The History of Britain — John Milton

The History of Britain · John Milton

THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Second Book.

I Am now to write of what befell the Britans from fifty and three years before the Birth of our Saviour, when firſt the Romans came in, till the decay and ceaſing of that Empire; a ſtory of much truth, and for the firſt hunderd years and ſomwhat more, collected without much labour. So many and ſo prudent were the Writers, which thoſe two, the civileſt, and the wiſeſt of European Nations, both Italy and Greece, afforded to the actions of that Puiſſant Citty. For worthy deeds are not often deſtitute of worthy relaters: as by a certain Fate great Acts and great Eloquence have moſt commonly gon hand in hand, equalling and honouring each other in the ſame Ages. 'Tis true that in obſcureſt times, by ſhallow and unſkilfull Writers, the indiſtinct noiſe of many Battels, and devaſtations, of many Kingdoms over-run and loſt, hath come to our Eares. For what wonder, if in all Ages, Ambition and the love of rapine hath ſtirr'd up greedy and violent men to bold attempts in waſting and ruining Warrs, which to poſterity have left the work of Wild Beaſts and Deſtroyers, rather then the Deeds and Monuments of men and Conquerours. But he whoſe juſt and true valour uſes the neceſſity of Warr and Dominion, not to deſtroy but to prevent deſtruction, to bring in liberty againſt Tyrants, Law and Civility among barbarous Nations, knowing that when he Conquers all things elſe, he cannot Conquer Time, or Detraction, wiſely conſcious of this his want as well as of his worth not to be forgott'n or conceal'd, honours and hath recourſe to the aid of Eloquence, his freindlieſt and beſt ſupply; by whoſe immortal Record his noble deeds, which elſe were tranſitory, becoming fixt and durable againſt the force of Yeares and Generations, he fails not to continue through all Poſterity, over Envy, Death, and Time, alſo victorious. Therfore when the eſteem of Science, and liberal ſtudy waxes low in the Common-wealth, wee may preſume that alſo there all civil Vertue, and worthy action is grown as low to a decline: and then Eloquence, as it were conſorted in the ſame deſtiny, with the decreaſe and fall of vertue corrupts alſo and fades; at leaſt reſignes her office of relating to illiterat and frivolous Hiſtorians; ſuch as the perſons themſelvs both deſerv, and are beſt pleas'd with; whilſt they want either the underſtanding to chooſe better, or the innocence to dare invite the examining, and ſearching ſtile of an intelligent, and faithfull Writer to the ſurvay of thir unſound exploits, better befreinded by obſcurity then Fame. As for theſe, the only Authors wee have of Brittiſh matters, while the power of Rome reach'd hither, (for Gildas affirms that of the Roman times noe Brittiſh Writer was in his daies extant, or if any ever were, either burnt by Enemies, or tranſported with ſuch as fled the Pictiſh and Saxon invaſions) theſe therfore only Roman Authors there bee who in the Engliſh Tongue have laid together, as much, and perhaps more then was requiſite to a Hiſtory of Britain. So that were it not for leaving an unſightly gap ſo neer to the beginning, I ſhould have judg'd this labour, wherin ſo little ſeems to be requir'd above tranſcription, almoſt ſuperfluous. Notwithſtanding ſince I muſt through it, if ought by diligence may bee added, or omitted, or by other diſpoſing may be more explain'd, or more expreſs'd, I ſhall aſſay.

