The Life and Reign of King Charles, Part 3

The Life and Reign of King Charles · Part 3

p. 120Animadversions or Observations on the strange contrariety between the late Kings Declarations, Missives, Protestations, Imprecations, sent at severall times to the Parliament, and his Pourtraicture compared with his own Letters taken at Naseby, and some other of his Expresses not yet taken into publike Observation.

SIR,

I Have now sent you, by your servant, those observations which I promised you, supposing that they will come to your hands so seasonably, as to help to convince you, p. 121that neither the Parliament began the late wars, or that there could be any designe or plot laid (of I know not how many years standing) either of a factious party amongst them, to disturbe the peace of the Kingdom, take away the Kings life and his posterity, or to alter the Government, but that whatsoever hath fallen out since the sitting down of this Parliament, hath been enforced by the King himself, and by a concurrency of sundry causes arising from his own willfull inclinations, the sins of the Nation, and Gods speciall hand therein, as a fearfull punishment upon us all: If you think otherwise, and that you shall persist in your errours, I doubt not but these Observations will more clearly manifest unto you, that the King was (in all this tragicall contest) both his own enemy and no such innocent Martyr as your party conceives him to have been, and of this let his own actions, and his private Letters speak, and I shall be silent, whose principall endeavour hath been no other than to give you satisfaction (on your own provocation) and that p. 122truth may appear to all those whom it concerns besides your self, and first to the

Observations on the Treaties for Peace, after the War began.

The first overture for peace, after the War began, was without all question of the Parliaments at Colebrook, which how it was accepted of by the King, and on the nick thereof pursued, by the drawing up of his Army in a mist, the slaughter at Brayuford best shews out what was the Kings meaning, which how he labours to defend it in some of his Expresses, yet without doubt if it were not perfidious, yet very suspicious of no fair meaning; sure it was very retrograde to the procuring of a peace, otherwise than as himself meant to have it by force.

The next overture for an accomodation was likewise of the Parliaments first motion, and agreed upon to be at Oxford, a place as inauspicious for treaties, as Parliaments; for it came to no other issue than to signifie nothing; a p. 123game wherein the King was wel vers'd, a proof whereof amongst many, you may find in his eighth Letter to the Queen, Jan. 3. 1644. from Oxford viz. The Portugall Agent hath made me two Propositions: First, concerning the reliase of his Masters brother, for which I shall haeve 50000 l. if I can procure his Liberty from the King of Spain; the other is for a marriage betwixt my Son Charles, and his Masters eldest Daughter: for the first, I have freely undertaken to doe what I can, and for the other, I will give such an Answer as shall signifie nothing.

Observation.

Here you may first evidently see what a fine juggler the King was grown, and into what a streight hee had driven himself, to become a broker for money, and instead of Friendship to a King to whose Agent in others of his Letters to the Queen, he acknowledgeth himself to be more beholding for the transport of his Letters, than to the French Embassadour; and then as to the motion p. 124of marriage to juggle him out with an answer which should signifie nothing, judge you whether it would not have been more Kingly to have dealt more plainly with the Agent, and to have told him that he liked not the motion, on reasons best known to himselfe, than to have flam'd him off with a significavit rather of an affront, than friendship.

The third motion for peace was also of the Parliaments first overture, and tendred to the King at Oxford, and agreed upon to be at Vxbridge, where how that likewise was aforehand ordered, and his Commissioners tyed up to his will, and to the wrack of his own Instructions, from which they were not on any conditions to recede, is made very clear in the Postscript of his Letter to the Queen, number 5th. January 19. 1644. from Oxford, viz. And be confident that I will not quit Episcopacy, nor that Sword which God hath given into my hands.

Observation.

If the Quaere here should be made p. 125whether God had so absolutely given the power of the Sword, into his hands, as at his own will and pleasure to unsheath it against his own subjects, and the Representative of the Kingdome, whom by his Coronation Oath he was obliged to defend and protect, doubtlesse no man is so madd to believe, that the Kings resolutions (in using it as he did to their destruction) were so religiously byassed as it became a Christian King: But that you may further understand, why the King so peremptorily stood to the upholding of Bishops, and to keep the Militia in his own sole power, (for that's the meaning of his not quitting the Sword) which all the world knows to be no otherwise (by the intent of the Lawes of the Land, Reason, and the Law of Nature) an inseparable flower of the Crown than Fiduciary, alwaies in reference to a trust given our Kings by Parliament, out of confidence that it shall be used to no other intent or end than the defence of the Kingdom, and not to be perverted against it, as all the ancient and modern Statutes import, p. 126both in their preambles and texts; Cast your eyes on his own Directions to the Vxbridge Commissioners number 21. where you may evidently see, that it was not so much the scruple of his Conscience and Coronation Oath, as in relation to his own particular designes and interests; viz. That as it is the Kings duty to protect the Church, so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of his Authority; wherefore my Predecessors have been alwaies carefull, and especially since the Reformation, to keep the dependency of the Clergy intirely on the Crown, without which it will scarsely fit fast on his bead; therefore you must do nothing to change this necessary dependance.

Observation.

Here you have the true reason wherfore the King so much insisted on the keeping up of Episcopacy, and how likewise the cunning Gypsies the Bishops had instill'd it into his apprehension, what sure cards they were to keep the Crown fast on his head, as p. 127if the Crown and Myter had been such inseparables, as that the one could not subsist without the other; observe withall what a queint Aphorism they first coynd and broched it to King Iames, viz. no Bishop, no King; and judge you whether no Porter no King had not been the better maxime, when as it is perspicuous, that most of our ancient Kings had no such Enemies as the Bishops, witnesse Tho. Becket to Henry the second, Lanfranke to Henry the first, Roger of Salisbury to King Stephen, Orleton to Edward the second, with divers others which almost in every Reign opposed their Kings, and addrest themselves to the Pope for their Palls and Investitures, indeavouring in what possibly they could to free themselves from any dependancy on the Crown, untill Henry the eighths time, who first of all our Kings freed himself of that servitude, which had beene so fatall to most of his Predecessors. But look a little further and you shall finde in the Kings 19th. Letter to the Queen on the same subject, Febr. 25. 1645. from Oxford; viz. Thou needs not p. 128doubt of the issue of this Treaty, for my Commissioners are so well chosen (though I say it) that they will neither be thretned nor disputed from the grounds I have given them, which upon my word is according to the little Note thou so well remembers, and to this not only their obedience, but judgements concur; againe in the same Letter, and be confident, that in making peace I shall ever shew my constancy in adhering to Bishops, and all our friends, and shall not forget to put a short period to this perpetuall Parliament; but as thou lovest me, let none perswade thee to slacken thine assistance for him who is eternally thine.

Observation.

Here we have a true Character of this unfortunate Kings naturall obduracy, and the aversenesse of his Genius to alter any of his resolutions, which once fixt, he would effect on any hazzard whatsoever; the Earle of Strafferd, who best of all others of his arbitrary Ministers had most studied his inclinations, needed not to have cherished p. 129this humour of the Kings, when as in the prosecution of the wars against the Scots 1639. he counsels the King in **Vide the Juncto quinto Maij 1649haec verba, Lose all I had, or carry all; again you may here see how he had aforehand bound up his Commissioners with such instructions from whence they were not to stir or yeeld in a jot, as likewise how mindfull he was of the little Note, and punctually to observe it, a very fine note of remembrances I beleeve, had we the honour to have seen it; and were we not all of us of the English Nation, a happy people to see our King governed by the directions and documents of a woman, a strong Papist, and of the house of Medicis by the Mother, a most Emperious and dangerous generation of women, and fatal to all places wheresoever they came? a wife its true she was, but such a one as ruled and over-ruled that stiffenesse of his constellation, and effected more with him than either himself could doe, or the most inward of his Councell of State durst attempt, and on one caveat of hers would rather adventure the loss of his Crown, than not to shew his p. 130constancy in the upolding of a Myter; you may remember how much pains he was at with the Divines at Newcastle and the Isle of Wight, and what tenents he held in his dispute with them concerning Episcopacy, and that Bishops were of a Divine and Apostolik Institution, which is true in some sense, as those were which were instituted by the Apostles, but that our late Bishops as they stood here from before and after King Edwards Reformation, that they should be taken in with those of St. Pauls making, in the generall notion or latitude of Bishops, without any distinction, as if those Bishops of the Papisticall Church were of the selfesame nature, and of like ordination as those of the Primitive times, seemes to me a paradox. 'Tis true, that at the time of the Reformation the dispute grew high at the black-Fryers amongst the Commissioners themselves whether Episcopacy should remain as it then stood, or to reduce it to the originall patterne of the primitive Church, as Bishop Latimer, Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr would have p. 131had it; but Bishop Ridly, and the rest of the Commissioners, most of them Bishops (as Sir Iohn Heywood in his first Copy of his **The first copy was supprest & expunged by the Bishops and the old Knight committed by K. JAMES to the Tower by the instigation of the Prelates.History of Edward the sixt layes it down) would by no means assent unto it; the other three maintaining that Bishops as then they stood were no other than chips of the papisticall block, and of no affinity with St. Pauls Titmothy's or Titus Bishops, neither could they be of any conformity with the ancient and primitive institution, but the meer excrescencies sprouting out of the exuberancy of the Papacy, long after the defection and adulteration of the primitive Church, which defection from the ancient purity began immediately after Gregory the Great, and I am very confident that there are none of our late Bishops so impudent as to maintaine, that either the Britain or Saxon Kings (whatsoever is fabled of King Lucius) ever erected any Episcopall Sees, or admitted of any Bishops that came hither before Austin the Monk, and such others after him, as were merely spriggs of the papacy, and that p. 132long after the adulteration of the Roman Church; a truth so perspicuous, as that I have wondred on the reading of the discourse between his Majesty and those learned Divines, why it was not prest by them, that Episcopacy, quatenus, as it stood here since and before the Reformation, was spurious, papall, and of no affinity with the Apostlick, or primitive institution; especially the wonder is so much the more that the King for the upholding of 26 square caps, should with such obstinancy (which he would have to be esteemed constancy) oppose a Court of Parliament composed of 500 Lords and Gentlemen, and pretend so much to honour and conscience, when as about the same time, and as I remember before that the dispute was here in the House for the expulsion of the Bishops, the King had granted the same boon to the Scots. But I beseech you take notice how mindfull the King was to remember his friends, and what were they think you more than Delinquents, Soldiers of Fortune, and the loosest vermin that the Kingdom could p. 133afford him, together with the Papists, many Country Gentlmen, and the Fugitive Members of both Houses which he had corrupted and drawn from their trust, with double ends of his own, not onelyonly to make up his mungrell Parliament at Oxford, but to lame or destroy the legall Parliament at Westminster, whose privileges with so many protestations he had so often aver'd to maintain? In the next place please you to observe how memorative the King was to put a short period to this perpetuall Parliament; for this expression manifestly shewes how he intended to deal with all others, a Parliament as himself had made it, indissolvable (by any other way than that of the **The Militia.Sword, which by no meanes he meant to depart withall, until needs he must) and the act assented and granted by himself, on reasons merely relative to the payment of his owne debts, contracted by his unnecessary raising of War against his Native Subjects the Scots, and for the more speedy discharge of the arrears due to both armies, which the Parliament was then p. 134most willing to defray, without the least scruple, or upbraiding him with the cause of contracting so vast a sum, and all to gain at any rate his love and favour; where I must tell you, that you would have thought it somewhat harsh should they have told him as it was **Sir Rob. Cotton in the life of H. 3.answered in full Parliament to Hen: the third, that they would not pay his debts, neither give him a groat, postquam coepit esse dilapidator regni, so long as he continued to destroy the Kingdom, but you cannot deny how ready they were to expedite the payments, by taking it up of the City on the publick faith, which the Citizens (on remembrance of the Kings wonted manner of dissolving of all the Parliaments of his Reign without their due effects) utterly refused, unlesse an Act were past for the continuation of the Parliaments sitting, upon which grounds the King granted that act, which so nearly concerned his own particular, and the sending home of the Scots, whose company was then loathsome unto him. How then it comes to passe, that your selfe and so many of your party should think p. 135this such an act of Grace seems to me a wonder, when he had so often protested, not onelyonly to maintain the Privileges of Parliament, but whatsoever acts he had formerly assented unto; but you see here his own expression, That he would not forget to put a short period to this perpetuall Parliament; what then I beseech you do you conceive would have been the issues? otherwise than to recall all those his so much magnified acts of grace (as Edward the third yeelded him a president) and at last by the power of the Sword (which he sayes God had put into his hands) to have invaded the Lawes and universall freedomes of the Nation as his very next Letter to the Queen manifestly imports March 9. 1645. from Oxford, number the 20th. viz. I have thought of one means more to furnish thee withall for my assistance, than hitherto thou hast had; it it this, that I give thee power to promise in my name, to whom thou thinkest most fit, that I will take away all penall Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England, as soon as God shall inable p. 136me to doe it, so as by their means or in their favours, I may have so powerfull assistance as may deserve so great a favour, and inable me to do it; but if thou aske what I call that assistance; I answer, that when thou knowest what may be done for it, it will be easily seen, if it deserve to be so esteemed; I need not tell thee what secrecy this businesse requires; yet this I will say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can expresse to thee, for it is no thanks to me to trust thee in any thing else, but in this which is the onelyonly thing in difference of opinion betwixt us, and yet I know thou wilt make as good a bargaine in this, I trusting thee (though it concerns Religion) as if thou wert a Protestant, the visible good of my affairs so much depending thereon.

