The Life and Reign of King Charles, Part 1

The Life and Reign of King Charles · Part 1

p. 1THE REIGNE OF KING CHARLS, Or the pseudo-Martyr discovered, &c.

KING CHARLS, then Prince of Wales, began his unfortunate Reigne on the expiration of his Father King Iames at Theobalds the 27 of March 1627. At his very first entry to the Crowne, and after the consummation of the ceremonies of his Inauguration, and the reception of the Queen from France, he p. 2was (as his Father before him at hi accession) driven away from the Metropolis of the Kingdom (London) by the increase and rage of the Pestilence, as an ill omen both to the Father and the Sonne, but of a more ominous portent to the three Kingdoms.

A Parliament at that time was summoned, and sitting at Westminster, but hastily adjourned to Oxford, on the former reason of the increase of the Sicknesse, and a War likewise was then in preparation, and in design for Spayn, as an ill presage of the after improsperity in all others which this unfortunate Prince undertook; for what in this kinde was ever enterprised by him, was both inauspicious and fatall, losse of Honour to himselfe, reputation and destruction to the English Nation.

During the Parliament at Oxford, the King by his Speaker, the Lord Keeper Williams, moved the Assembly for a present supply of moneys in relation to the intended War, the Parliament in reply to the Kings desires, as they were to be Contributors to the p. 3War, so they humbly moved to be made partakers of the design; this so reasonable a motion was very ill taken, yea scorned by the King, for it even then evidently appeared, that he meant to rule alone, and at will and pleasure. Hence we may observe the first distaste, or rather indeed a pickt quarrel against his first Parliament, which shews out unto us, on how small, or no cause at all, he would be quarrelsome with his Great Councels, and what he would be to all other Parliaments. And the more to shew the regret he took at this motion, he commands Glanvile a Lawyer, a Gentleman of choice education and elocution, then a Member of that House, to attend the Fleet at Plymouth, (as he then said, to let him understand what he so much desired to know, as to the design) and upon this miffe abruptly breaks up the Assembly without their assistance, which on all honourable and fitting terms was not denyed him.

The Crown at this time was exceedingly indigent, and indeed so beggarly and indebted, that the Royall p. 4Revenues suffised not to defray the Court expences; yet so high and haughty was the Kings heart, that rather than to be beholding to the Parliament, he was resolved to run any hazard that might befall him, and in the midst of this extreme necessity, sends Sir Sackvil Crow with the Crown jewels (a Gentleman of high esteem with the Duke of Buckingham) to pawn them in the Low-Countreys.

Wise men might then well beleeve, that the King could not possibly be so wanting to himself, or so poor in treasure, as to be put on so dishonourable a streight, when as with a good word or two in compliance with the Parliament, he might have had before what in reason he would have desired, and that at that instant the major part of the Queens Dowry was received; but the truth was, it was as soon spent as taken, in the gayety of the English Lords, attendants then on the new Queen at Paris; where especially the Duke, amongst others, out vyed all the French Lords in the sumptuousnesse of his expences, and bravery of his apparrell; p. 5so that how rich soever the Queen and her attendants were then in their Wardrobes, sure it is, they came home poor enough in purse to the English Court.

The Queens French attendants and dependants of both sexes being numerous, were doubtlesse far too many to be maintained with any ordinary expence: She was then not only (in comparison) a meer child, but childish in her carriage, and A la Francoise, petulant in her comportment; the King was then no more but her Tutor, she his Pupil, what after they both were in relation to each other, and how those offices were inverted, time and a little patience will shew, but most certain it is, that Madam Nurse (like an other Philippina the Cajetan to Joan Queen of Naples) was both her Oracle and Governess, her only attendants, (or better may it be said) her many nasty French appurtenances were more in number than ever were known to follow such an Emperours Governesse (for so she then was to the Queen) and such vermin they were as that p. 6the English Ladies (but in respect to the Queen) held them to be little better then as Scullions for the Kitchin; yet were these the Locusts which then and a long time after devoured all in the English Court, which was at that time with much adoe prodigally maintained at Salisbury, whilst the King and the Lords of his Councell were all to seek how to defray his own expences, and the wantonness of a Court, promiscuously pestered, both with domestick, forrein, idle, and useless numbers of both sexes.