Julius Caeſar (of whom, and of the Roman Free State, more then what appertains, is not here to be diſcours'd) having ſubdu'd moſt part of Gallia, which by a potent faction, he had obtain'd of the Senat as his Province for many years, ſtirr'd up with a deſire of adding ſtill more glory to his name, and the whole Roman Empire to his ambition, ſom ſay, with a farr Suetonius vit. Caeſ.meaner and ignobler, the deſire of Brittiſh Pearls, whoſe bigneſs he delighted to ballance in his hand, determins, and that upon no unjuſt pretended occaſion, to trie his Force in the Conqueſt alſo of Britain. For he underſtood that the Britans in moſt of his Gallian Warrs had ſent ſupplies againſt him, had receiv'd fugitives of the Bellovaci his Enemies, and were call'd over to aid the Citties of Armorica, which had the year before conſpir'd all in a new Rebellion. Therfore Caeſar, though now the Summer well nigh Year before Chriſt, 53 ending, and the ſeaſon unagreeable to tranſport a Warr, yet judg'd it would be great advantage, only to get entrance into the Ile, knowledge of the men, the places, the ports, the acceſſes; which then, it ſeems, were eev'n to the Gauls thir Neighbours almoſt unknown. For except Merchants and Traders, it is not oft, ſaith he, that any uſe to Travel thether; and to thoſe that doe, beſides the Sea Coaſt, and the Ports next to Gallia, nothing elſe is known. But heer I muſt require, as Pollio did, the diligence, Suetonius. Caeſar Com. L. 1.at leaſt the memory of Caeſar: for if it were true, as they of Rhemes told him, that Divitiacus, not long before, a Puiſſant King of the Soiſſons, had Britain alſo under his Command, beſides the Belgian Colonies which he affirms to have nam'd and peopl'd many Provinces there, if alſo the Britans had ſo frequently giv'n them aid in all thir Warrs, if laſtly the Druid learning honour'd ſo much among them, were at firſt taught them out of Britain, and they who ſooneſt would attain that Diſcipline, ſent hether to learn; it appears not how Britain at that time ſhould be ſo utterly unknow'n in Gallia, or only Caeſar Com. L. 4.know'n to Merchants, yea to them ſo little, that beeing call'd together from all parts, none could be found to inform Caeſar of what bigneſs the Ile, what Nations, how great, what uſe of Warr they had, what Laws, or ſo much as what commodious Havens for bigger Veſſels. Of all which things as it were then firſt to make diſcovery, he ſends Caius Voluſenus, in a long Galley, with command to return aſſoon as this could be effected. Hee in the mean time with his whole power draws nigh to the Morine Coaſt, whence the ſhorteſt paſſage was into Britain. Hether his Navy which he us'd againſt the Armoricans, and what elſe of Shipping can be provided, he draws together. This known in Britain, Embaſſadors are ſent from many of the States there, who promiſe Hoſtages, and Obedience to the Roman Empire. Them, after Audience giv'n, Caeſar as largely promiſing, and exhorting to continue in that mind, ſends home, and with them Comius of Arras, whom he had made King of that Country, and now ſecretly employ'd to gain a Roman party among the Britans, in as many Citties as he found inclinable, and to tell them, that he himſelf was ſpeeding thether. Voluſenus with what diſcovery of the Iland he could make from aboard his Ship, not daring to venture on the ſhoar, within five daies returns to Caeſar. Who ſoon after, with two Legions, ordnarily amounting, of Romans and thir Allies, to about 25000 Foot, and 4500 Horſe, the Foot in 80 Ships of burden, the Horſe in 18, beſides what Gallies were appointed for his chief Commanders, ſetts off about the third watch of night with a good Gale to Sea; leaving behind him Sulpitius Rufus to make good the Port with a ſufficient ſtrength. But the Horſe whoſe appointed Shipping lay Wind-bound 8 mile upward in another Hav'n, had much trouble to Imbark. Caeſar now within ſight of Britain beholds on every Hill multitudes of armed men, ready to forbid his landing; and Cicero writes to his friend Atticus, that Cic. Att. L. 4. Ep. 17.the acceſſes of the Iland were wondrouſly fortify'd with ſtrong workes or moles. Heer from the fowrth to the ninth hour of day he awaits at Anchor the coming up of his whole Fleet. Mean while with his Legatts and Tribuns conſulting, and giving order to fitt all things for what might happ'n in ſuch a various, and floating water-fight as was to be expected. This place, which was a narrow Bay-cloſe, environ'd with Hills, appearing no way commodious, he removes to a plain and open ſhoar 8 Mile diſtant; commonly ſuppos'd about Deal in Kent. Which when Camden.the Britans