Observation.

The Comment on this his Majesties 20th. Letter, principally relates to these two most important considerations; first, the invading of the Laws, secondly, to the affront of the Parliament p. 137and the Protestant Religion, when he should be impowred by the assistance of the Papists, and a third necessarily ariseth on the neck of the other two, viz. by giving power to the Queene, a profest Papist, and an enemy to the English Nation, to manage the businesse, and to make the best bargain for him, as she should thinke most fit, under the seale of secrecy, as being himself ashamed to be seen in the businesse, (as God knowes good reason he had) But in the mean time speak your Conscience, where was then the Kings Conscience, and his honour? and what became of his former protestations? wherein he so often avows the maintenance of the Protestant Religion, (without mixtures) and what was his own Religion, more than formall, or like a nose of wax, convertible onelyonly as it should conduce to the visible good of his affaires? (they are his owne words) and what those affaires were more than his will and pleasure, in his uttermost endeavour to continue to imbrue the Kingdomes with more blood and rapine, p. 138by the swords and assistance of Papists, cannot well be imagined; these and a world of his other expressions, compared together with his own Letters, and his Pourtraicture, I must tel you plainly, have very much troubled my spirits, that he should so much and so often pretend to Religion, Conscience, and Honour, in yeelding up of Episcopacy, when he made no scruple of Conscience to grant to the Scots the abolishing of their Episcopacy, which in the Chapter of Church-Government in his Pourtraicture, he strives to salve with an ill savoring playster, but for the retention of it in England, he pleads, and stands stiffly on his Coronation Oath, with the swallowing up of the most essentiall part thereof, which by far more obligeth the Kings of England to observe, than the preamble to that Oath, penn'd of old by the Prelats & Church-men for their own onelyonly ends and interests, a very inconsiderable party, in respect of the quality of the Nobility; and Gentry; and that vast number of the Laity, of which it seems the King reckoned of after p. 139the Popes computation, to be extra Caulam, either out of the Church, or at best but the fag end thereof, and accompts little better of them, than as so many cyphers, or his slaves at will, at pleasure, cleane forgetting, or slighting the grand & more essentiall part of his Coronation Oath, which is confidently averr'd the late Arch Prelate purposely emasculated, and never gave it him at his Coronation, but left him at liberty, which all men knows is that which obligeth the King to rule not onelyonly by the Lawes in being, but per istas bonas leges quas vulgas eligerit, to govern by such good Laws as the Parliament shall chuse, and the reason of this is most most perspicuous, for the Lawes of England are not of that stamp as those of the Medes and Persians (unalterable) but changeable according to the vicissitudes of times, and change of mens manners, and at the Election of the people in their Representative, the Kings assent being formall, and onelyonly a necessary appendant, and by the intent of the Law, his principall power consists in the executive part, the p. 140Parliaments in the elective; for it is without all question that never any of our Kings either abrogated or made any Law obligatory to the people by his onelyonly lawfull power, but by the Parliaments consent and election; the nature of the Kings Office being more cumulative then privative, to give rather than to take any thing from their subjects; but here you may see what a latitude of power the King assumes to himself, where he promiseth to the Queen to take away all the penal laws against Papists, as soon as he shall be enabled to doe it, without a word of by your leave Parliament, so that you may manifestly see what he intended, and that no other sence than his owne is here pind upon him: you may further observe out of this Letter his windings, doublings, and fouldings, and how dexterously cunning he was growne, at playing fast and loose with RELIGION, or with any thing else that might promote his mischievous designs, leaving no way unattempted though to prophaning of Religion, that he conceived might conduce to the visible p. 141good of his affairs (as that was his usuall expression) and what was that visible good think you? other than to overpower the Parliament, and then to rule as he listed. But to shew unto you what a gamester he was at Hocus-pocus, I pray look upon the Postcript of his Letter to the Marquesse of Ormond February 16. 1648. from Oxford, viz. In case upon particular mens fancies, the Irish peace should not be procured, upon powers I have already given you, I have thought good to give you farther order, (which I hope will prove needlesse) to seek to renue the treaty for a peace for a yeare, for which you shall prowise the Irish (if you can have it no better cheap) to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchiquine, but I hope by that time, my condition may be such, as the Irish may be glad to accept les, or I be able to grant more.

Observation.

Hence you may make your owne judgement what a Proteus the King was grown; you may take this also into your observation, as suitable to p. 142the rest, that in all his Declarations, Letters, and Messages to the Parliament, and after he had lost all and could stand up no longer, and was a prisoner, they were then directed to his two Houses at Westminster, but during his power, and so long as he had any hopes left him to conquer them, he misses not throughout all his expresses to call them Rebels, and in that capacity tacitely treats with them at Vxbridge, (which the Scots at Rippon utterly refused to treat with him unlesse he would withdraw and disown his proclamations in stiling them Traytors) and although he calls them a Parliament, yet was it with a mental reservation not so to acknowledge them, as you may see in his 17 letter to the Queen (where it seems she had schoold him to the purpose for acknowledging them to be a Parliament, for which he makes a very humble and ample apology, and sayes, If there had been but two besides my self of my opinion, I had not done it, and the argument that prevailed with me was, that the calling did no wayes acknowledge p. 143them to be a Parliament; upon which condition and construction, I did it and no otherwise, and accordingly it is registred in the Councel books, and with the Councells unanimous approbation, but thou wilt find that it was my misfortune, not my neglect, that thou hast been no sooner advertised of it.

Observation.

I need not comment on these fine pieces of the Kings, your own judgment may informe you what a quaint Iesuiticall jugler he was grown, by the conversation he had with the Mother and the Daughter, both of them being excellent proficients in the doctrins of Matchivill; and surely, under the Rose be it spoken, himself no very bad Scholler in that kind of learning; yet here you may see what pains he was put unto, how to make a handsome excuse to save himself from a chiding: but I forbeare to make further mention of his perfidious courses, more than to put you in minde, that p. 144so long as his vain imaginations prompted to over-power the Parliament, and to reduce all to his own absolute pleasure, its most certain, that he refused ali overtures for agreement with the Parliament, other than such (as before I have intimated) he verily believed to make advantage of; and this appears in his 9th. Letter to the Queen, March thirteenth, from Oxford, viz. Dear Heart, What I told thee the last week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Commons here, was on Monday last handsomly performed, and if I now do any thing unhandsome or disadvantagious to my self or Friends, in order to a Treaty, it will be merely my owne fault, for I confesse when I wrote last, I was in feare to have been prest to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty, knowing that there were great labourings to that purpose; but I now promise thee, if it be renewed (which I believe wil not) without some eminent good successe on my side, it shall be to my honour and advantage, I being now as well freed p. 145from the place of base and mutinous motions (that is to say, of our mungrel Parliament here) as of the chief causers, for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by thee, for having suffered thee to be vexed by them.

Observations.

We have here a plain proof of the former assertion, that during the Kings power, he would entertain no Treaties but such as here he promiseth the Queen, should be both to his honour and advantage, and he renders the reason, viz. That he was then left free to himselfe to doe as he listed, and as his inclinations should prompt him, as being quit of those base and mutinous motions of his mungrell Parliament at Oxford; where you may observe, how well Parliaments suited with the nature of this King; for this at Oxford (which was of his own designe, and calling, of set purpose to annihilate the legall Parliament at Westminster) was p. 146(as himself stiles it) a base, mutinous, and mungrel Parliament, and he might with good reason so accompt of it, for they were indeed a sort of perfidious Fugitives, false to themselves and their Countreyes, and the King no doubt in his own thoughts esteemed them no other, for such as would be fals to themselves, the King was not to seek to make his own judgement what they would be to him, on the turn of any tyde of advantage, but that at Westminster he calls a Rebell Parliament, though of his own first Summons: The truth was, none would or could please him, neither any councell but such as futed to his own will and pleasure. Its true, and it is confest that after he had lost all, and was a prisoner, he seemed more inclinable to embrace peace, and to that end sent his frequent Messages to the Parliament, but evermore with the old scruples of his Conscience and Honour, persisting to his last (as being fed with hopes of the generall rising, 1647. and the comming in of the Scots under Hamilton) to wind himself up again to that power p. 147whither his restlesse ambition (to be more absolute than he ought to have been) lead him to the precipice of his own ruine, and it is more than probable, that during the last Treaty in the Isle of Wight, and the expectation of the successe of that rising to his rescue, he had a perfidious hand therein; for it cannot be imagined that such an association of English, Scots, and Welch, would ever in one conjuncture of time adventure to rise without either his Privity or Commission; howsoever it is manifestly known, that both the English and Welch had for their undertaking the Princes Commission under hand and seale, neither is it likely that the Prince himself (during a Treaty so neer a period to an attonement) would either authorize that rising, or to have approached at that very time with his Fleet so near the Thames mouth, without either his Fathers Commission or approbation, the perfidie shewed therein I am more than confident utterly lost him, and was a principall canse that the Parliament could not in reason, or with p. 148safety of themselves and the King dom, readmit or trust such a Prince with the government, of whose Reformation they could not but despair.