I was then in that Progresse, and usually in the Court, and a sad witnesse into what streights the King was reduced, and were it not within the remembrance of many yet alive, the relation might seem strange, what in so new and greene a Reigne was both attempted, and with boldnesse put in execution: The prodigality of the Court then so much out-went the Royal Revenues, that the Kings Officers and Purveyors had not wherewithall to defray the expence of the King and Queens Tables. The King, to begin the p. 7first President of his arbitrary Governmen, sends for the Farmers of the Customes, and gaines what possibly he could from them, which by reason of the sicknesse, and damp of Trade at London, would then have put backe their contract upon him, however money he had, and would have it of them; but that served not the turn, some other course must be taken for present supply of the Kings wants; Sir James Ley then newly made Earl of Marlborow was then Lord Treasurer, VVeston and Cottington, (all new men and of very small beginings) were the men shortly after under the Duke, which principally then and after managed the Kings Treasury, and were those which he had chosen and picked out as fit Ministers to be employed in his after arbitrary designes, yet I am confident none of them all durst advise him for any thing which they found not suitable to his inclination. The Kings next project then was, how he might raise present moneys (for from London he could not expect farther supplyes, the Merchants and the a blest Citizens p. 8being fled the City, by reason of the rage of the Pestilence) whereupon he resolved to take it where he could find it, the City of Salisbury a place of small circuit, and of less trade, was first prest with a loan of 1000 l. the City of Bristol (as I remember) with 3000 l. which was (by some Aldermen of that City sent to the Court in excuse of their then present disabilityes) denied, but that served not their turns, for they were presently laid by the heels, untill the said sum was sent unto him; this President being a caveat sufficient to all other of the Western Cities and Towns to send in what sums were skonced on them; neither would this serve the Kings indigency, but he borrowed of all the principall Gentlemen of the West, which were known or conceived to be monyed men: it is most evident that even then, and at his first accesse to the Crowne he stood not on terms of love or hatred of his people; for what he intended, it appeared plainly he would do, and what he acted he held it sufficiently legall, as a piece of his birth-right, and of right belonging p. 9to him as a King, without looking into the nature of the English Soveraignty, his will was the law he intended to rule by; as to Parliaments, his meaning as it appears was the same with Lewes the eleventh of France, and in imitation of him to take them down together with their power, as he had opportunity; notwithstanding some few he called, more for the supply of his present necessity, than the good he intended to the publick, and in the future as time should enable him to be his own carver of his Subjects estates and fortunes, as that shortly after followed.

We have thus laid down in sincerity the beginnings of this unhappy Reign. Now this pestilentiall Summer being well spent, upon the approach of the Winter, and decrease of the Sicknesse, the King, and the young Queen, with all her French train, drawes nearer to the City of London, and being still in his wonted predicament of want, in supply of the Court expences, be pursues the game he was resolved to play, for raising of Treasure (without consent p. 10of Parliament) by arbitrary projects, whereof amongst many which followed, he begins with that of Knighthood, and calls to account (under colour of an old obsolete Law) all such Gentlemen and others, within the limitation of that Statute, as attended not his Coronation, though by his own Proclamation, he had before forbidden their attendance.

Shortly after comes in to his service Sir Thomas VVentworth, who to shew what he would be, and how serviceable to the Kings designes he might be, was imployed into the North, where he rigorously levyed a very considerable summe on the Gentlemen and Yeomen of those parts: VVeston (another of these Arbitrary beagles) as an overseer to the Earle of Pembroke, and other Commissioners, was imployed into the West; the treasure which was by this lawlesse project raised being come together, was a very vast sum, but it was as soon issued as levyed, and served not to defray the moity of the Court expences; insomuch as being still necessitated, very shortly p. 11thereupon another Parliament was thought fit to be summoned, this was no sooner assembled, but the House of Commons on the tenth of May, 1626. Charged the Duke of Buckingham with the late Kings death, and sent up their Charge to the Lords; the King being well acquainted therewith, comes into the Peers House, and tels them, that he could be a witnesse to clear the Duke in evry particular of that charge, and thereupon in terrour to the lower House, by his Warrant under his hand, attacheth and sendeth to prison Sir Dudly Diggs, and Sir John Elliot, as those which had the managery of that affair, notwithstanding the House of Commons having the proofes and examinations in preparation against the Duke, the King to make all sure, and in arrest of farther proceedings against his chief privado, the 15 of Iune following in a great rage dissolves that Parliament, and on dis-robing himself, said in a very stern comportment, That it should be the last time he would ever put them on.

And here we may take into observation, p. 12the lamentable effects of that innated duritie, that naturall obstinacy and perversnesse of the violent will of this most unhappy Prince, who in affront and despight of the Iustice of a Court of Parliament, would not suffer his own Fathers death to be called to accompt, or any further examination thereof to be taken for clearing the Duke; But Gods Iudgments may not be arested, and it is he, that mauger the teeths of all humane powers, will in his own good time bring to light, and to Iudgment, that crying sinne of Blood; and have we not seen this verified, to our amazement? the Duke shortly thereupon to have dyed, by the stab of a knife, with no other words or prayers in his mouth, than Gods wounds I am slaine; and this most unhappy Prince to have ended his dayes at his own Gates, by the axe of Gods just judgment, and as we may say in fear and trembling, to have taken his leave and last farewell of this world with no other acknowledgment of his faults, and of those crying sinnes of bloodshed throughout the three Kingdomes, p. 13but that of a Pharasaicall justifying of himself and his innocency, insisting to his last, without any repentance or sensibilitie of so much innocent blood spilt through his only willfulnesse, but only of one wicked **The Earl of STRAFFORD.mans, having throughout the whole course of the late and lamentable contest between him and the Parliament, evermore covered over that stubbornnesse of his naturall inclination with those false colours and delusive umbrages, of his Conscience, Constancy, and Reason, as if his Conscience, by divine appointment, had been the Master Conscience of all the Kingdom, and his Reason that ipse dixit, that must overballance and regulate the sense and Iudgment of a Court of Parliament.