perceav'd, thir Horſe and Chariots, as then they us'din fight, ſcowring before, thir main powr ſpeeding after, ſom thick upon the ſhoar, others not tarrying to be aſſail'd, ride in among the Waves to encounter, and aſſault the Romans eev'n under thir Ships; with ſuch a bold, and free hardihood, that Caeſar himſelf between confeſſing and excuſing that his Souldiers were to come down from thir Ships, to ſtand in water heavy arm'd, and to fight at once, denies not but that the terrour of ſuch new and reſolute oppoſition made them forget thir wonted valour. To ſuccour which, he commands his Gallies, a ſight unuſual to the Britans, and more apt for motion, drawn from the bigger Veſſels, to row againſt the op'n ſide of the Enemy, and thence with Slings, Engines, and Darts, to beat them back. But neither yet, though amaz'd at the ſtrangeneſs of thoſe new Sea Caſtles, bearing up ſo neer, and ſo ſwiftly as almoſt to overwhelm them, the hurtling of Oares, the battring of feirce Engines againſt thir bodies barely expos'd, did the Britans give much ground, or the Romans gain; till he who bore the Eagle of the Tenth Legion, yet in the Gallies, firſt beſeeching his gods, ſaid thus alowd, leap down Souldiers, unleſs ye mean to betray your Enſigne; I for my part will perform what I ow to the Commonwealth and my General. This utter'd, over-board he leaps, and with his Eagle feircly advanc'd runs upon the Enemy; the reſt hartning one another not to admit the diſhonour of ſo nigh looſing thir cheif Standard, follow him reſolutely. Now was fought eagerly on both ſides. Ours who well knew thir own advantages, and expertly us'd them, now in the ſhallows, now on the Sand, ſtill as the Romans went trooping to their Enſignes, receav'd them, diſpatch'd them, and with the help of thir Horſe, put them every where to great diſorder. But Caeſar cauſing all his Boats and Shallops to be fill'd with Souldiers, commanded to ply up and down continually with releif where they ſaw need; Whereby at length all the Foot now diſ-imbark't, and got together in ſom order on firm ground, with a more ſteddy charge put the Britans to flight: but wanting all thir Horſe, whom the winds yet with held from Sailing, they were not able to make pourſuit. In this confuſed fight Scaeva a Valer. Max. Plutarch.Roman Souldier, having preſs'd too farr among the Britans, and beſett round, after incredible valour ſhewn, ſingle againſt a multitude, ſwom back ſafe to his General; and in the place that rung with his praiſes, earneſtly beſought pardon for his raſh adventure againſt Diſcipline: which modeſt confeſſing after no bad event, for ſuch a deed wherin valour, and ingenuity ſo much out-weigh'd tranſgreſſion, eaſily made amends and preferr'd him to be a Centurion. Caeſar alſo is brought in by Julian, In Caeſarib.attributing to himſelf the honour (if it were at all an honour to that perſon which he ſuſtain'd) of being the firſt that left his Ship, and took Land: but this were to make Caeſar leſs underſtand what became him then Scaeva. The Britans finding themſelvs maiſter'd in fight, forthwith ſend Embaſſadors to treat of peace; promiſing to give Hoſtages, and to be at command. With them Comius of Arras alſo return'd; whom hitherto ſince his firſt coming from Caeſar, they had detain'd in Priſon as a ſpy: the blame wherof they lay on the common people; for whoſe violence, and thir own imprudence they crave pardon. Caeſar complaining they had firſt ſought peace, and then without cauſe had begun War, yet content to pardon them, commands Hoſtages: wherof part they bring in ſtrait, others farr up in the Country to be ſent for, they promiſe in a few daies. Mean while the people diſbanded and ſent home, many Princes, and cheif men from all parts of the Ile ſubmit themſelves and thir Citties to the diſpoſe of Caeſar, who lay then encamp'd, as is thought, on Baram down. Thus had the Britans made thir peace; when ſuddenly an accident unlook'd for put new counſels into thir minds. Fowr daies after the coming of Caeſar, thoſe 18 Ships of burden, which from the upper hav'n had tak'n in all the Roman Horſe, born with a ſoft wind to the very Coaſt, in ſight of the Roman Camp, were by a ſudden tempeſt ſcatter'd, and driv'n back, ſome to the Port from whence they loos'd, others down into the Weſt Country; who finding there no ſafety either to land, or to caſt Anchor, choſe rather to commit themſelvs again to the troubl'd Sea; and as Oroſius reports, were moſt of them caſt away. The ſame night, it being full Moon, the Gallies left upon dry Land, were unaware to the Romans, cover'd with a Spring-tide, and the greater Ships that