Observations upon the Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae.

IT is worth his pains who desires to berightly informed of the truth of al passages and transactions between the late King, and the Parliament, his mysterious motions, pretences, and carriages, both during all the warres, and since his death how matters have been managed by his partakers, especially by those which first published his Pourtraicture, and him who hath taken such pains in collecting so many of his papers, printing, exposing and dispersing them throughout all parts of the Kingdom, purposely both to deceive the people, and malitiously to work upon the facility of their affections in commiseration of him, and casting an odium on the Parliament; The artifice which this Impostor uses, is worth consideration, as he hath garnished p. 149the approaches to his collections with the Kings picture in some places standing, in others kneeling, and as it were ejaculating his prayers to God, and those drest with sundry devices and motto's, and all this to invite the eye, if not the understanding of the silly beholder to a beleef, that he died an innocent Martyr, a Prince who suffered for his restlesse endeavor to desend the Protestant Religion, the Laws and Libertyes of his Subjects, as he would intimate by his hudling of the Kings many specious and fraudulent overtures for peace to the Parliament, and avoyding of future bloodshed. In all the Catalogue of his one and twenty Messages of the Kings, (besides additionalls) he is pleased not so much as to insert one of the Parliaments Answers in rejoynder to any of the Kings Messages, onelyonly taking in so many of his Majesties which he conceived might serve his turn to clear the Kings innocency, and leaving out such of the Parliaments most materiall Missives to which the King omitted to give any answer at all; as for instance, let him p. 150produce what reply the King made to the Parliaments charge, for Ruperts intercepting of the Clothes, Provisions horses and other necessaries, sent by the Parliament in the way to Chester, for the releef of the relicts of the poor Protestants in Ireland, true it is, that long after an answer was, such as it was, made (though not by him mentioned) viz. that those provisions might have been better guarded; a proper answer if you please to take notice of it, when its mostevident, that the Kings forces not only took them with his expresse command but drew over the principall Commanders and Soldiers before sent by the Parliament to his own assistance against the Parliament, now, that you may see how the active part of the war was carried on by the King, take into your serious considerations his Message of the 15 of April, 1642. from Huntington, wherein he earnestly desires, That the Parliament will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of Ireland, in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his Majesty, that no inconvenience shall p. 151happen to that service by his absence, he having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdome which he hath expressed in his former Messages, being unable to manifest more affection to it, than he hath endeavonred to do by those Messages (having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his Parliment) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them (though his Majesty shall be deeply concerned in, and sensible of their sufferings) he shall wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse, in that most necessary and pious work.

Observation.

A very pious work indeed, as himself ordered it, if you please to examine it to the bottome, then make your own judgement, whether it was not the Kings reach to gull the Parliament, by pressing them to expedite the sending of Forces to the relief of his poor Subjects of Ireland, and with such words of pity and expressions of p. 152his remorse, how deeply he was concerned therein, and how sensible of their sufferings and calamities, which might grow upon them, and just Pilate-like to wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in him; when 'tis manifest his meaning was both to make use of any such forces as the Parliament should send over, against them, and consequently to dis-enable them the more in levyes here for their own defence against him, and his preparations, as it evidently appeared within 3. moneths after by the said seizure of the Horses, cloaths and provisions sent by Chester, as also by his remanding over the Regiments sent before into Ireland to make use of them, as it is visibly known he did, against the Parliament. But I pray extend your patience, and look farther into this darke worke of the Kings, take a short viewe of his next Message from Nottingham, where he erected his Standard, it bears date the 25. of August 1642. Next to this his Message of the 5th. of Sept. 1642. with another of the 11th. of p. 153September following, in pursuance of the former, peruse them all and you shal evidently see such notable juglings and Matchivilian dissemblings, as would amaze any Christian eye to behold them, compared with his actions, his Pourtraicture, and his own letters taken at Naseby: I shall present them all in their order, verbatim, and first that of the 25 of August 1642. viz.

We have with unspeakable griefe ef heart long beheld the distraction of this our Kingdome, our very soul is full of anguish, untill we may finde some remedy to prevent the miseries which are ready to overwhelm this Nation by a Civil War, and although all our indeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy differences betwixt us and our two Houses of Parliament (though pursued by us with all zeale and sincerity) have been hitherto without the successe we hoped for, yet such is our constant & earnest care to preserve the publicke peace, that we shall not be discouraged to use any expedient, which by the blessing of the God of Mercy, may lay a happy p. 154foundation of peace and happinesse to all our good subjects. To this end, observing that many mistakes have arisen, by the Messages, Petitions, and Answers betwixt us and our two Houses of Parliament, which happily may be prevented by some other way of treaty, wherein the matter in difference may be more clearly understood, & more freely transacted, we have thought fit to propound to you, that some fit persons may be by you enabled, to treat with the like number to be authorized by us, in such a manner and freedom of debate, as may best tend to that happy conclusion which all good men desire (the peace of the Kingdom,) wherein as we promise in the word of a King, all safety and incouragement to such as shall be sent unto us, if you shall chuse the place where we are for the Treaty; which we wholly leave to you, presuming on the like care of the safety of those we shall imploy, if you shall name another place: So we assure you, and all our good Subjects, that to the best of our understanding, nothing shall therein be wanting on our part, which may advance the true Protestant Religion, opPose p. 155Popery and Superstition, secure the Law of the Land (upon which is built as well our just Prerogative, as the propriety and liberty of the Subject) confirme all just power and Privileges of Parliament, and render us and our people truly happy, by a good understanding betwixt us and our two Houses of Parliament: Bring with you as firm resolutions to doe your duty, and let our People joyn with us in our prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this worke; If this Proposition shall be rejected by you, we have done our duty so amply, that God will absolve us from the guilt of that blood which must be spilt, and whatsoever opinion other men may have of our power, we assure you nothing but our Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of blood, hath begotten this motion, our provision of men, money and armes being such as may secure us from further violence, til it please GOD to open the eyes of our People.

Not to trouble you with further search, I shall present you that Message of the 5th. of September 1642. in p. 156pursuance of the former, together with that of the 11th. of the same MonethMonth, tending all to the same purpose, though the Observations on them you shall finde handled separatim, and left to your more mature consideration.

We will not repeat what meanes we have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the Kingdome, nor how these means have been interpreted, because being desirous to avoid effusion of Blood, we aere willing to decline all memory if former bitternesse, that might make our offer of a Treaty readly accepted: We did never declare, nor ever intended to declare both our Houses of Parliament Traytors, or set up our Standard against them, and much lesse to put them and this Kingdome out of our protection, wee utterly professe against it, before God and the World; and farther to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired of us, we hereby promise, so that a day be appointed by you, for the unvoting of your Declarations against all persons as Traytors, or otherwayes for p. 157assisting of us, we shall with all chearfulnesse upon the same day recall our Proclamations and Declarations, and take down our Standard, in which Treaty we shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of our Subjects, conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland, and the dangerous condition of England, in as high a degree, as by these our offers we have declared our self to do, and assuring you that our chief desire in this world is to beget a good understanding, and mutuall confidence, betwixt us and our two Houses of Parliament.

Sebtemb. 5. 1642.

Who have taken most ways used most endeavours, and made most reall expressions to prevent the present distractions and dangers, let all the world judge, as well by former passages, as our two last Messages, which have been so fruitlesse, that (though wee have descended to desire and presse it) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained, unles we would denude our self of all force to defend us from a visible strength marching p. 158against us, and admit those persons accompted Traytors to us, who according to their duty, their Oathes of Allegeance, and the Law, have appeared in defence of us their King and liege Lord (whom we are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve) though we disclaimed all our Proclamations and Declarations, and erecting of our Standard, as against our Parliament; all we have left in our power is to expresse the deep sense we have of the publick misery of this Kingdom, in which is involved that of our distressed Protestants of Ireland, and to apply our self to our necessary defence; wherein we wholly rely on the providence of God, the Justice of our cause, and the Affection of our good people, so far we are from putting them out of our protection; when you shal desire a Treaty of us, wee shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this Quarrel, and cheerfully embrace it; and as no other reasons induced us to leave our City of London, but that with honour and safety we could not stay there, nor to raise any force, but for the necessary defence of our Person and the Law, against Levies p. 159in opposition to both, so we shall suddenly return to the one, and disband the other, as soon as those causes shall be removed: the God of Heaven direct you, and in mercy divert those judgements, which hang over the Nation, and deale so with us, and our posterity, as we desire the preservation and advancement of the true Pretestant Religion, the Law, and the Liberty of the Subject, the just rights of Parliament, and the peace of the Kingdom.

Sept. 11. 1642.

Observations on the former three Messages of the Kings.

In these three Messages we have as specious and pious expressions (in shew) as possibly can be expected from a King that meant really as he writ, and said as he thought: But on a due consideration of all passages, and the subject matter in them contained, and as the case then stood betwixt him and the Parliament, with as much subtilty, craft and cunning, as can well be devised by the subtilest Disciple of Machavill.

p. 160I shall take the; liberty to comment, and prove the assertion, out of the first of these Messages of the 25 of August 1642. and so in order to the rest, as they visibly shew out unto any rationall man their purport, without drawing other Conclusions than necessarily arise out of the expressions themselves, compared with the Kings other Declarations, his actions, and his own private Letters.