And have we not seen those bold and principall instruments of his, whom he imployed in all his arbitrary projects, the Earl of Strafford, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, for the enslaving of the three Kingdoms, condemned to the block, as misleaders of their incorrigible Master, and to have taken their leaves of the world in the p. 14same pharasaicall way of justifying their innocency, and without so much as one word of the repentant Publican, God be mercifull to me a sinner? and yet all of them, by the seduced Malignant party held still in a kind of veneration, and I know not by what strange delusion, reputed for innocents and martyrs; would they but look upon them as they were the actors and known fomenters of all the miseries we have suffered, yea the only ingines and instruments whereby to have wound up soveraignty to the highest pitch of Tyranny, and to make their Master instead of a King over Gentlemen and Freemen, a Tyrant over slaves.

But having brought the King and his young Queen neere to the metropolis of the Kingdom, and the sicknesse decreasing, I shall in a short narration describe the after deportmeut of this most unfortunate prince; Instead of Prayers and humiliations to God for his great mercy, in the miraculous stay of that raging pestilence, whereby 3. 4. and 5000 weekly died that summer p. 15only in London, the Court notwithstanding was instantly in Iolity, Masques, Dancings, Playes, and Banquets (all in expencefull and sumptuous ostentations) were the frequent and assiduall exercises of the Court; on the one side (as to devotion) the Queene had her Masse, and Masse-Priests, on the other side the King with his Laodicean luke-warme and fawning Prelates, in a meer formality in shew of Godlinesse, God knowes without the power thereof, and in as neer a complyance one to the other, as possibly their different devotion could permit.

And here I must not omit, neither exempt out of the scene that part which the Bishops and Prelates acted in this interlude, Comicall we may call it, as to the beginning thereof, but God knowes tragicall enough in the close.

The Bishops which in the former reigne had for divers reasons of State been admitted to the old Kings privacies, and had speciall Influence on his Counsells, were likewise transmitted to the favour and indulgency of this p. 16King, but more especially in reference to the Presbytery of Scotland so averse to absolute Soveraignty, so much affected by either King, (A Generation of Vipers which on any terms would have eaten the way to preferment through the entrayls of either Church or State) these were the men (the better to ingratiate themselves into the Kings favour) that spared not to insinuat how dangerous the Puritan party here in England was (as of a fraternity with the Presbyterians of Scotland) & would be (if not timely lookt unto) to the advance of Soveraignty: apprehensions, which as they soon took fire with the father, so as much if not more with the sonne; hence it was that the most active of them were admitted either to his favour or Councel of State, but especially Doctor Laud the Bishop of London, after Archbishop of Canterbury, a person of a very subtill and winding spirit, proud (as one raised out of the dust) haughty and imperious in his place, and as fit an instrument for the Kings turne as possibly he could chose out of the 26. Prelates.

p. 17There was also about this time (as before is intimated) taken into the Kings favour, or rather brought in by the alurement of preferment, Sir Thomas Wentworth, whom the King immediately created a Baron, and (on the decease of Weston the Treasurer) Earl of Strafford, a Gentleman of great parts and patrimony; a Common-wealths-man he had been, and one that formerly in all Parliaments as much thwarted, and withstood the arbitrary power of both Kings, as any one whatsoever; the King having won this Gentleman to be his owne, bethought himselfe that these two (with some others of the same stamp) would be sufficient to whom to impart his grand designs, the one for Church affairs, the other for the State, but both suitable to the ends he had in hand; the last being of as high, bould, and haughty a spirit as he could possibly have pickt out of all the nobility: Time will shew us, and our own lamentable experience may better demonstrate, how the one in Church affairs, the other in civill administrations, behaved p. 18themselves, to the after prejudice and destruction of the three Kingdoms; But as we have already said in the end to their own ruine and their Masters.

To leave this digression, we have left the King and Queen at the Court, let us returne where we left them in their different devotions; the truth was, how little care soever there was then taken either by the King or his time-serving Prelates, of Gods service and true worship, otherwise than in a formality or shew of Godlinesse, either in the Court or throughout the Kingdom; sure we are, that the Queenes superstitious worship was specially provided for, and a sort of Locusts there were (in addition to her own Chaplins) admitted the Kingdome, styled by the name of Capuchins (but cunning knaves) and for these a new Chappell was erected, with an habitation, and large maintenance allowed them, even in the face of the Court, and eye of the Kingdom; and to please the Queen, Masses and Masse Priests were frequently permitted throughout the Land, p. 19not only in a tacite connivence, but in an open way of tolleration, and in contempt of Gods true worship.