lay off at Anchor, torn and beat'n with Waves, to the great perplexity of Caeſar, and his whole Army; who now had neither Shipping left to convay them back, nor any proviſion made to ſtay heer, intending to have winter'd in Gallia. All this the Britans well perceaving, and by the compaſs of his Camp, which without baggage appear'd the ſmaller, gueſſing at his numbers, conſult together, and one by one ſlily withdrawing from the Camp, where they were waiting the concluſion of a peace, reſolve to ſtop all proviſions, and to draw out the buſineſs till Winter. Caeſar though ignorant of what they intended, yet from the condition wherin he was, and thir other hoſtages not ſent, ſuſpecting what was likely, begins to provide apace, all that might be, againſt what might happ'n: laies in Corn, and with materials fetch'd from the Continent, and what was left of thoſe Ships which were paſt help, he repairs the reſt. So that now by the inceſſant labour of his Souldiers, all but twelv were again made ſerviceable. While theſe things are doing, one of the Legions being ſent out to forrage, as was accuſtom'd, and no ſuſpicion of Warr, while ſom of the Britans were remaining in the Country about, others alſo going and coming freely to the Roman Quarters, they who were in ſtation at the Camp Gates ſent ſpeedy word to Caeſar, that from that part of the Country, to which the Legion went, a greater duſt then uſual was ſeen to riſe. Caeſar gueſſing the matter, commands the Cohorts of Guard to follow him thether, two others to ſucceed in thir ſtead, the reſt all to arm and follow. They had not march'd long, when Caeſar diſcerns his Legion ſore overcharg'd: for the Britans not doubting but that thir Enemies on the morrow, would be in that place which only they had left unreap'd of all thir Harveſt, had plac'd an Ambuſh; and while they were diſperſt and buſieſt at thir labour, ſet upon them, kill'd ſom, and routed the reſt. The manner of thir fight was from a kind of Chariots; wherin riding about, and throwing Darts, with the clutter of thir Horſe, and of thir Wheels, they oft-times broke the rank of thir Enemies; then retreating among the Horſe, and quitting thir Chariots, they fought on Foot. The Charioters in the mean while ſomwhat aſide from the Battell, ſet themſelvs in ſuch order, that thir Maiſters at any time oppreſs'd with odds, might retire ſafely thether, having perform'd with one perſon both the nimble ſervice of a Horſe-man, and the ſtedfaſt duty of a Foot Souldier. So much they could with thir Chariots by uſe, and exerciſe, as riding on the ſpeed down a ſteep Hill, to ſtop ſuddenly, and with a ſhort rein turn ſwiftly, now runing on the beam, now on the Yoke, then in the Seat. With this ſort of new ſkirmiſhing, the Romans now overmatch'd, and terrify'd, Caeſar with opportune aid appears; for then the Britans make a ſtand: but he conſidering that now was not fitt time to offer Battell, while his men were ſcarce recover'd of ſo late a fear, only keeps his ground, and ſoon after leads back his Legions to the Camp. Furder action for many days following was hinder'd on both ſides by foul weather; in which time the Britans diſpatching Meſſengers round about, to how few the Romans were reduc'd, what hope of priſe and booty, and now if ever of freeing themſelvs from the fear of like invaſions heerafter by making theſe an example, if they could but now uncamp thir Enemies, at this intimation multitudes of Horſe and Foot coming down from all parts make towards the Romans. Caeſar foreſeeing that the Britans though beat'n and put to flight would eaſily evade his Foot, yet with no more than 30 Horſe, which Comius had brought over, draws out his men to Battell, puts again the Britans to flight, pourſues with ſlaughter, and returning burns and laies waſte all about. Whereupon Embaſſadors the ſame day being ſent from the Britans to deſire peace, Caeſar, as his affairs at preſent ſtood, for ſo great a breach of Faith, only impoſes on them double the former hoſtages, to be ſent after him into Gallia: And becauſe September was nigh half ſpent, a ſeaſon not fit to tempt the Sea with his weather-beat'n Fleet, the ſame night with a fair wind he departs towards Belgia; whether two only of the Britan Citties ſent Hoſtages, as they promis'd, the reſt neglected. But at Rome when the news came of Caeſars acts here, whether it were eſteem'd a Conqueſt, or a fair Eſcape, ſupplication of 20 days is decreed by the Senate, as either for an exploit done, or a diſcovery made, wherin both Caeſar and the Romans gloried not a little, though it brought no benefit either to him, or the Common-wealth.

