on the very simple miscarriage of the first rancountre, and if thereby all the flatteries of our vaine hopes, be not infinitly overballanced, let all sober men judge. But not alwayes to ominat the worst, admit we doe overcome at first, doth not our late experience, sufficiently teach us, that we by our courage, may gaine fights, and yet by reason of want of stock, lose and be inferiour in the war: Next, when we are superior in the war, where are our solid advantages, and who can finde out, and establish that midds, whereby, neither the French on the one hand, shall reap too great benefit, by the Dutch their ruine, and so be rendered a more powerful competitor; nor the Dutch, on the other, recover all their former habitudes, and successe in trade; seing in effect, both their present increase, and our decay, are from causes altogither inward, as we may heare? Thirdly, doe we willfully shut our eyes; and will we not understand, that the French, first with the Dutch, and now with us, will againe tack about to the Dutch, in case, that we do prevaile: And this leads me to wonder, at the emptinesse and insignificancy of the consideration, opposed to the just feares of the French their rising greatnesse: if the late extraordinary beginnings of their sea forces, do not convincingly assure, a sutable advance; yet, their Kings first joining with the Dutch, to quash and weaken the English, and now turning to the English, to suppresse the Dutch, may palpably discover his designe, either to be himself Master of both, or at least, to suffer neither of them, to overtop him: Now as to the nurseries we boast of, the Thames, our far more happy side of the Channel, New-Castle trade, and forraigne plantations, are no doubt brave conveniencies; and yet a man may well think, that the French, their many sea ports, and rivers, great trade, and also plantations, with their money that answers all things, may in short time, become more then equal: While Spain had the ascendent, the maxime for the English and Dutch, was, in the embleme of two bottles, swimming together, with their motto: si concutimur, frangimur: that it should be antiquat, upon the French their far more formidable prevalency, I wish the event do not too late discover the error: O how happy might the English be, if but wise, to advert, how that their recovery of trade, strength and riches, could not possibly misse, by a far more easie expedient, and that in brief (for I may not enlarge) consisting, in the simple reforme of three things, viz. first, of our excesse, in respect of the Dutch frugality, who by their sobriety and hard fare both by sea and land, do evidently facilitat both manufacture, and transport, to the underselling of all others, and the great advancement of their gaine. Of the luxury of our Court, vvhereby thousands, specialy of the youth, are debauched, from all vertue, and those summes, vvhichwhich might be a great accession, to the trading stock of the nation, turned out of that channel, to the maintenance of prodigality, and that beggarly villanous traine, vvherevvith they are attended: And 3, of our Church & Clergy, by vvhose jealous persecutions, irreligious neglect of their office, & sacrilegious consumption of their benefices, and Church livings, so many sober persons, have been, and still are, ruined, or discouraged, so much vice and idlenesse continually fomented, and so great a treasure of money improfitably imployed, and wasted. But though the words of wisdome are all in righteousnesse; yet, knowledge is onelyonly easie to him that hath understanding. I might here further adde, how far more glorious and profitable it would be, for the King of England, in this conjuncture, to show himself Protector of the protestant cause, and thereby, not onelyonly gaine the more cordial and intense affection, of all his subjects, and the esteem and honour of all the reformed nations, and Churches; but more powerfully binde the Dutch, to all his reasonable demands, to containe himself in peace, and let his subjects, so much the more plentifully gather it's sweet fruits, while others in their miserable contendings, doe neglect them: And lastly, to hold the ballance, and in its season absolutely umpire it, amongst all his neighbours, when wearied, and broken by wars, to the restoring of Peace, setling of right, and the high advancement of the interest of the English nation: But who is so blinde as he who will not see? His Majesty is abandoned to his humors, and the solidity of the English nation, that hath ever had a very sound discerning and noble misreguard of the airienesse, & instability of the French, is at present, exposed, by the cheat of their complements, to the worst designe of their policy. The Dutch, to gratifie the King of England, have, of late, advanced the Prince of Orange, and he who questioneth the ingrediency of this motive, I am sure, may quickly be satisfied, by an easie reflexion, upon the Late Prince his odd extravagancies, and what ensued; this Prince his relation to the King of England, with the influences, that thence may be feared, and the tempting occasion, that the continuance of such a command, after the wars, may give; yet, is not this like to prove a diversion: It is further certain, that the generality of his Majesties subjects, both from the conviction of the reasons above exposed, the increase of grievances, which they begin to feel, and the visible insolency, whereunto a restlesse Popish party, in our own bowels, are already encouraged, doe, from their heart, equally detest the French conjunction, and dislike this breach with the Dutch: But neither is this a more promising disswasive, so that after all the serutiny I have made, in this affair, I must professe, that by such a combination of most important, and evident disswasives, my thoughts, in the apprehensions of this fatal war, are quite run up to this one, for a rest, that the thing if it fall out, is from the Lord, and what he hath determined will quickly appeare.