We may well admit, that the wayes which the King then took could not be welpleasing to him, which was never yet pleased with an Idolatrous, mixt, and halfe-fac'd worship; or that the gayety and wantonnesse of a promiscuous Court, could be maintained without an excessive charge; neither that a perfidious shew and offer of a warre with France in the defence of the French Protestants, would in the conclusion be well thought of either from abroad or at home, when the King during the treaty of the marriage with the Queen, on the earnest request of the princes of the Religion, had engaged himself to protect them, and to raise the siedge then before the Town of R…chell, neither that feigned preparation which the King made by sea in their assistance will in time come to light, when evident it was afterwards to all the World, that in stead of defending them, they were not onelyonly slaughtered at Sea by the Kings shipping, p. 20but by plain Treachery both their Cause undone, and their forces defeated by Land; a sinne, which God in his justice could not passe over unpunished, yet carryed on in such a mysticall way; & in that attempt on the Isle of Rea, to the losse of honour and blood of some of the bravest men of the Nation; insomuch that the World to this very day hath been held in suspence, to what Religion the King himself stood most inclyned or whether the Father or the Son, which with such ardency sought the Alliance of Spaine and France, (or else no where) Families, if not incestous, yet of Idolatrous and Supersticious Religions, which hath left the world in another amaze, and in a puzzle to find out others inclination, or whether to any Religion devoted, if it be rightly considered, as either Prince made and continued their secret addresses to the Apostolick see, and that his Holinesse in both reigns had his Agents and Nuntioes here resident (reciprocally and in interchange of the Kings Agents at Rome) many p. 21clandestine conferences both with the King and Queene, and the state of the Protestant Religion here, (howsoever openly profest by both Kings) reduced to the next step of conformity with Rome; when as that sordid and base complyance of the Bishops and Court-Clergy, which if grace (more than hopes of preferment) had prevailed with them might have been a Remora or stay to either King, and to have told them plainly how dangerous it was to their well-being, if they attempted to make Religion the stalking-horse to their irregular designs, and to bethink themselves that God was not to be deluded, and how unsafe it would be for them Ludere cum sanctis; But these were the men who even from the beginning of both reigns, had only studied the inclinations of these Princes, and rather took upon them to comply and incourage them than to have withstood either of them in the least of their many irregularities, & loosness in Religion; & such was the basenesse of these fawning Sycophants, that the common theams of the Court p. 22Pulpits, throughout both reigns, were purposely pickt out where on to draw conclusions and doctrines of arbitrary power, which was the usuall ladder most of them clim'd to preferment; whence also we may observe Gods judgments, both to have been shortly after powred out on the persons themselves and their functions, in their extirpation, and totall irradication of them, without hopes of their restauration.

Hitherto we have deduced the History of this unfortunate Prince to the 3d. year of his Reign; we shall now runne over the rest with as much brevity as the nature of the subject will permit.

The King at this time was in his wonted condition of want, as his Father before him ever was, so would he be in the same predicament: Two millions of annuall Treasure or very neer, could not serve their turns, neither would it content them, though in Scotl. 50000 l. per annum was more than ever King James could possibly raise, without the assistance of the Estates assembled. We p. 23may see the difference, and what oprations change of Clymates can worke upon the nature of Princes comming out of poor Kingdomes into richer, and with what Conscience they could dispence the care of their own souls, to become as spunges to suck up the fruits of the poor passive people of England, gained out of the labour of their hands and sweat of their browes, when they had enough, and more than ever any of the Kings of England did raise, and in retribution of their love and loyalty towards them, as by divers manifestations may be made appeare, with how many slights and wyles, with how much care, trouble and vexation of spirit, with what expence of blood and treasure did this King labor to inslave the English Nation, and to reduce the poor people (as naturalized vassalls) under the bondage of his lawlesse will and lust? Can we make any other Comment on this subject, but that which wise men have long since observed, that these two Princes never loved the English Nation, but in an odium altissimum, had aforehand p. 24designed to oppresse them, and utte rly to extinguish the memory of their ancient Freedoms? and can we imagine they intended otherwise, by the whole course of their Government? When it appears what favours, what large concessions, and with what complyance and commiseration the late King took care of the Irish Rebells, without the least retrospect how much English bloud had been most barbarously spilt by them (if he were not conscious that no man was more guilty thereof than himself) surely it may well amuse the world, why he should be so pitifull and solicitous to have them spared, and to brand the Parliament with cruelty for pursuing so just a revenge. If we look Northward, and examine what Favours, Privileges, and Countyes were without asking offered to be conferr'd on the Scots, 1641. as he went unto them, on the onelyonly conditions, that they would engage with him against the English Parliament. On these considerations, can it sink into any rationall mans conception, but that he was an inexorable enemy to the p. 25Nation? kinde to his own (if they would have served his turn) and an indeered Friend to those bloudy Irish, and that on all opportunities his intent was to ruine and invassalate the English Nation, though he and his perished, (as they did) in the attempt.