The Winter following, Caeſar, as his cuſtom was, Dion.going into Italy, when as he ſaw that moſt of the Britans regarded not to ſend thir Hoſtages, appoints Caeſar Com. 5.his Legats whom he left in Belgia, to provide what poſſible Shipping they could either build, or repair. Low built they were to bee, as therby eaſier both to fraught, and to hale aſhoar; nor needed to be higher, becauſe the Tyde ſo often changing, was obſerv'd to make the Billows leſs in our Sea then thoſe in the Mediterranean: broader likewiſe they were made, for the better tranſporting of Horſes, and all other fraughtage, being intended cheifly to that end. Theſe all about 600. in a readineſs, with 28 Ships of burden, and what with adventurers, and other hulks above 200, Cotta one of the Legates wrote them, as Athaeneus affirms, in all 1000, Caeſar from Port Iccius, a paſſage of ſom 30 mile over, leaving behind him Labienus to guard the hav'n, and for other ſupply at need, with five Legions, though but 2000 Horſe, about ſun ſett hoyſing ſaile with a ſlack South-Weſt, at midnight was becalm'd. And finding when it was light, that the whole Navy lying on the current, had fal'n of from the Ile, which now they could deſcry on thir left hand, by the unwearied labour of his Souldiers, who refus'd not to tugg the Oare, and kept courſe with Ships under ſayl, he bore up as neer as might bee, to the ſame place where he had landed the yeer before; where about noon arriving, Before the Birth of Chriſt, 52 no Enemy could be ſeen. For the Britans, which in great number, as was after know'n, had bin there, at ſight of ſo huge a Fleet durſt not abide. Caeſar forthwith landing his Army, and encamping to his beſt advantage, ſom notice being giv'n him by thoſe he took, where to find the Enemy, with his whole power, ſave only ten cohorts, and 300 Horſe, left to Quintus Atrius for the guard of his Ships, about the third watch of the ſame night marches up twelv mile into the Country. And at length by a River commonly thought the Stowre in Kent, eſpies embattail'd the Britiſh Forces. They with thir Horſes and Chariots advancing to the higher Banks, oppoſe the Romans in thir March, and begin the fight; but repuls't by the Roman Cavalrie give back into the Woods to a place notably made ſtrong both by Art and Nature; which, it ſeems, had bin a Fort, or Hold of ſtrength rays'd heertofore in time of Warrs among themſelvs. For entrance, and acceſs on all ſides, by the felling of huge Trees overthwart one another, was quite barr'd up; and within theſe the Britans did thir utmoſt to keep out the Enemy. But the Souldiers of the ſeventh Legion locking all thir Sheilds together like a rooff cloſe over head, and others rayſing a Mount, without much loſs of blood took the place, and drove them all to forſake the Woods. Purſuit they made not long, as beeing through ways unknow'n; and now ev'ning came on, which they more wiſely ſpent, in chooſing out where to pitch and fortify thir Camp that night. The next Morning Caeſar had but newly ſent out his men in three bodies to pourſue, and the laſt no furder gon then yet in ſight, when Horſemen all in Poſte from Quintus Artrius bring word to Caeſar, that almoſt all his Ships in a Tempeſt that night had ſuffer'd wrack, and lay brok'n upon the ſhoar. Caeſar at this news recalls his Legions, himſelf in all haſt riding back to the Sea-ſide, beheld with his own Eyes the ruinous proſpect. About forty Veſſels were ſunk and loſt, the reſidue ſo torn, and ſhak'n as not to be new rigg'd without much labour. Strait he aſſembles what number of Ship-wrights either in his own Legions or from beyond Sea, could be ſummon'd; appoints Labienus on the Belgian ſide to build more; and with a dreadful induſtry of ten days, not reſpiting his Souldiers day or night, drew up all his Ships, and entrench'd them round within the circuit of his Camp. This don, and leaving to thir defence the ſame ſtrength as before, he returns with his whole Forces to the ſame Wood, where he had defeated the Britans: who preventing him with greater powers then before, had now repoſſeſs'd themſelvs of that place, under Caſſibelan thir cheif Leader. Whoſe Territory from the States bordering on the Sea was divided by the River Thames about 80 mile inward. With him formerly other Citties