It remains now, for conclusion, that I at least name the duetie, to which all this discourse hath so full and fair a tendency, and that all the lovers of truth, his Majesties, and England's wel-being, would be earnest with God, to turn the King from this evil course, and direct him, unto better counsels, is, I am sure a warrantable, seasonable, and Loyal part; but if God in his holy providence shall permit him to proceed, his Authority, cannot warrant our obedience, unto such a sinful concurrence: I know, that of late, that Apostolick position, It is better to obey God then man, hath been much decried, as fanatick, and seditious, and that for me to insist on such an exhortation, would be derided, by many, as vain and ridiculous canting: but, however men receive it, I am sure with the Apostle Paul, that the judgment of God, is according to truth, against them which commit such things, to render tribulation and anguish, unto every soul of man that doeth evil, to the subject as wel as unto the Prince, and that with God there is no respect of persons: neither is the insufficiency of this plea, of the authority of Princes, in opposition to the Law of God, yet to be determined; Ephraim but walked willingly after the commandment, yet was he therefore oppressed, and broken in judgement. The time was, in England, when men, rather then to betray their civil liberty, to the will of arbitrarie orders, did chuse to suffer the imprisonment of their persons, and ruine of their whole estats, when, they might have redeemed both, by a very small voluntary payment: shall we then now, so far degenerat, as not only to give our moneyes, and estats, but surrender, and sacrifice our blood, lives, and souls to the carrying on of an unjust war, against both religion, and righteousnesse? God forbid: Now if it be asked, what then should we do? I am no furious fanatick, my answer is plain and safe, onelyonly sin not, by any direct accession to this unrighteous war, and if ye therefore be put to suffer, remember, that, blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousnesse sake, for their's is the Kingdome of heaven, and he is also faithful who will not suffer us to be tempted, above what we are able: But if men say, nay, but we will obey our Prince, be avenged upon these insolents, recover our honour, and restore our trade; let them be doing, and be strong for the battel, God may make them fall before the enemie, for he hath power to helpe the injured, and to cast downe the proud: Once more, therefore, be warned, and remember, and feare, lest if ye still doe wickedly, ye be consumed both ye and your King.
POSTSCRIPT.
After I had digested the foregoing discourse, I confesse the evident improbability, of the King of England's grounds, did make me subsist in the conviction, that, either I had superfluously laboured, to prevent a vaine feare, or at least, might expect, some far more weighty reasons, then any I have mentioned; but behold, a new surprisal both to me, and all that heare of it. The Dutch menaced by the French Kings power, and forces, are not only willing to comply with all reason, for the establishing of a good understanding with the King of England, and the obtaining of his favour; but, by a new Embassie and very obliging proposals, are courting him, if he cannot keep faith, and the late Alliance, at least, to the safe and advantagious part, of a fair neutrality; when on a sudden, his men of war, are sent out, and in open hostility, set upon the Dutch merchants, returning thorow the Channel, looking for no such thing, but on the contrair, wholly amazed at the rancountre, and there sink, and take what they are able: Now, when, or where was ever the like heard? That the King of England, a King, and a great King, a man in appearance, and a Christian by title, and a protestant by profession, should not only, contrair to all the manifest reasons above adduced, combine to assist the French, and Popish armes, against an oppressed protestant State, desirous of nothing more then Peace, and quiet: but become himself the first invader, and that in plaine piratick violence, without any preceeding denunciation of war.
I shall not now repeat any thing that I have said, nor in effect add much, in a matter so palpable to the meanest discerning, it is certainly a matter of sad regrat, to see both our Court thus wheedled by French illusions, and againe the nation forced, and driven, by the Courts influences, to become the principal party, in a war, wherein, their assistance was more then was expected, and hounded out, to the first attacque; whereas their instigators resolutions, were not published: If ordinary reason did not suffice, to governe our passion, yet a man may well think, that at least our experience, and knowledge of the French their politick and safe procedoure, in their last assistance promised to the Dutch, might have restrained this precipitation, which I am sure, is so absurd, and ridiculous; that if the French should also hover (though that is not now to be supposed) and suspend for this yeer their invasion, in the pleasant observation, of the happy successe of their designes, in the mutual contentions, and ruines of the two nations, in whose overthrow, they must apprehend their advantage to ly; Nay, in the end, should lend their hand, to setup the Dutch (if brought under) for continuing the war, it would undoubtedly prove, as much their advantage as recreation. But suppose we would on any termes fight the Dutch, are we indeed so blind with rage, as to have omitted the premising of a publick declaration, which in such a case, the law, and custome of all nations, and ages, doth manifestly require? or if the equity of this promulgation, founded in that cleare rule, omnia prius experiri quam armis sapientem decet: And confirmed, both by reason, and the Law of God, Deut: 20. 10, could not move, yet, should not the positive necessity of this formality, as to the honour and effects, at least, of a solemne vvar, and for hindering the Soveraigne of the seas from becoming the Archest of pyrats, have prevailed upon us? I graunt, it had been a difficult task, to have said any thing handsomely, let be reasonably, on such a subject; and yet, on the other part, I am confident, that if some remains of natural shame, had not opposed an expresse confession of our folly, and vvickednesse, vve vvould rather have ventured upon the vvorlds lighter censure, then incurred their detasting horrour.
But vvhy do I inlarge? Or vvhat do I exspect by reasoning? Nay, quid vota furentem, &c. That the Dutch their small lose, through this treachery, is infinitly compensed, by the gaine it brings, of all other nations favour, and an accession of as much more confidence in God, and firme courage, as the King of England hath added of dishonour to his violence, is too too evident: How much more it may excit my countrey men to the dueties, whereunto I have exhorted, I leave it to the perswasion of the thing it self, which needeth no words either to illustrat, or enforce it. Ambrose tells us of the primitive times, Julianus Imperator Apostata, babuit sub sa Christianos milites, quibus cum dicebat, producite actem pro defensiane Ret publicae, obediebant; cum autem eis dicoret producite arma, in Christianos, tunc agnosceb… Imperatorem Coeli: Which passage, doth here so exactly quadrat, as I am assured, that every one, who reveres the same great God, must acknowledge its force. But our God is in the heaven, he will do whatsoever he pleaseth.