But to return to our relation. The King was now in the 15 yeare of his Reign, and notwithstanding the many wayes by which he had raised no small treasure, yet was he still indigent and bare in money, the Court and the French spent it before it came in, and as to any supply by Parliament, it suited neither to the Kings good liking, or his grand designe; the discontinuance of Parliaments conduced more to the advance of what he intended to raise by power, than he could expect by the ayde of Parliament, since he had but even then closed up all ruptures with France and Spuin; and no War in being or in expectation, and consequently no ground left him that might presse or induce a Court of Parliament to be over-liberall with the purses of their Electors; yet in this exigent and streight p. 26he suddenly resolves to call a Parliament, where amongst many passages and debates, Finch the Speaker of the lower house, plaid his first prise, in his assiduall disclosing to the King what soever past in the House; insomuch as being discovered, and on his usuall moving out of his Chair and the House, he was at length withstood at the door by divers bold Gentlemen and Members of the Parliament, and inforced to keep his seat; this miscarriage was instantly made known to the King, who took it as an affront done to his own person, and presently hereupon he not only dissolves the Parliament, but commits to the Tower, Hammond and Hubbard, Knights, Long, Curreton, and some others of the Members: Neither could he be a long time pacified by the Lords of his Councell (on the first hearing of this broil) but needs he would with his guard have then fallen upon them in the house (as a presage of that violence which he offered after to this Assembly in his owne person;) upon the instant of this dissolution of the Parliament, he publisheth p. 27a Proclamation, prohibiting the people not so much as to talk of more Parliaments, and injoyn'd the Lords of his Councell, on any conditions not to mention the word Parliament unto him; a lesson which they all for ten years together at least punctually observed; insomuch as all wise men then conjectured, that the Liberties of the Kingdom were then buried together in the interment of all Parliaments. Ten if not more years past between this Parliament, and the dissolution of that quinto Maij, 1639. during this intervall; the King begins roundly with all sorts of pro…ects, and to raise mony both without the leaves of the Subjects, and against the known Lawes of the Kingdome; privy Seals and Loans were the first which he put in execution, as a Tax (if we may so call them) that concerned not so much the Subject in generall, as private, reputed moneyed men; other levies had likewise their course in their torns; and in policy not to rush in, and too hastily on the subjects propriety, he falls on the sale of the Crown lands in Pe…farm, p. 28with the old rents, or those doubled, reserved to the Exchequer; neither could all these projects, though amounting to a very vast sum, serve to defray the wastefullnesse of the Court, which indeed as to his own side, was in some proportion of moderation, yet on the Queens side it was so excessively profuse, that I aver it on knowledge (besides her Joynture) (then newly consigned) one hundred thousand pound Per Annum sufficed not for to defray her own expences, and confident I am, what by sales procured by her solicitations, as much more was yearly drayned out of the Kings purse to satisfie that nasty trayn of her French followers; Madam Nurse, as to her own particular, besides an expencefull way of living here, at the Kings charge, was well known to have transported at several times into France 100000 pound, in good gold; and certaine it is, that that Pigmy Mountebanck (Mountague) the Queens dancing Master, not worth one groat at his coming over, inricht himself to the least value of 40000 pound; it p. 29would be wearisome to recount what summes her Priests and Jesuits, Musitians, Fidlers, and others of her retinue got and amassed by her onelyonly sute to the King, who then denyed her nothing that she desired; for it is most true, that before she attained the age of twenty years, she began of a Pupill to be the Kings Regent, and the afterstory will assure it, she became a fatall participant with him in most of his Counsells, and his directrix in the Government, but after her Mothers arivall both of them to have gained an interest in his inmost secrets and principall transactions of State; an evident truth, and more than stood with the Kings honour, much less than suited with the welfare of the Nation.

These prodigall expences at Court could not choose but impoverish the Kings exchequer, whether very little of the Royall Revenue arrived, as commonly prevented aforehand by assignations to one or other of the Courtiers, hence followed the multiplicity of Monopolies, the ingrossing of all the Pouder into the Kings store, p. 30and that to be no otherwise vendible but at double rates, to the former and usuall prises; In order to these followed the preemption of all Tobacoes, to the extreme beggering of the adventurers and planters in the West-Indian Islands; Coat and Conduct money had likewise it's turne, and by degrees the Kings Pattents incircuited and extended to Salt, Butter, Sope, Leather, Wine, Sugar, Allum, Sea-coale, Malt, Cards and Dice, and what not.

In order to these, that notable project of shipmoney, a device of Finches invention, and shaped for the nonce suitable to the Kings designs, it extenden to such a latitude, as that by this one illegall power he might rayse moneys in what proportion he would, where and when he pleased, without Parliaments, and so was it stated by the terrour which that fluttering bird Finch imprest on the Iudges to declare it legall, by their extrajudiciall sentences, though (for their honour be it spoken) three of them as Crook, Hutton, and Denham withstood it as a most illegall p. 31and unheard-of taxation against and destructive to the fundamentall Lawes of the Land, and Liberties of the People.