had continual Warr; but now in the common danger had all made choiſe of him to be thir Generall. Heer the Britiſh Horſe and Charioters meeting with the Roman Cavalrie fought ſtoutly; and at firſt, ſomthing overmatch'd they retreat to the neer advantage of thir Woods and Hills, but ſtill follow'd by the Romans, make head again, cut of the forwardeſt among them, and after ſome pauſe, while Caeſar, who thought the days work had bin don, was buſied about the entrenching of his Camp, march out again, give feirce aſſault to the very Stations of his Guards and Senteries, and while the main cohorts of two Legions that were ſent to the Alarme, ſtood within a ſmall diſtance of each other terrify'd at the newneſs and the boldneſs of thir fight, charg'd back again through the midſt, without loſs of a man. Of the Romans that day was ſlain Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune: the Britans having fought thir fill at the very entrance of Caeſars Camp, and ſuſtain'd the reſiſtance of his whole Army entrench'd, gave over the aſſault. Caeſar heer acknowledges that the Roman way both of arming, and of fighting, was not ſo well fitted againſt this kind of Enemy; for that the Foot in heavy Armour could not follow thir cunning flight, and durſt not by ancient Diſcipline ſtirr from thir Enſigne; and the Horſe alone, diſjoyn'd from the Legions, againſt a foe that turn'd ſuddenly upon them with a mixt encounter both of Horſe and Foot, were in equall danger both following and retiring. Beſides thir faſhion was, not in great bodies, and cloſe order, but in ſmall diviſions, and open diſtances to make thir onſet; appointing others at certain ſpaces, now to releev and bring of the weary, now to ſucceed and renew the conflict; which argu'd no ſmall experience, and uſe of Armes. Next day the Britans afarr off upon the Hills begin to ſhew themſelves heer and there, and though leſs boldly then before, to ſkirmiſh with the Roman Horſe. But at Noon Caeſar having ſent out 3 Legions, and all his Horſe with Trebonius the Legat, to ſeek fodder, ſuddenly on all ſides they ſet upon the Forragers, and charge up after them to the very Legions, and thir Standards. The Romans with great courage beat them back, and in the chace, beeing well ſeconded by the Legions, not giving them time either to rally, to ſtand, or to deſcend from thir Chariots as they were wont, ſlew many. From this overthrow, the Britans, that dwelt farder off, betook them home; and came no more after that time with ſo great a power againſt Caeſar. Whereof advertis'd he marches onward to the Frontiers of Caſſibelan, which on this ſide were bounded by the Thames, not paſſable except in one place and that Camden.difficult, about Coway ſtakes neer Oatlands, as is conjectur'd. Hither coming he deſcries on the other ſide great Forces of the Enemy, plac'd in good Array; the bank ſett all with ſharp ſtakes, others in the bottom, cover'd with water; whereof the marks in Beda's time, were to be ſeene, as he relates. This having learnt by ſuch as were tak'n, or had run to him, he firſt commands his Horſe to paſs over; then his Foot, who wadeing up to the neck went on ſo reſolutely, and ſo faſt, that they on the furder ſide not enduring the violence, retreated and fled. Caſſibelan noe more now in hope to contend for Victorie, diſmiſſing all but 4000. of thoſe Charioters, through Woods, and intricate waies attends thir motion; where the Romans are to paſs, drives all before him; and with continuall ſallies upon the Horſe, where they leaſt expected, cutting off ſome and terrifying others, compells them ſoe cloſe together, as gave them no leave to fetch in prey or bootie without ill ſucceſs. Whereupon Caeſar ſtrictly commanding all not to part from the Legions, had nothing left him in his way but empty Fields and Houſes, which he ſpoil'd and burnt. Meane while the Trinobantes a State, or Kingdome, and perhaps the greateſt then among the Britans, leſs favouring Caſſibelan ſend Embaſſadors, and yeild to Caeſar upon this reaſon. Immanuentius had bin thir King: him Caſſibelan had ſlaine, and purpos'd the like to Mandubratius his Son, whom Oroſius calls Androgorius, Beda Androgius; but the youth eſcaping by flight into Gallia, put himſelf under the protection of Caeſar. Theſe entreat that