First he tels the Parliament, With what unspeakeable griefe of heart he beheld the distractions of the Kingdom, untill he could find out a remedy to prevent the miseries which were ready to hang over the whole Nation by a civill Warre. Where I pray tell me, who first gave the occasion, who raised those distractions, or made the first preparations to a civill warre, other than himselfe? Next he speaks of differences betwixt him and the Parliament, which he confesseth to have arisen through mistakes of the Messages, Petitions and Answers, betwixt him and his two Houses of Parliament, which he would have prevented by p. 161a Treaty, wherein the matters in difference might, be more clearly understood, and more freely transacted; And could there have been a more fitter place to debate them with honour and freedome, than in the Parliament? whither with welcome he might have come without the least danger to his person, and whither he was so often and humbly invited to come, on no other conditions, but to make him great and glorious, and leaving Delinquents, which he protected against Law and Reason, to the discretion of the great Judicature of the Nation, which would have been both a safe, a profitable, and a short course for him to have yeelded unto, and saved him the labour of a dishonourable descending out of his dyning room, to dispute those differences with the States of the Kingdome in the Kitchin, and without so many impertinencies, ambages, and subterfuges wherewith he solaces himself seemingly moving for authorizing of fit persons on both sides to debate the matter with freedome; a very fine way indeed, and about the wood, when p. 162he might have sate still in peace and quietnesse, and left the obliquities of the Church and State to those to whom they properly belong'd to be disputed, regulated, and set straight; whilst himself (without such an unnecessary and un-Kingly engagement) might have taken his pleasure in hunting the Buck, rather than to have needlesly all that Summer traversed his ground, through so many Counties, in hunting after men to kill the best and most faithfull of his Subjects (could he have had the grace to have seen it) of his whole Kingdome. But then he comes to an other overture, that if on securing of such Treators as himselfe should chuse, and the like safety by him given to such as the Parliament shall design for a Treaty, then there shall be nothing wanting on his part, to the advance of the true Protestant Religion, the Lawes, the Liberty of the Subject, and just Priviges of Parliament; as to Religion, can any man beleeve that knew how hee was principled, that he would have yeelded to other than that formall p. 163and prelaticall Protestantisme which he had vowed to uphold? As to the Laws, should they have beene other than should still have lain under his negative power? As to the Libertyes of the Subject, what should they have been, more than the Militia his Sword then drawn against them would permit as he pleased to like or dislike? As to the Privileges of Parliaments, which he takes care to confine with his Epithite (Just) in the promse he makes, what should they have been, but as they might suite to the best advantage of the Crown, and his unlimitable Prerogative? then he concludes, that if that Proposition be rejected, he appeals to God and the World, that he had don his duty, which would absolve him from the guilt of that blood which he sayes must be spilt; and I beleeve him, for it seems he meant then to spill blood (as he did afterwards, more than befitted a Christian King) rather than to have mist of the accomplishment of any of his resolutions, having ingraved on his Sword, aut Caesar, aut nullus, Caesar, or no body, to one p. 164of which he attain'd; his close seems to me both monitory and minitory, for he gives the Parliament to understand, how he was provided and what they were to trust to, in telling them aforehand, That whatsover opinion other men have of our power, our provision of men, money and arm, are such, as may secure us from further violence, till it shall please God to open the eyes of our people; a very brave invitation to peace, with the Sword in his hand, to inforce it, as he pleased to have it, and with an Army of 6000 Horse, and 11000 Foot (as elsewhere he sayes he had ready to chastise the Rebels;) But look over to his Chapter, upon seizing of the Forts. Castles, Navy and the Militia, there he disclaimes to have had any other arms than those of the Primitive Christians (prayers and tears) against their Persecutors, where he is pleased (in a strange contradiction) to make that an Argument of his not raising the first War against the Parliament, though as it is well known at Edgehill he came with 20000 well armed men into the field, with a full resolution p. 165to beat the Parliament to fitters; how you will peece these contradictions together, I leave as a task to you, it being beyond my power to reconcile such distant Asseverations.

Now to his Message of the 5th of Sept. in pursuance of the former, he sayes, That he never did, or ever intended to declare both our Houses of Parliament Traytors, or to set up our Standard against them, and yet at that instant had proclaimed my Lord of Essex, the Earl of Stamford, and all their Adherents Traytors which necessarily must be intended the Parliament, for they Commissioned Essex, and raised their defensive Army, which he fought with at Edgehill, and all along the competition stiles them Rebels; such wide and bold contradictions, that no man knows where to him; which puts me in mind what some of his own domestick servants have often averr'd, that they could not depend on any of his promises, or beleeve what he said, and sure I am, and enough there are of p. 166no mean ranke and quality of his servants yet living, and in beggery; can witnesse, and have sad cause to remember, that his Letters Patents full dearly paid for and under his Broad seal, could not protect any of them from resuming into his own hands, that he had a mind to, either to make use of them to his own advantage, or to confer them on others, as he was pleased, without other satisfaction, but with fruitlesse promises, that they should be considered. Next he goes on and sayes, that on the Parliaments revocation of their Declarations, as Traytors, or otherwayes for assisting of us, we will with cheerfullnesse upon the same day, recall our Proclamations, and take downe our Standart; but note then, it necessarily followes, that it could not be erected but onelyonly against the Parliament, unlesse his meaning was to erect it against the Man in the Moon; but here you have the kernell of that nut, which stuck so fast in the Kings stomack; and was it not a very fine and equall proposition, to put the innocent p. 167and the nocent into the ballance, the just with the unjust, and either to make War, or free so many and hainous Delinquents that resorted unto him, together with those false and fugitive Lords and Commons, trusted by their Countreys, which by the laws of the Land ought not to have departed without leave of the Speaker, and that on urgent occasion? Bethink your self whether this Proposition suited either with Reason, Honour, Conscience, and the ancient usage and Presidents of Parliaments, or with the Kings Justice, to become the skreen to Delinquents of so high a strain: but to the close of this Message, where he conjures the Parliament againe to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland, and the dangerous condition of England, when as none but himself was guilty of that Phlebotomy, and he alone that first set them, and kept them a bleeding, so long, as that to stanch the veyne, the State could not devise a better cure, than to let out his blood, which had let out so much throughout; the three Kingdomes, p. 168as would have dyed the vast Ocean into crimson.

But briefly to his next Message of the 11th of Sept. 1642. where all the world may see where the Remora lay that staid him from comming to the Parliament, untill he had provided for the indempnity of all those persons, &c. which he sayes were accounted Traytors to us, who according to their duty, their Oaths of Allegiance, and the Law, have appeared in defence of us their King and Liege Lord (whom we are bound in Conscience and Honor to preserve.) So that it here appeares plainly, that no other obstacles then stood in the way of his returne to the Parliament, but the absolute Indempnity of all that had appeared in his defence, according to their duty, oaths, & Law, as he would have it beleeved; his pretended fear of Tumults are not here in question, neither any other material exception, but the indempnity of his Partizans, a goodly Honour and Conscience) could he have brought so great a party with Indempnity into London and to the Parliament, it seems p. 169then he doubted not but to make his party good with, or without fighting, and what betweene their owne power, and his fraud, its plain that he thought in time he should be enabled to over-power the Parliament, and to carry all other things answerable to his will and hearts desire; but by what law could those fugitive Members depart the House, and flye to him? and by what Law could hee protect them which had falsified their Trust? was it their duty to run to him at a call, who before against his duty and his Oath ran from the Parliament, under subterfuges, and pretence of Tumults, and upon no other ground, but by his absence and noncurrence (as he was made to beleeve) to make the Parliament no more than a cypher and that then they neither could or durst act in a doyt without him? but having by this time seen his own errour, and that the Parliament would and did transact without him, and that in want of his concurrence the people concurr'd with them in the defence of the publick liberty; he then p. 170insists on no other scruple than Indempnity for all his party; and here we come to a pure peece of Non-sense, where he sayes, No other reason induced us to leave our City of London, but that with Honour and Safety wee could not stay there, nor to raise any force, but for the necessary defence of our-person, and the Law, against levies in opposition to both: As to his leaving of the City, and the Parliament, that pretence is clearly evinc't, by his own former overture of comming to them on condition of the Parliaments withdrawing their Proclamations, against the Delinquents, and fugitive Members, but as to his raising of force for the necessary defence of his person and the Law, both the reason (if there be any) and coherence are at so wide and wild a distance, as that I beleeve the quaintest of his Secretaryes, or him that writ it, on a review of the Incongruity, would be ashamed to own his own work; and observe it for a knowne truth to all the Kingdome, did not he first raise a party of Cavaliers to assault the House, to beat and kill the p. 171poor petitioning people, before ever the Parliament had so much as a thought of raising one man, when himself was provided with 300 desperat Ruffians, fit and ready to attempt any bold Assassination? and what one man before himself began had offended him, that he of necessity must raise a force to defend his person and the Law? was it Law, when as at London he found himselfe deceived to raise a strength sufficient to quash the Parliament, and against the Legislative power it self, but he must run into the North, and round about half of his Kingdom to do it, and missing his ayms, to come at last and so often with flam's and overtures for a Treaty, which he never really meant, or intended, otherwise than in subtilty & his wonted fetches to decoy the Parliament and people into a belief of his deepe sense of the bleeding condition of the Kingdoms, of which no Prince Christian could be more carelesse, as it evidently appears by all his actions, examined in the right sense of his own meaning, as anon shall be manifestly demonstrated out of his own p. 172refusall of the Parliaments petitions? As to the Levyes made by the Parliament in opposition to him and the Lawes, he might have remembred, that none made Levies either against him or the Law, more than his own lawlesse Will, and that the Parliament made no sooner Levies than it became them, to oppose his Levies, raised against them and the known Laws of the Land; and that notwithstanding all those specious and umbragious Messages sent to the Parliament for Peace and Accommodation, tending to no other end than to rocke the Parliament asleep, and by his then frequent placentias to lull them into a slack and negligent remissnes, in raising defensive arms against his Forces, whilst himself by protracting of time, might attract such an Army as would inable him to overpower both the Parliament, and whatsoever Forces were (as he sayes) then in their march against him, which he had no sooner drawn together, but out of his confidence to have beaten the Parliaments Army to peeces; not eight dayes before Edgehill fight p. 173he not onelyonly utterly refused their Petion, which would have been presented to him by the mediation of the Earl of Dorset, (for he had a good space before refused all accommodation,) but sent Rupert to the Commissary Generall (who was to deliver it) to tell the Earl of Essex, then at Worcester, that he would not receive any more Petitions from him or any of the Parliament Rebels of them all: A known truth to many yet living, and some of them sitting at present in Parliament, whereby it manifestly appears, that all his former and many Missives, under the umbrage of Peace, were mere dalliances, both to mock the Parliament, and to cosen the people into a belief of his reality and good meaning, when he meant nothing more than to bob the Parliament by cunning and secret fraud, untill he might ruine them by plaine and open force, and then to pursue those naturalized appetites, and arbitrary designes of his, which so long before he had cherished in his heart, which neither his Honour, Reason, p. 174and his Conscience, (whereof so often he talks) could prevail with him to disgorge, untill their over-growth inforced him to an untimely vomit.

'Tis most true, that they which look on the first face of things, and heed only the outside of objects, without an intentive eye on their in-sides, are easily deceived; but such as will narrowly looke into all his Expresses, compared with his deeds, shall doutlesse soon finde, that this unhappy King was one of the deepest and boldest dissemblers, of any one Prince which the last Century hath produced; and I am prone to beleeve, that he took too much of the patterne of Lews th'eleventh of France, who was wont to say, that he desired to leave his Sonne no other Learning, than Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, he that knows not to dissemble, knowes not how to play the King; and it hath been feared, and by those which wisht him well, that he was too much verst in the principles of Machiavill, having in his life time practised, and since his death left behind him so many eevidences p. 175thereof, that many of the best heads have been induced to beleve, that he came not behind any of the ITALIAN Polititians of this age.