We shall now passe it over, though it was an invention which of it selfe would require a story not unworthy to be left to posterity; how ever, as long as it was on foot the King made use of it to the purpose, and in two if not three yeares whilest it was put in practice, raised not so little at 1000000 of poundes.

It is without question that what by monopolies, the inhancing of the Customes and Rate Books, Knighthood money, and projects of this nature, as the Fines in the Star-Chamber, High Commission, and depopulations, with the sale of the Crowne Lands, besides Subsidies, and the Royall standing Revenue, with divers other incomes most oppressive to the people, the King within the space of ten or twelve years raised more Treasure than any two of his Predecessors in fourty years, and yet none of our Kings had lesse occasion, and p. 32this King more wanting, as having for twelve years together no warres considerable, neither any in expectation, more than such as wilfully and most unjustly he undertook about the 15th. year of his reign against the Scots, and that to no other end, but to advance his grand designe of invassalating the 3. Kingdomes, as hereafter more evidently may be made to appear.

The King having thus far waded into the depth of his arbitrary strains, to the great regret of the people, and having for ten or twelve years together laid aside all thoughts of making use of Parliament, which might controule so many of his illegall and irregular exactions, in farther advance of his grand designe, both to rule, and raise money at will and pleasure having by so long a tract of time taught the people to forget Parliaments, or not to hope for them, and as he conceived, well to have forwarded his greater work by the experience he had made of the passivenesse both of his English and Irish Subjects, by the activity of his chief Instruments, Strafford, Canterbury, p. 33and Cottington, which principally then carried on the design in either Kingdom, both in the Church and State, which by time and degrees had so amated the spirits of the people, as they seemed patiently to bear (though unwillingly, and not without some publike murmuration) what loads might in the future be laid upon them, but evermore (in the midst of their resentments) to cast the odium of their oppressions rather on the Kings ministers than on himself, with the retention of a reverent esteem towards him, as the least author of their sufferings, when as himself alone was principall, which invited him with the more boldnesse, and lesse fear, to the perfecting and speedy accomplishment of his mayn designe.

We may in the way of our relation avouch it, and that for truth, that both the Father and the Sonne were the most carelesse Courtiers of their people of any of our Kings, and as regardlesse of the love and reverent esteem the universall Nation carried towards them; an inexcusable error, and p. 34shewes out unto us what in probability were and would be the issues of their Ingratitude. We all know, that popularity in private persons, and the applause of the people, are the ingredients of suspition, and an errour which al wise and cunning Statists shun and avoid, as tending to obscure the worth and dignity of their Master, but in Princes it is a Vertue, that most of all other their deportments takes most and soonest in the peoples affections; we may boldly say it, that neither of these two Princes were ever guilty of that attractive Vertue, onelyonly it hath beene since observed, that at his comming out of Scotl. 1641. he was very prodigall in putting off his hat, as he past the streets.

But omitting Paraphrases, we have but even now said it, that as to the Queens side in Court it was excessively profuse, the Kings more moderate; yet not so frugall, but that there were a sort about his person to whom he participated his secrets, and committed the managery of his arbitrary worke, which did sufficiently lick their fingers: We shall omit the Duke, for he died within two years of the Kings p. 35accesse, Digby and Cottington, which in the former reign had laid the foundations of their after greatnesse; but they which in this reign, (and in the midst of the Kings necessities) spent lavishly, lived at high rates, and amassed most, were VVeston the Treasurer, Manchester, Strafford, Goring, and the Gentlemen of the Bed-chamber, neither did the farmers of the Customs go away empty handed, yet we may see, that as all or most of these had a time of getting and filching from the Crown, so likewise did their Master in the end administer a sad occasion to rid most of them of their ill-gotten gains.