Mandubratius may be ſtill defended; and ſent home to ſucceed in his Fathers right. Caeſar ſends him, demands 40 Hoſtages and proviſion for his Armie, which they immediately bring in, and have thir Confines protected from the Souldier. By their example the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, Caſſi (ſo I write them for the modern names are but gueſs'd) on like terms make thir peace. By them he learns that the Town of Caſſibelan, ſuppos'd to be Verulam, was not farr diſtant; fenc't about with Woods and Marſhes, well ſtuff't with men and much Cattel. For Towns then in Britain were only Wooddy places Ditch't round and with a Mud Wall encompaſs'd againſt the inrodes of Enemies. Thether goes Caeſar with his Legions, and though a place of great ſtrength both by art and nature, aſſaults it in two places. The Britans after ſome defence fled out all at another end of the Town; in the flight many were taken, many ſlain, and great ſtore of Cattel found there. Caſſibelan for all theſe loſſes yet deſerts not himſelf; nor was yet his authoritie ſo much impair'd, but that in Kent, though in a manner poſſeſt by the Enemie, his Meſſengers and commands finde obedience anough to raiſe all the people. By his direction Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus and Segonax, fowr Kings Reigning in thoſe Countries which ly upon the Sea, lead them on to aſſault that Camp wherein the Romans had entrench'd thir Shipping: but they whom Caeſar left there, iſſuing out ſlew many, and took Priſners Cingetorix a noted Leader, without loſs of thir own. Caſſibelan after ſo many defeats, mov'd eſpecially by revolt of the Citties from him, thir inconſtancie and falſhood one to another, uſes mediation by Comius of Arras to ſend Embaſſadors about treatie of yeilding. Caeſar who had determin'd to Winter in the Continent, by reaſon that Gallia was unſettl'd and not much of the Summer now behind, commands him only Hoſtages, and what yearly Tribute the Iland ſhould pay to Rome, forbidds him to moleſt the Trinobants, or Mandubratius; and with his Hoſtages, and great number of Captives he puts to Sea, haveing at twiſe embark't his whole Armie. At his return to Rome, as from a glorious enterpriſe, he Pliny.offers to Venus the Patroneſs of his Family, a Corſlet of Britiſh Pearles.

Howbeit other antient writers have ſpok'n more doubtfully of Caeſars Victories heer; and that in plaine termes he fled from hence; for which the common verſe in Lucan with divers paſſages heer and there in Tacitus is alleg'd. Paulus Orofius, who took Oroſ. Lib. 6. c. 7. & 9.what he wrote from a Hiſtorie of Suetonius now loſt, writes that Caeſar in his firſt journey entertain'd with a ſharp fight loſt no ſmall number of his Foot, and by tempeſt nigh all his Horſe. Dion affirms that once in the ſecond expedition all his Foot were routed, Oroſius that another time all his Horſe. The Britiſh Author, whom I uſe only then when others are all ſilent, hath many trivial diſcourſes of Caeſars beeing heer, which are beſt omitted. Nor have wee more of Caſſibelan, then what the ſame ſtorie tells, how he warr'd ſoon after with Androgeus, about his Nefew ſlain by Evelinus Nefew to the other; which buſineſs at length compos'd, Caſſibelan dies and was buried in Yorke, if the Monmouth Booke Fable not. But at Caeſars coming hither, ſuch likelieſt were the Britans, as the Writers of thoſe times, and thir own actions repreſent them; in courage and warlike readineſs to take advantage by ambuſh or ſudden onſet, not inferiour to the Romans, nor Caſſibelan to Caeſar, in Weapons, Armes, and the ſkill of Encamping, Dion.Embattailing, Fortifying, overmatch't; thir Weapons Mela. Caeſar.were a ſhort Speare and light Target, a Sword alſo by thir ſide, thir fight ſometimes in Chariots phang'd at the Axle with Iron Sithes, thir bodies moſt part naked, only painted with woad in ſundrie figures to ſeeme terrible as they thought, but pourſu'd by Herodian.Enemies, not nice of thir painting to run into Bogs, worſe then wild Iriſh up to the Neck, and there to ſtay many daies holding a certain morſel in thir mouths no bigger then a bean, to ſuffice hunger; but Dion.that receit, and the temperance it taught, is long ſince unknown among us: thir Towns and ſtrong holds were ſpaces of ground fenc't about