But to take all these his three Messages together, considered by any discreet man, as their purport tends to one and the selfesame end, and the time when they were sent to the parliament, all of them, whilst he was most busie and sedulously studious, how and where to raise Forces both at home and abroad, and it evidently shews, that his intent in all his specious overtures of peace, were to no other end, than to befool the People and Parliament, which he then began to know would not be cosened, as having had sufficient experience of him; practise indeed he might (as he failed not) to continue to delude the vulgar beleef, and to keep in with the people; but he then found there was no good to be done on a Court of Parliament, for he perceived they meant not further to trust him, than they saw him; and to have yeelded to a treaty circumscribed p. 176with such large conditions, and so unequally ballanced, as so admit of such as he should send to treat with them, out of Parliament, which not unlikely would have been of those that had both deserted the Parliament and falsified their faith, which to have indempnified, and all other Delinquents as had repaired unto his assistance, (otherwise no peace with him) what effects could a Treaty produce, (so much upbraided (by his party) on the Parliament for refusing it) other than mockery? when himself knew, as well as themselves, that they would not yeeld unto such a motion, neither himself goe lesse than to take off all the Delinquents with impunity against all reason, law, and the antient president, of all former Parliaments; that alone being the greatest breach of privilege that ever was offered to a Court of Parliament, and such a destructive project to the essence and being of Parliaments, as in the future took away all power and privilege from them, and necessarily conferr'd it on his own usurped Prerogative, his negative p. 177claim being no more, and scarce so much to enable him to doe in the future as he listed, when as every vulgar spirit knowes it for Law, that the King cannot, neither ever durst any of our Kings, rescue one Prisoner at the Bar, out of the hands of Justice, in any of the inferiour Courts of the Kingdome, ('Tis true, that Henry of Monmouth being a rude Prince, though after a tollerable King, came openly and with violence to the Kings Bench in Westminster Hall, and rescued Poynes his Servant, arraigned (for robbing and taking away the Kings Treasure) at the Bar; but the story tells us, that the Judges laid the Prince by the heels for his pains, and his Father the King thankt them for it.) much lesse then that this King should presume to rescue so many viperous Delinquents out of the justice of the great Judicature of the Nation, which all of common reading know have acted sundry times in such a power, as to depose severall of his Ancestors for their Tyrannies, and hanged many of their chiefe Instruments: Presidents which with good p. 178reason he might have more timely remembred, and not have stood with his Sword in his hand to inforce so unjust, senslesse and unreasonable a Proposition for a Treaty.

Observations on the Kings Pourtracture.

THe Kings Book, which hath flown abroad, and throughout the Kingdom, as it were between the wings of Mercury, and hath so much taken in the opinion of the vulgar beliefe, and esteemed to be such an impregnable rampier, incirculating his innocency, that it hath been thought not assaultable; I confesse at the first sight thereof it took for a while, as his protestations formerly had done, in many apprehensions; but on a second consideration of the title (The Kings Image) with the dresse that is bestowed upon his Effigies in a posture of devotion, in imitation of David in his ejaculations to Heaven, surely I could not beleeve that such a peece of vanity was of the Kings designment, but the meer jugling p. 179devise of some hypocriticall or Mahometan Impostor, the better to stir up the People and vaine beholders to pitty him: But entring into the Body of the Book, and considering the choyse of the many Subjects whereof it treats, the whole contexture whereof hath already been sufficiently handled without mittens by a Gentleman of such abilities as gives place to none for his integrity, learning and judgment; yet on re-consideration of the whole (amongst others of his Chapters) coming to that of (listing of Armies) and in that to his Interrogations, Whose innocent bloud hath he shed? what Widowes or Orphants tears can witnesse against me? Doubtlesse were there no other evidence throughout all the whole book (as God knowes every page yeelds plenty of such impudencies) those two Interrogatories would be sufficient to prove him one of the bloudiest out-facers of truth that ever was known in the world. Passing by his own acknowledgment, that himhimselfe first began the late Warre, and consequently guilty of all the innocent p. 180blood spilt throughout the three Kingdomes, it would not be amisse to retort his own Interrogatories, and to aske wether there be any one Family or Kindred throughout three Kingdoms, that yeelds not a Father, Mother, Brother, Sister, or a Kinsman, whose tears have not cryed to Heaven for the infinity of blood spilt through his willfullnesse, or for the wounds, or losse of Limbs of so many throughout the Land we which see dayly haulting & crutching it in hospitalls, and in every of our streets; and hath there been no Widdowes or Orphans tears shed? or no complaints made to himselfe for the goods taken violently from them, and fireing of numberlesse habitations by his own mercilesse Souldiers, Commissioned by himselfe, yea commanded to be put in execution, as it may be instanced in thousands of sad examples, yea by poor Widdowes crying and kneeling unto him for the rapines committed either in his owne sight, or by his permission, when they received no other answer, but his turning about from their lamentations, p. 181and saying that he did it not, when it lay in his power, and by his oath and duty he stood bound to see it redrest, which he never was knowne to have done, but to slight whatsoever complaints were addrest unto him of that nature? And was he ever knowne to spare either friend or foe, where money was to be had to prosecute his perfidious and bloody designs, which he took not? Amongst thousands of presidents of this nature, did he spare Mr. Ascham, a knowne Royalist, and one that assisted him in his bloody Wars, when he sent Rupert, that plundering kinsman of his, to rifle the Gentlemans house at Layford in the County of Berks, who took from him ten thousand pounds at once in ready money, and out of his bounty (whereof he was very seldome knowne to be over liberall) sent back the tenths thereof as a divident between his two unmarried daughters, and that also on great sute made unto him, and the tears of the Gentlewomen themselves that he would be pleased to consider their distressed condition? with what p. 182face could he so much as pretend to innocency, or appeal to the witnesse of any Widowes or Orphans tears, when tis openly knowne, that he never spared any mans blood in his wrath, who was in arms against him, otherwise than for his own ends, and safety of such of his owne side as the Parliament had in their custody? when he had granted out Commissions of Oyer and Determiner to his chief Iustice Heath and others to hang all such as had opposed his Tyranny in taking the Parliaments part, untill he was induced to retract those Commissions in regard that two for one of his owne might happily by his own President have gone to the Gallowes? and doe not his own Letters to the Queen confirm his resolution to take money wheresoever he could find it, when he tells her that his only want was mony, which good Swords and Pistolls would fetch in? and hath not the practice of all his barbarous Warres verified as much as he therein sooths up himselfe, to be supplyed either by hooke or crooke? If no innocent blood can be p. 183found to witnesse against him, let the ghosts of 200000 poor Innocent souls, barbarously butchered in Ireland speake; if no Widowes or Orphans tears can witnesse against him, let the dum stones of those demolished palaces of Rasing, Ragland, Belvoyer, and infinite others speak, where those formidable garrisons of his were made to the terror and damage of all men in their vicinity, and whose reducing cost so much innocent blood. Neither let those great Lords and prime Gentlemen of this Kingdome, whose Lands and totall Inheritances are lately voted to be sold, in reparation of the publick losses, and in defence of the generall interest of the Common-wealth (changed) when it could not otherwise subsist, but by rooting up his tyrannous monarchy be silent; And if no other tears of Widdowes & orphans can be found to accuse him, let his ambition, injustice, oppression, rapine, and bloodshed speak, let that vast number of Gentlemen which have made their compositions (for syding with him in his unjust and destructive p. 184Warres at Goldsmiths hall, speak of be silent, whose Wives and Children, live in want, and happily not without tears enough for the indigence whereunto they are reduced through his only means.

Now if all these sad instances be the effects and Trophies of his seventeene years reigne, which he boasts that the people enjoyed in such measure of peace, justice and plenty, as all the neighbour Nations have either admired or envied; and if this his Pourtracture and Image be that monument which his friends, since his death, or rather before, had prepared in readinesse, and stolen the pattern from Mecha, and to hang it in that his ayrery Mahometan regality, supported by this their impostured Loadstone, whereby to present his sacred memory, in his Solitudes, to posterity, surely it may be suspected, they were not so exactly their Crafts-masters, or so much his friends as foes, to Saint him before his time, and in such a shrine, as necessarily must render him to future times (infamous) an imparralelld p. 185dissembler, and a greater deceiver than Mahomet ever was, and of the number of those of whom the Prophet David makes mention, which speake peace to their Neighbours, when mischief was in their hearts, (as all the **Psal. 28Ps 28world knows he hath too often practised to his people and Parliaments) when as it would have much better became him to have left out his many Pharasicall justifications, and to have remembred, that he which covereth his sins shall not prosper, but who so confesseth Proverbs 28. 13.Prov 28:13and forsaketh them shall have mercy; this had been the better way to have invited others to have spoken lesse and more favourable of him, than now in conscience they ought, having such an artificiall and fac'd peece of impudent justifications, exposed and set forth purposely to deceive the poore people, and to affront truth, and the evident managery of his bloody and licentious reigne, which necessarily to the Worlds end will give an occasion to rippe up his life, and shew to the present and after ages, what a Tombe these jugling imposters p. 186have erected for him; and with what Epitaphes of impiety, injustice, blood and rapine, it will be adorned, instead of that glory wherewith they intended to perpetuate to his memory; though sufficient and enough hath already been written, in discovery of this grand Imposture, and to every peece and parcell thereof so much answered as may satisfie all men in their right witts; as to others that are out of them, and have a desire to be cosened out of their understandings, I think an Asian beliefe would better fit them than an European Faith, a gallymaufried Alcoran, rather than a true and rationall Remonstrance, drest with no other Rethorick than the naked truth; and shall men be silent when they see it overborne with the multitudinous denyalls, flams, and falshoods of his defeated and malitious parties?

p. 187Observations on the Kings going into the Scotch Army.

THe Kings disguized going from Oxford into the Scotch Army then at Newark, as it was one of his last shifts, so was it a very shrewd one (considered as he had laid the design) That he went first to them was doubtlesse more out of an apprehension and confidence he had to gain them to his assistance, than out of any great good will he bore towards them, but sure it was out of an inveterate hatred he bare towards the Parliament, the evidence of this truth manifestly appears by the Kings Letter to Ormond, Number 27. from Oxford, April the 3d. 1646. I shall present you with the principall part thereof, at your own leisure you may peruse the whole, viz.