Having thus brought the King to the 15th. year of his most unhappy reign, and shewed out by what means, wayes and instruments he raised monyes to supply his necessities, and prodigallities of the Court; what hitherto he acted, was in calme and peaceable times, though not without murmuration; We shall anoncome to the hostile, that fatall and sanguinary part of his unfortunate reigne. He had hitherto led on his designe in a fore-game, yet still p. 36in his wonted way of want, the Queen-mother arriving, holp on his expences, Strafford the Archbishop, and Cotington, as the Kings prime agents had fitted all necessaries in a readinesse; both the English and Irish patient in what formerly they had suffered, and ready to be ridden and spur'd to the quick; the mode of the French Goverment being stil in the eye of the Kings design (as left unto him by his Fathers legacy) and now again revived and quickned by the Queen Mothers instigation, a Lady fatall to all places wheresoever she resided; Strafford having raised in Ireland an Army of Papists, to helpe on, and at a deah lift: and about this time there were divers Commissions issued out to certain Lords and Gentlemen, with power to impose new and unheard▪ of Imposts on all the commodities of the Land, and in addition to these, Commissions were granted to the Earl of Arundell to take the military charge of the Northern parts into his hands, another to the Earle of Worcester to raise an army of Papists in Wales, as it is well known, to master the p. 37West marches & to assist the Irish Army landing at Milford as need should require; and the President my Lord of Bridgewater commanded to wave that place for his Majesties speciall service, a person as it seems, that was too honest to be wrought upon: At the same time his Lordship Cottington was likewise made Lord Warden of the Tower, with authority to take in Souldiers, and to fortifie that piece, which accordingly was put in execution, and the White-Tower planted with many great Ordnance, with their mouths forced against the City, to the great amazement of the Citizens and the whole Kingdom. What the King meant or intended by these irregular and prodigious acts of his, let the most willfull Malignant make his own judgement, when as the whole Kingdom was never in a greater calme of peace, loyalty and quietnesse, or in any appearance of insurrection. The Excise at that instant was likewise in agitation, and the very same house, wherein now that office is erected in Broadstreet taken by Cottington to the same purpose, and Strafford much aabout p. 38that time dispatcht into Ireland, there to call a Parliament for assistance in relation to the intended Scotch War, where he musters a new the Irish army, gets four Subsidies, & presently returns for Engl. where a Parl. for the same end was likewise summoned; not any thing now stood as Remora, in the way of the Kings great designe, but those refractory Scots, this was the block that in the first place must be removed; to begin this work of darknesse, first fomented by the Bishops, especially Canterbury here, and that pragmattick Prelat of Scotland, Maxwell; with Hamilton and Traquair on the by. These two assisted by Strafford, had the whole managery of that affair.

We must not too much insist on every particular, this Scotch work alone requiring a volume to derive it from its first fountain and originall, as a project of the old Kings, to introduce the Episcopal power and Church Government there conformable to that of England, and to suppresse or master that of the Kirk & Presbyterian power, as the only obstruction to absolute Soveraignty.

p. 39Gods providence and his wayes are insearchable, and the carriage of this work of darknesse is very remarkeable, it hath left the world in a maze how the Kings designs by this Scotch enterprize should turne and overthrow the whole frame and fabrick of all his former projections, and of so faire a fore-game, so to bring it about, as on the very nick of the accomplishment, to lose both it, his reputation and life, and at a time when all wise men had given the freedoms of the English nation utterly lost, and meerly by the wilfulnesse of his own irregular motions, more beloved, reverenced and obeyed, than any of his Predecessors.

The state of the three Kingdomes, as abovesaid, but a little before this Scotch enterprise ( as to a any Warre from abroad, mutinies and insurrections at home) was well known to be in as great a calme of Peace and quietnesse as in any reign since the Conquest, the subject passive, loyall and obedient to the Kings will and pleasure, himfelf at peace and amity with p. 40all his Allyes, Confederates, and Neighbour-Princes; nothing could be Imagined to have troubled him but his own ambition, and those restlesse appetites of his which would not suffer him to enjoy content in the mid'st of prosperity, and to rest satisfied in the fruition of more abundance than ever any King of England attain'd unto; In this requiem (could he have seen it) was his soule restlesse, and as we may of truth say, by no instigation more troubled than by hers which had the honour of his Bed; an unhappy unquietnesse which his principall privadoes rather added fewell to the fire thereof than water to quench it; they had studied his inclination, which was the rule they walkt by, not how to apply wholsome medicines to cure the raging malady of his ambition, which by none was more cherish'd than by the Bishops and his formal clergy, in the way wherein his will and lust had predominance over his reason, such as had not only taken the same fiery infection, but as much laboured therein, as himself, whose sunction and office (if grace p. 41had guided them) it properly was rather to have applyed antidotes than venome to their Masters disease, and to have told him plainly where the fault lay.

But to returne to the relation of this Scotch enterprise; the King as before is intimated, through meer necessity was induced to call a Parliament (not to reforme abuses crept into the Common-wealth (better it may be said violently introduced through his ill Government and discontinuance of Parliaments, the ancient remedies of publick grievances) but to supply his own wants in reference to the war intended; the Kings wants being more pressing than ever, the servants of his own side in Court, a good space before debard of their Wages, purposely to scrape up moneys towards this needlesse Warre; the Queens Servants on the other side were notwithstanding exactly paid.

It would be superfluous and impertinent to describe the whole story of this designe, so obvious and generally knowne to all the Kingdom; how first this affair was carryed on by sending p. 42a new Litturgy to EDINBVRGH, as an experiment how the Scots would swallow the first bayt to their inthraldome; how there the Litturgy was resented, and with what after disgusts it was not only refused but detested, How that Traquire and Hamilton one after the other were Commissioned with power & instructions to inforce their conformity; what Flames, Invectives, and Comments flew here abroad of the Bishops penning of their Rebellion; how againe the Scots stood upon their punctillioes, in defence of themselves and their Covenant against this innovation; how many Petitions and Messages past between them and the King; how at last on dispute between their Commissioners and his Majesties, at their first Treaty in the North, and the aversnesse of the Kings souldiers to imbrace the quarrel, the King granted them his royall Pascification, and sent them home well satisfied; how againe on his Majesties returne, his act of Pascification was here in Court resented, by the Queen and the Bishops, and with what Language p. 43the King was affronted to have brought home a dishonourable Peace, and obstructive to his own designes; how then this needlesse and willfull quarrell was revived, and the Kings Pacification vilified and burnt by the hands of the common Hangman, and the King easily brought on anew to muster a second Army, to subdue those stubborn and rebellious Scots, as generally then, especially by the Bishops they were stiled: when as by the Free-quarter of his first Army, most parts of the County of York were beggered and the Soldiery unpaid, how the Parliament and generally the people abhor'd this war, and refused to contribute towards it, how thereupon quinto Maij 1649. it was suddenly dissolved, how on the very same day the Cabinet Councell sate in close consultation at White-Hall how to raise moneys to defray the charge of this second war, how that Paper (the results of that Councell) after (stiled, The Juncto) came to be preserved by the means of Sir Henry Vane the younger, and Mr. Pym, who imparted it the ensuing Parliament, as p. 44the star which guided them to know the authors and projectors of this & other wilfull designes; what preparations the Scots made to defend themselves, and how with a puissant Army they first entred the Kingdom under the Command of Lesley, who made his way by force, with some losse of blood on both sides at Newburn, and after that marched peaceably to Newcastle, which he fortifyed, and from thence sent a Petition in the name of the whole Nation to the King, that their cause might be heard, before more bloud should be drawn, which before was utterly denied them, with contemptuous acerbity, The particulars whereof shall God willing in all sincerity be anon amply declared, together with such discoveries as are not yet publikely known, and so particularly manifested in many points, as in the following Reply and Animadversions may appear, both for the generall satisfaction, and such Royalists to whom I have heartily addrest them, as well for their own conversion, as also in vindication and farther manifestation of Truth, and to the everlasting p. 45honour of this Parliament, whom God hath visibly enabled with courage both to foresee and withstand the violences of a Prince, who in all his Expresses, Protestations, and overtures for Peace and Accommodation with the Parliament, were inseparably accompanyed with dissemblings, fraud, wiles and reservations, may be further manifested by the evident proofs of his Letters under his own hand writing, his Commissions, Missives, and many other authentick Testimonies, though many of them noted, and long since exposed and set out to the world, and answered in the Parliaments Declarations, especially manifested in that of No more Addresses; yet not so vulgarly seen, as they may be on a more exact veiw, and a diligent perusall, and comparing the Kings publick expresses with his private practises, as may apparently be seen by any that wil but take the pains either to read them in his own Character, or mine.

Whence ariseth the great wonder of the times, how, and with what face, either the King himselfe living should p. 46with such boldnesse stand on his justification, or that any since his death (indued with common sense and reason) can have the Impudence to defend him dead, who living so willfully, fraudulently, and obstinately persevered in pursuance of his own lustfull and pernitious designes, in invassalating the poor people, which, untill himselfe gave, and prosecuted the occasion of their falling from him, and were inforced to withstand his violent courses, was more beloved, honoured, and obeyed than any of our Kings. A Prince that raised and wasted more Treasure, wilfully spilt more Innocent blood, devasted more the lands and habitations of his Subjects, ruined more families, and more imbroyled three flourishing Kingdoms, than all of his Progenitors; and yet for all these his prodigious cruelties and misdemeanors to be inshrin'd (dead) for a martyr, both alive and dead adored for a Saint.

We shal now close up the first part of our Breviary, as it relates to his reign, & designs before he erected his Standard, the manner & managery of the hostile p. 47part of his life (though both long since sufficiently known, and felt by many thousands of the poor innocent people of three Kingdomes, yet for avoiding of repetitions and some other motives) I have taken the leave to insert a short description thereof in the subsequent reply; leaving out the manner of his arraignment by his Judges, all of them to be adjudg'd a new at the great Tribnnall of the King of Kings, whether the one (as his Vice-gerent) hath ruled and judged the people committed to his protection for their defence, and hath dealt uprightly with them, or not, and whether the others (as ordained by divine providence to do justice on him for his cruelties) have condemned this King for his Tyranny and unrighteous dealing with three nations, to whose justice, in feare and trembling we must all submit.

Where we may with good reason make this Quaere, Whether the cutting off of our bloody and blood-thirsty Prince, together with the exclusion of his whole posterity, can be a sufficient expiation in the eye of heaven, for the p. 48blood of a million of poor innocent soules slaughtered for the satiating of one Princes lustfull will and pleasure, since he that repents not hath said it, that the Land shall not be clensed until the blood of one murtherer be shed, this we may say and safely believe, that Almighty God (for the sins of the Nations) in his wrath and just indignation, sent this most unhappy King (as his rod of judgement) to reign over us, and in his justice hath likewise burnt it, and brought that fatall end upon him, and his Fathers house, according to his owne and often Imprecations: We shall conclude this first scene of our Narrative with the Kingdoms fate:

Iratus Deus dedit ijs Regem.