Having lately received very good security, that we and all that do adhere to us, shall be safe in their Persons, Honours and Consciences in the Scotch Army, and that they shall really and effectually joyn with us, and with such as will p. 188come unto us, and joyn with them, for our preservation, and shall imploy their Army and Forces to assist us to the procuring of a happy and well-grounded Peace for the good of us and our Kingdoms in the recovery of our just Right, we have resolved to put our selves to the hazard of passing into the Scotch Army now lying before Newarke, and if it shall please God that we come safe thither, we are resolved to use our best endeavour with their assistance, and with the conjunction of the Forces under the Marquesse of Montrosse, and such of our well affected Subjects of England as shall rise for us, to procure it may be an honourable and speedy Peace with those who hither to refused to give ear to any means tending thereunto; of which our resolution, we hold it necessary to give you this advertisement, as well to satisfie you, and all our Councell and loyall Subjects with you, and to whom we will that you communicate these our Letters; yet failing in our earnest and sincere endeavours by a Treaty to put an end to the miseries of these our Kingdomes, we esteemed our self obliged, to p. 189leave no probable expedient unattempted to preserve our Crowne and Friends from the Vsurpation and Tyranny of those, whose actions declare so manifestly their designs to overthrow the Laws and happy established Government of this Kingdome; And now wee have made known to you our resolution, we recommend to your speciall care the disposing and managing our affairs on that side, as that you shall conceive most for our Honour and Service, being confident the course we have taken (though with some hazard to our person) will have a good influence on that our Kingdome, and defer, if not altogether prevent, the Rebels transporting of Forces from them into that Kingdom; And we desire you to satisfie all our well-affected Subjects on that side, of our Princely care of them, whereof they shall receive the effect, as soon as God shall enable us.

Observations.

We have here a most quaine piece of Machiavilisme, moulded under the Kings wonted and specious pretences p. 190of the care he had for the good of his Subjects, in procuring an honourable peace, and for recovery of his just Rights from those (as he sayes) which hitherto refused to give way to any means tending thereunto: But observe how he intended to accomplish this peace, and to put an end to the miseries of the Kingdom, and you shall evidently see, that it was out of an assurance he had to win the Scots to side with him in a new War, and in causing them to break their Faith plighted to the Parliament, when at that very time they were to receive 300000 l. towards their entertainment; this being but a piece of his design, for to that assistance he flattered himself to receive from the Scots, he also builds on that mercilesse Army under Montrosse, and such of his well-affected Subjects of the English as shall rise for us, (they are his own words) Speak your Conscience, was not this a fine plot think you, to procure an honourable and speedy peace, when his ends were as visible as the Sun shine to continue the Warre, and to p. 191pollute the Land with more blood under his wonted umbragious pretences of peace, and (as he says) to recover his just rights? and what were those rights, more than by a new Stratagem to overmaster all under his power? or at least to enforce such a peace, as might suite to his own desires? then he comes to say that he hath left no means unattempted, and I beleeve it in his own sence, and that was in the conjunction of both those Armies, and his inviting of all his well-affected Subjects in England to rise for us; and in pursuance of this deep plot he commands Ormond to communicate his Letters to the Councell there, and to all his Well-affected Subjects of Ireland, that they might know how carefully he was of them, by the confidence he had in that course, and what a good Influence it would have on that Kingdom, viz. in the deferring, if not to the utter disappointing of the Rebels transporting of supplyes to the relief of the distressed poor Protestants of Ireland, and desites that all his Well-affected Subjects there should take notice of p. 192his Princely care of them, whereof they should receive the effects so soon as God should enable him; a very Princely care indeed if you mark it: but you may here see that God would not be mockt, neither enable him in his mischievous projects. Speak freely, whether this King meant well, or acted like a Christian in his treacherous endeavour to divert in what possibly he could devise the Parliaments Forces, sent for the assistance of their poor Brethren of Ireland, when as he had so often protested, and born the Parliament in hand how desirous and carefull he was to expedite their supplyes thither, and by an Act of his own Assent had impowred the Parliament therewith, which here againe (in his wonted language) he calls Rebels, to speed their recruits against those which he then stiles his Well-affected Subjects. On the consideration of the premisses, I pray tel me, where is that Sophister to be found, that can handsomely make an Apology for such foul dissimulations? If you cannot finde any, I will point you to himselfe, as p. 193you may see it in his Pourtraicture, Cap. XXII. on his going into the Scotch Army, where he sayes, That what Providence denyes to force, it may grant to prudence; necessity is now my chiefest Counsellour, and commands me to study my safety by a disguized withdrawing from my chiefest strength, and adventuring on their Loyalty which first began my troubles.

Here you have an Apology of his owne, though surely it is a very poore one; where first I pray make your own judgement, whether the Scots began his troubles, or he theirs? if you doubt on't, Straffords, and the late Arch Bishops Ghosts will witnesse, that he would not suffer them to be at quiet; But what prudence was that when he could no longer stand up to infest three Kingdomes at once, then to put himself on the precipice of necessity, and for his safety to goe into the Scotch Army? and why not first into his Throne in the Parliament House at Westminster? from whence he fled, as from a Serpent, and by a thousand most humble Petitions, and p. 194motions, was invited to returne with welcome, untill he had wilfully and most perversly made himself uncapable of acceptance, and so imbrued himself and the three Kingdoms with the loathsome leprosie of Innocent blood, that with Vzziah he had made himselfe more fit for a Cloyster, than a Palace. I pray speake your owne judgement, whether this his prudence was any other than an indefatigable pursuance to fulfill his own will, in re-involving the Kingdomes in a more direfull War, than he had done before? and could Providence doe lesse than to deny him safety? when all his studies were devoted to find out any means to disturbe the Kingdomes peace and safety, and to destroy Parliaments, whereby to make himself an absolute Monarch, and of a King of Gentlemen and Freemen, to become a Tyrant over so many inanimated Slaves; you may without injustiee avouch it, that none of his courses were like to thrive, when they were continually known to be accompanied with a spirit of errour, and that the effects and ends of studying p. 195his own safety chiefly consisted in malice, and laying of new snares to catch others in, in which Providence thought it most fit, that himselfe should first be taken.

Observations on the Irish Rebellion.

IT is without all question, that the King was more indulgent towards the Irish blood-thirsty Rebells, than suited with his publick professions and often protestations; I shall not say so much in projecting that horrible Massacre of the English there, as in protecting those Rebels after the fact was committed, having (to use his own expression) such visible designs and ends of his owne, as from the very beginning of the War, and before, to make use of their service against the English and their Representative, as that in any impartiall eye could neither look handsome or suitable to the Religion he professed. To treat of the originall ground of this p. 196rising, or to point out the Author and the authority by which those vile Caytiffes enterprised on so barbarous an act, is more than I shall heere deliver, for this is as yet a hidden peece of villany, although this I can affirm from the mouth of a Gentleman well borne, though I dare not say of any great credit, that before the Kings going into SCOTLAND, and before the flight of the Lord Iermin, he being then a kind of an attendant on the Queen, and having many times admission into Master Iermins Chambers, averres, that he saw nine severall Commissions sealed in Master Iermins lodging, for so many Regiments to be commanded by the like number of Colonels in Ireland, whereof one was to Colonel Plunket, but with what seals the Gentleman hath not declared, neither do I believe that he was able to distinguish between the Broad and the Privy seale: But this is most manifestly knowne, that the Rebels for a long time, and at the very beginning of their rising styled themselves the King and Queens Army, p. 197and that they had good authority for doing that which they had done; and this is most perspicuous, that the King himselfe was ashamed to be seen or to own his owne worke, and with what instructions and Commissions he had impowred the Marquesse of Ormand, as in his own private Letter to him evidently appears, Number 22. December 13. 1644. from Oxford, viz.

I hope my publick dispatch will give you sufficient instructions and power, yet I have thought it necessary, for your more incouragement in this necessary worke, to make this addition with my own hand; as for Poynings act, I referre you to my other Letters, and for matter of Religion, though I have not found it fit to take publick notice of the paper which Browne gave you, yet I must command you to give him, my Lord Muskery, and Plunket particular thanks for it, assuring them that without it there could be no peace, and that sticking to it, their Nation in generall, and they in particular, should have comfort in what they have done, p. 198and to shew that this is more than words, I do promise them, and command you to see it done, that the Penal Statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not be put in execution, the Peace being made, and they remaining in their due obedience; and further, when the Irish gives me that assistance which they have promised, for the suppression of this Rebellion, and I shall be restored to my rights, then I will consent to the repeat of them by Law, but all those of Appeals … Rome and Premunire must stand; all this in Cipher you must impart to none, but to those three already named, and that with injunction of strict secrecy; so … recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the Peace of Ireland, and my necessary supply from thence, as I wrote to you in my last Letter, I rest.

Observations.

Wee have here in the first place, a manifestation of the Kings close and serpentine windings, in the next his injunction of strict secrecy to Ormond, p. 199that that which he had written in Cipher, should not be imparted to any, but Muskery, Browne, and Plunket, three of the most desperate Rebels in that Kingdom, which cannot possibly stand with the Kings innocency, neither with the breach of his faith with the Parliament and people, or with God in point of his protestations to maintain the true Protestant Religion, where it is evident, that he plaid fast and loose on all hands as best suited with his necessary affairs and worke, (as he calles it) all his ends tending to this only center, to gaine the Irish Rebels to his assistance against the Parliament at any rate, though to the prophanation of Religion, and his breach of faith with God and man, as instantly you may see fearfully protested, at the receiving the Sacrament at Christ-Church in Oxford 1643. at the hands of the Bishop of Armagh, where, immediately before his communicating, (he beckoning to the Bishop for a short forbearance) used these following expressions, viz.

My Lord, I espie here many resolved Protestants, who may declare to the world the resolution I do now make; I have to the uttermost of my power prepared my Soule to become a worthy receiver, and may I so receive comfort by the blessed Sacrament, as I do intend the establishment of the true reformed Religion, as it stood in its beauty in the happy dayes of Queen Elizabeth, without any connivance at Popery; I blesse God, that in the midst of these publique distractions, I have still liberty to communicate, and may this Sacrament be my damnation if my heart joyne not with my lips in this Protestation.

Observation.

Having seriously considered this strange Protestation of the Kings, on the taking of the Sacrament, with the imprecation of his damnation, if his heart joyned not with his lips, as I compared it with his letter after to Ormond, together with his many other Protestations I professe in the faith of a Christian, I stood amazed what to think of him, and his Religion; p. 201considered againe, as it was taken before a publick audience, and yet the very next yeare after, he makes no scruple or conscience to promise to Ormond the repeal of all laws against Irish Papists; and likewise in his Letter to the Queen of the 9th. of March 1645. he gives way to her to promise in his name, the taking away of all penall Laws against the English Papists, so that they shall inable him to doe it; where it seemes he makes no manner of account of a Parliament, without which, as already is said, never any King of England either made or repealed any one Law, surely tis heer very plaine, that he understood not the extent of his own power, neither the nature of the English Soveraignty, or that he was disposed not to know it, but to rule without Parliaments, provided, that by the assistance of Papists he might be impowred to do it, and then that his will should be a Law to the people; just Tyrant like, stat pro ratione voluntas; but take the rest of his Letter to Ormond into your p. 202more mature consideration, and then happily it will astonish you, where he hastens him to clap up the Peace with the Rebels, which so soon as it shall be accomplished (he vowes haec verba, in his Letter to him Number 23 January 7. 1644.) All the earth shall not make me breake it; but not doubting of a peace, I must againe remember you to presse the Irish for their speedy assistance to me here, and their friends in Scotland, my intention being to draw from thence into Wales (the peace once concluded) as many as I can of my armed Protestant subjects; and I desire the Irish would send as great a body as they can to land about CVMBERLAND.

Observation.

Here againe we have a sufficient proof of this most unfortunate Princes inflexibility, his resolutions once fixt, there were no hopes of their alteration (they are his owne words) all the earth shal not make me break it, though such resolutions breake him in pieces, p. 203and sure we are many thousands of his poor innocent Subjects through this only fault of his obstinacy. Tis an infallible truth, that the wilfull man never wants woe, but when one mans perverse will shall be the cause of the destruction of multitudes, that's a fearfull judgement and a remedilesse calamity. We have allso in this Letter an evident testimony, what an inveterat hatred he bare towards the English Nation, and those Scots which took their parts, which he hated beyond belief, and all others which never so little fell a thwart his inclinations, where I shall crave your favour to tell all of you that sided with him, (haply more for your own ends than out of conscience) for it is most certaine, that he made no other accompt of you, but to satisfie his own lust, in your destruction, whatsoever he pretended, and to prove this, I will tell you a true story, and it is this; On the death of the late Earle of Northampton, whose Commands in one of his Forrests he presently gave away, of which Endimion Porter understanding, prest him p. 204that the young Earle his sonne, whose father was then newly slaine in his service, was fit to have that conferred on him than on any other, on which check of Porters he replyed, and hath the Earle done more than became him, to dye for his King? This is no fable, but a knowne truth, whereby you may guesse how he esteemed of you all, as if his Subjects were a sort of Sheep ordained to the slaughter, for the obtaining of his lustful pleasure, and not him, as the Shephard ordained to preserve them as that flock committed to his care and charge from God himselfe; you may instantly find this very story verified and set out unto the life in his former Letter, in which with what earnestnesse he presses ORMOND, to hasten over the Irish to his assistance, yea to bring over as many of his armed Protestants to land in Wales, as might inable him to overpower both nations to his absolute domination and revenge. A most brutish resolution, and of purpose to reset all his Kingdoms on a light fier, in setting p. 205of Protestants against Protestants, and Papists against both; you may further observe, how his displeasure grew to be so implacable against the Scots his native Subjects, and to lay his designe to destroy them together with his English Subjects, and the reason of this you may perfectly see, in his Letter to Ormond, Number 25. Feb. 25. 1647. viz. I do therefore command you to conclude a Peace with the Irish whatsoever it cost, so that my Protestant Subjects there may be secured, and my regall Authority preserved; but for all this you are to make the best bargaine you can, and not discover your enlargement of power, till you needs must, and although I leave the Managing of this great and necessary work, intirely to you, yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspension of Poynings act, for such bils as shal be agreed upon there, and the present taking away of the penall Lawes against Papists by a Law, will do it, I shall not think it a hard bargaine, so that freely and vigorously they ingage themselves in my assistance, against my Rebells of England and Scotland; for p. 206which no condition can be to hard, not being against Conscience and Honour.

Observation.

You may first observe in this Letter the large extent of the Kings Conscience and Honour, in the next place his seeming care for the preservation of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland, with a purpose rather to make use of them against their Brethren of England, than to leave them in Ireland for their own defence, where their service was much more necessary, than to be imployed in the slaughtering of the English, with the hazard of their own lives, and for no other end, but to advance their own prodigious, and bloody designs; for observe it in the former Letter, he manifestly declares his resolution, to call them over to his assistance, and heere he tells it, that as to the Irish, if the taking away of Poynings act, and the penall Statutes against Papists by a Law will do it, he shall not thinke it a hard bargaine, provided they freely and p. 207vigorously engage against his English and Scotish Rebels, for which no conditions can be too hard, not being against Conscience and Honour; here you may safely aver is one of the strangest Consciences, and an Honour so illimitable, as that I am confident, the subtillest Logitian in his Oxford Garrison, would be driven to his ne plus ultra, to give either of them a right definition, that close of not being against Conscience or Honour (considered with his former commands to Ormond) without doubt is one of the finest peeces of Non-sense that ever I have seen; and surely had I been in the Marquesses place, that very restriction in the close, would have made me to forbear the putting in execution of any of his commands, for there was not a syllable of them all, but in due construction was, or ought to have been against his Conscience and Honour; sure it was point blank opposite to his many Protestations, and that fearfull imprecation of his Damnation on his receiving the Sacrament p. 208at Christ-Church; and doubtlesse in my understanding (all parts of this Letter considered) the very last clause of not being against Conscience or Honour, would have been sufficient warrant for me, to have sate still and done nothing towards the concluding of so Irreligious and dishonourable a Peace; But I beseech you look upon the Kings ends, and you shall find them to be no other, than in a brutish manner to set all his Subjects together by the ears, to kill and make havock of one anothea, English against English, Scots againt Scots, and Irish against both, so that he might thereby accomplish his own pernitious designes; And in the mean time to make no manner of scruple or Conscience of spilling of Innocent bloud, & without the least remorse of that horrible Massacree of 200000 of the English Nation, butchered by those barbarous Villains for whom he was so solicitous, to defend them, and to procure a happy peace for them whatsoever it cost; and with so many wiles and fetches he had so often endeavoured to engage them to joyne p. 209with Ormond against Inchiquine and the Scots, as that you may evidently see in the Postscript of his Letters to him, number 24. 1644. from Oxford, as also in his Commissions to Montrosse, first to ruine the Scots, and after to come for his assistance into England.

Now that you may further understand what Conscience he made of bloodshed, and what care he had to preserve his Subjects in Peace and Prosperity, I shall tell you another story from the mouth of one of his principall Commanders (Gerrard by name) who upon the rendition of his Oxford Garrison came to London, and made his addresses to Sir John Merricke at Essex house, desiring him that he might have the Honour to kisse my Lord of Essex his hands, Sir John told him, That he had not behaved himself worthy of the name and honour of a Soldier, to be admitted to such a favour, having barbarously burnt his Lordships house at Lamphey, together with most of the Gentlemens houses of the County of Pembroke, and destroyed p. 210the whole Country even to desolation; Gerrard replies in his usuall Oath, God damme me Uncle, if I did more than the King from Cardiffe by two severall Letters strictly commanded me to doe; and then to march to him with all my Army, for which I have his Majesties owne Letters for my Warrant. Here is an excellent Conscience, and care, in a King bound by his Oath to preserve his Subjects from violence, and yet commanding to destroy them with fire and rapine.

Sir, in a few words more, would you be pleased, on an exact perusall of all this most unhappy Kings Declarations and transactions, considered as you shall alwayes finde them, sweetned and gilded over with the plausible pretences, and specious professions of his love and care towards all his Subjects (when he meant nothing lesse) and many of them confirmed with Imprecations; I say compare them diligently with his actions, and the Letters of his own hand writing (which of other evidences are the best keyes to unlock the secrets of mans p. 211heart) not leaving out that Posthumus Imposture of his Pourtraicture, and I am confident that the contrariety, dissimulation, hypocrisie, and juglings you shall every where finde in them, interwoven with a Pharisaicall justifying of himself, and defending all his actions, will astonish you, as they have done me; For in all the late horrid War and bloudshed, throughout the three Kingdomes, you shall find it for an infallible truth, that he who spake and insisted so much on his Honour and Coscience for many years together, never made any Conscience, or was truely sensible of all the blood spilt either in his own behalf, or against him, more than of one wicked **The Earl of Strafford.Mans, though condemned by Law, and the just judgement of a Court of Parliament, and this man also acknowledged by himself to be uttterly unworthy to bear any publick office in the Common-wealth, and untill God in his Iustice turnd the power of his Sword to nothing, then indeed, and as I may judge (really) he ever now and anon deplores p. 22the sad condition of his Kingdomes, but never sincerely (as I am bound to beleeve) till he had don his worst, and all that possibly he could invent to ruine the Parliament, and to destroy all those that stood up in their defence; And towards his last, his principall labour tended to little more than in pittying of himselfe, and complaining of the hard measure offered him during his restraint, that he was not admitted to a Personall Treaty with the Parliament for the procuring (as he would have it beleeved) of a happy peace, when in all his Treatyes and specious overtures from the first to the last, his hand was well known to be in one plot or other how to get himselfe out of that toyle and Labyrinth wherein he had wilfully intangled himselfe and the Kingdomes, being still one and the self same man, justifying himself, and standing on his own innocency with the Pharisee, but little of the Publican, God be mercifull to me a sinner; still in his wonted inflexibility to the last, utterly refusing to signe (onelyonly) Four Bils for the publick security; p. 213continuing his usuall pretences that they were against his Conscience and Honour; When as all the Kingdome long since knew him to be preingaged to the Queen, and that by one word of her mouth, both his Honour and Conscience would easily have been dispenc'd withall: This I may truly and further affirm for a piece of a miracle, that somewhat before Gods just judgements overtook him (though not without a long conflict) he acknowledged himself guilty of all the War, and not without intreaties to a noble Person, on the first motion for a Treaty in the I sle of Wight, That the Parliament would forbear to charge all the guilt of the blood spilt throughout the Kingdomes on his only score, and on that condition he should not be so uncivill, as to impute the least guilt thereof on them; they were his own words, for that was a feare which much troubled him would be charged upon him, and well he might fear it, when his own Conscience was a witnesse against him; but in the mean time, suffer me to ask p. 214you, how shall Almighty God be satisfied for so much bloud causlesly and willfully spilt throughout three Kingdoms, whose wrath cannot be appeased, neither the Land be cleansed, untill expiation be made for the bloud of one man, by the shedding of his blood which was the murtherer? surely then we cannot determine, what accompt Almighty God will yet require at their hands which have been principall actors with the King in this bloody tragedy (though some of them, as he hath done, have paid their debts to Nature, and not a few by way of Composition) yet they also have just cause to fear that there is an accompt not yet cleared, which will be call'd upon: This I shall adde by the way of Question, how and by what Fate this most unfortunate Prince came to be so overpowred with the Inchantments of a Woman, betwixt whom and himselfe, it is well known, a good space after their Inter-marriage, there were many jarres, and continued fallings out, and yet at last she alone to become his Oracle for the p. 215leading on of all his designes; In so much as he durst not offend her in the least punctilio, or to transact any thing of never so little moment without her good liking, and approbation, and so much to dote on her, as not to permit the Prince to stir a foot, or to undertake anything, but by her only direction, such an absolute power and command had this Queene gained over him and his affections; we may put the Quaerie farther, why otherwise than by her Counsell, he first took away the Prince from his Guardians, and not long after the Duke of Yorke, and to send them beyond Sea, unlesse it were out of an apprehension, that in imitation of former Presidents, this Parliament might Crowne the one or the other Brother, instead of the Father, who had been so disastrous to the Nation, as divers old presidents of the like nature might probably induce him to suspect out of his own guiltinesse of his misgovernment? as for instance the dethroning of Edw. the second by the Parliament for his misgovernment and bloody p. 216reigne, and the advancing (in his life time) of his Son Edward the third, as also the deposing of Richard the second for his Tyranny, and the Parliaments setting up of Rullingbrooke, his Cosen German in his room; Presidents which doubtlesse hee deeply apprehended and feared, which to prevent 'tis most probable he sent them out of the Kingdome, though to his own, and the utter undoing of those Innocent Princes, which he had so far engaged in his bloody quarrell, that they became dyed in the same colour with their willfull Father. I shall now present you with a proof of the former assertion out of the Kings own Letter to the Prince from Newcastle Number 28. 1646. viz. Charls, This is rather to tell you where I am in health, than at this time to direct you in any thing, I having so fully wrote to your Mother what I would have you to doe, whom I command you to obey in every thing, except Religion, concerning which, I am confident she will not trouble you; and see you goes not any whither, without hers or my particular directions.

p. 217Observation.

Here you may evidently see, by what Star not only himself and all his affairs were guided, but that his Sonne must be tied up, not to do any thing, or move, but by his Mothers or his owne particular directions; a very strange obligation laid on a Sonne, to be bound to such an absolute obedience, as necessarily conduced to his utter undoing, when as no man knowes whether a Wife and a Mother, which had such a latitude of power over the Father and the Sonne, would not be tampering with a Prince (even in the point of Religion) of so tender years as rendred him fit for any impression, and to be indoctrinated with such principles as well concerning Religion, as others best suitable to her own designes. But I beseeeh you judge of the following texts, and tell me whether they suite not with this most unhappy Kings disposition, & the wayes whereinto the inflexibility of his nature lead him to perseverance, p. 218in pursuance of his own destruction.

He that speaks unrighteous things cannot be hid, neither shall vengeance when it is punished passe by him: For inquisition shall be made into the Counsells of the ungodly, and the sound of his words shall come unto the Lord for the manifestation of his wicked deede. Wisd. 1. 8. 9.

A Sinfull man will not be reproved, but sendeth an exeuse according to his will: A man of Counsell will be considerate, but a strange and a proud man it not daunted with fear, even when of himselfe he hath done without Counsell. Eccles. 32. 17. 18.

But I have now little more to addresse unto you, yet more than I would, had not your provocations amounting to a plaine challenge invited me to answer your many virulent complaints, wherein I have inserted very little more than what you may find expresly laid downe either in the Kings owne Letters or Declarations, and with no other comments (as to the Observations) but such as necessarily p. 219arise out of the expressee themselves; neither to any other ends, (as to the first part of my Reply, but for the clearing of truth, and to shew out unto you both the constitution of our late most unhappy King, and the manner and condition of all other Kings; I could have sent you more, and God knows more terrible, bloody, and barbarous, but this is enough, though I say not to convince you, (for that would be no other than lavare Aethiopem) but to let you know how much you have been mistaken in the late King, a Prince doubtlesse which was much too dark for every ones understanding, and too hard for most of his Councel of State, whom he trusted with the mannagery of his greatest both designs and secrets; though it be most true, that how tenacious and close soever he was in carrying on that arbitrary worke to inslave the Nation, yet God in his mercy would not that they should be so secretly hidden, but that he had appointed a time when they should be revealed and manifested to the World, as we all know they p. 220were at Naseby and elsewhere, according to our blessed Saviours own oracle Mat. 12. 2. For there is nothing covered that shall not be revealed, neither hid which shall not be knowne.

God knowes, and so may you on your better consideration, that I have made use of nothing but authentick authority, or took up any passage on bare trust, neither with the least intention to injure the memory of him who is at rest, but only in vindication and manifestation of truth, and to make that more visibly knowne to you, which long since hath not been unknowne to many, which happily if they would might speak more, and that as this most unfortunate Prince was of all others most his owne enemy, so had providence decreed it, that he should be most injurious to his friends, a most implacable enemy to Parliaments, and utterly averse to all partnership in government, other than Hers which was the principall instrument of his ruine, the undoing of his posterity, and the lamentable destruction of three flourishing Kingdoms.

p. 221As to the present Government, and change of the Royalty, or any other of your impetuous exclamations, with the exceptions you take to the present Form, different from the forms of ancient Parliament, and as it was so lately altered, without King, Lords, and the major part of the excluded Commons, and that those which now sit at Westminster, are no other than usurped powers acting in Tyranny, as all of your party spares not to belch out both in private and publick, I shall instantly give you both a short and satisfactory answer to every of them; and first to the Government, which you know to be gotten by Conquest, and as heretofore I have told you, by the same weapon wherewith the King intended to make it absolutely Monarchicall, and A la Francoys As to the difference between the old and this new Form of Parliament, I answer, that the King himself was the first projector, both in lessening, altering and laming of the Parliament, witnesse his taking into his Councell of State the Earles p. 222of Hartford, Essex, Bath, the Lords Say, St. Maur, Falkland, and Culpepper, all of them known to be the most noted Common-wealths men of both Houses, within two moneths of the Parliaments sitting down, and within one year after to corrupt neer the moity of the Members of both Houses, to make up his Mungrel Parliament at Oxford, of set purpose to confuse and ruine all Parliaments by themselves. As to the late purging of the Houses, it is acknowledged that in the midst of such a confusion as was both raised, cherished and fomented by the King himself, and the Malignant party, it was done by the power of the Army, and as I take it on this ground, that the major part of both Houses voted for the readmittance of the King on such condition which himself refused, which the lesser and more foreseeing part well understood would in the end come to no other issue, than the setting him up into his old power, so to enable him a new to embroyle the Kingdomes, having so long before engaged the Prince in his Quarrell, p. 223and disciplin'd him in his designes, in so much as no other hopes were then left the Parliament, but either a perpetuating of the War and more bloodshed, or the invassalage of the Nation, which necessarily would be the consequence, on the admittance either of the Father or the Sonne; upon these grounds 'tis confest, that the Soldiery ended the controversie, in assisting the weaker party in Parliament, though doubtlesse the more able in judgement and foresight of the future evills and calamities which in all probability might and would befall the Nation; which to prevent, on the evidence of the Kings obstinacy, it was resolved to remove the Effects, by taking away the Cause, in calling the principall Author of all the former bloodshed to his publick tryall, to stop which issue it was farther resolved to cut him off, together with his whole posterity, and to cast that pilot overboard, that not more out of ignorance than wilfulnesse, would obstinately have sunke the Ship of the Publick, in the vast Ocean of his Prerogative, had it not p. 224been timely rescued, and warp't into the safe Harbour of a Republick, and in change the Regall Government into a Commonwealth, as you now see it established, by power, and by the same power, probable it is they will uphold it, which as it is commonly conceived, was the true state and managery of that businesse Where you may observe it, as a very remarkeable event, that even the major part of of both Houses which had stood so constant to the trust of their Countries, to the very Vote of No more Addresses, and were inclined to readmit the King (as we may beleeve by Gods just judgement) were taken away by force, as the King himselfe by fraud had long before drawne away so many of the Members, purposly to lame and weaken all Parliaments in the future.

Sir, These are passages of a very transcendant nature, and too high for our understanding, and we know Gods ways and works are unsearchable, yet as the **Eccl. …. 9. 10.Wise man tells us, There is nothing new under the Sun, and is there any thing whereof it may be said, see, p. 225this is new? it hath been already fold time, and was before us: howsoever, when you have spoken the worst you can▪ of those which now sit in Parliament, you cannot deny but the most of them are of the old legall Electron, and the relicts of the old Form, they which have been the cause of the maiming, or lessening the number and quality of the old Form, you may thanke them for it, and not blame those that remaine faithfull to their trust, for some kinde of Government the people must have, and you evidently see, that God hath given them both Courage to stand fast to the last, and power to enable them to act as they do, which as heretofore I have told you wil either bend you to obedience, or breake you in your resistance. As to the Injustice wherewith you charge them, and the Tyranny you so much exclaim against, I take not upon me to be so much their Champion, as to defend every of their actions, or any Injustice, of which not unlikely some of them may be guilty; for where power is invested, faults there may be, and foule ones too; yet this p. 226much may be said in their defence, that those of known integrity, fail not to look into the demeanour of the faul ty, and by severe punishment to make them examples of Justice; I shall say no more, but that should they faile in doing righteousnesse, Judgement stands at their owne doores, and the same God which gave them the power they now have, will as soon devest them of it, as he bequeathed it unto them, and **1 Sam. 1…. 15.1 Sam 1:15Samuel will tell them; If you doe wickedly you shall be consumed, both you and your King. Now Sir, for a close, I shall onelyonly tell you, that it sufficeth me and all sober spirits (that having thus long lived free from bloodshed and plunder under this Government, which so lately under the Kingly power the whole Nation felt to their great grief and sorrow) it behoves us then that we all rest content with Gods good will and pleasure, and leave this great change to him, as a worke of his own, which, I may say with Gamaliel, If it be not of God it will surely fall, but if from him, he will establish it, in spite of all those which shall withstand it: tis p. 227most true, that the Contributions and Taxes, which you urge to be Tyrannically imposed on the whole Nation, are very heavy, to which I have already given you an answer, viz. that we may all thanke your party for it, that they are not onelyonly continued but increast through your partyes onelyonly means, which cease not by their assiduall plots to disturbe the present peace and Government to their owne losse, and grief of such as would willingly bear the burthen, so they might enjoy their peace and quietnesse, as having learned the sweetnesse of that old Addage, defend me, and spend m…. In a word more, I shall advise you in particular to rest content with that Government which Providence hath allotted us, under which you may as yet live both secure and plentifull if you please, dispose your self therefore to yeeld that Obedience which becomes all those that love the publick, and their own domestick peace; If not, I feare me you will kicke against the pricks, hurt, if not utterly ruine your self and Family, as many thousands p. 228of perverse Fools have done, and fail not to remember, that there is a Court of Iustice that spares none which shall disturbe the publick peace, and that Government which we may safely beleeve, God hath and will establish.

This is the Counsell of him who really hath a care of your preservation, and so rests,

Your well-wishing Friend if you so please to esteem him.

Loe this is the man that made not God his strength, but trusted in the abundance of his riches, and strengthned himselfe in his wickednesse.

P. 52. 7.

The words of his mouth were smoother than Butter, but War was in his heart, his words were softer than oyle, yet were they drawn Swords.

Psalm 55. 21.

But thou O Lord shalt bring them downe into the pit of destruction, bloody and deceitfull men shall not live out halfe their dayes.

verse 23.

FINIS.

End of the text · John Milton, The Life and Reign of King Charles (1651)