with a Ditch and great Trees fell'd overthwart each other, Caeſar. Strabo.thir buildings within were thatch't Houſes for themſelves and thir Cattell: in peace the Upland Inhabitants beſides hunting tended thir flocks and heards, Dion.but with little ſkill of Countrie affaires; the makeing of Cheeſe they commonly knew not, Woole or Flax they ſpun not, gard'ning and planting many of Strabo.them knew not; clothing they had none, but what the ſkins of Beaſts afforded them, and that not alwaies; Herodian.yet gallantrie they had, painting thir own ſkins with ſeverall Portratures of Beaſt, Bird, or Solinus.Flower, a Vanitie which hath not yet left us, remov'd only from the skin to the skirt behung now with as many colour'd Ribands and gewgawes; towards the Sea ſide they till'd the ground and liv'd much after Caeſar.the manner of Caules thir Neighbours, or firſt Planters: thir money was brazen pieces or Iron Rings, Tacitus, Diodor. Strabo.thir beſt Merchandiſe Tin, the reſt trifles of Glaſs, Ivorie and ſuch like; yet Gemms and Pearles they had, ſaith Mela, in ſome Rivers: thir Ships of light Lucan.timber wickerd with Oyſier betweene, and coverd over with Leather, ſerv'd not therefore to tranceport them farr, and thir commodities were fetch't away by Foren Merchants: thir dealing, ſaith Diodorus, plaine and ſimple without fraude; thir civil Government under many Princes and States, not Tacitus.confederate or conſulting in common, but miſtruſtfull, and oft-times warring one with the other, which Mela.gave them up one by one an eaſie Conqueſt to the Romans: thir Religion was governd by a ſort of Prieſts or Magicians call'd Druides from the Greek name of an Oke, which Tree they had in greate reverence, and the Misſleto eſpecially growing theron; Plinie writes them ſkill'd in Magic no leſs then thoſe of Perſia: by thir abſtaining from a Hen, a Hare, and Dion.a Gooſe, from Fiſh alſo, ſaith Dion, and thir opinion of the Soules paſſing after Death into other Bodies, Caeſar.they may be thought to have ſtudied Pythagoras; yet Philoſophers I cannot call them, reported men factious and ambitious, contending ſomtimes about the archprieſthood not without civil Warr Caeſar.and ſlaughter; nor reſtrein'd they the people under them from a lew'd adulterous and inceſtuous life, ten or twelve men abſurdly againſt nature, poſſeſſing one woman as thir common Wife, though of neereſt Kin, Mother, Daughter, or Siſter; Progenitors not to be glori'd in. But the Goſpel, not long after preach't heer, aboliſh'd ſuch impurities, and of the Romans we have cauſe not to ſay much worſe, then that they beate us into ſome civilitie; likely elſe to have continu'd longer in a barbarous and ſavage manner of life. After Julius (for Julius before his Death tyrannouſly had made himſelf Emperor of the Roman Common-wealth, and was ſlaine in the Senate for ſo doeing) he who next obtain'd the Empire, Octavianus Caeſar Auguſtus, either contemning the Strabo L. 2.Iland, as Strabo would have us think, whoſe neither benefit was worth the having, nor enmitie worth the fearing; or out of a wholſome ſtate maxim, as ſome ſay, to moderate and bound the Empire from growing vaſt and unweildie, made no attempt againſt the Britans. But the truer cauſe was partly civil Warr among the Romans, partly other affairs more Year before the Birth of Chriſt, 32 urging. For about 20 Years after, all which time the Britans had liv'd at thir own diſpoſe, Auguſtus in imitation of his Uncle Julius, either intending or Dion. L. 49. Year before the Birth of Chriſt, 25.ſeeming to intend an expedition hither, was com into Gallia, when the news of a revolt in Pannonia diverted him: about 7 year after in the ſame reſolution, what with the unſettl'dneſs of Gallia, and Dion. L. 53. 24.what with Embaſſadors from Britain which met him there, he proceeded not. The next year, difference arriſing about Covnants, he was again prevented by other new commotions in Spaine. Nevertheleſs ſom of the Britiſh Potentates omitted not to ſeek his friendſhip by guifts offerd in the Capitol, and other obſequious addreſſes. Inſomuch that the whole Iland became eev'n in thoſe daies well known to the Strabo L. 4.Romans; too well perhaps for them, who from the knowledge of us were ſo like to prove Enemies. But as for Tribute, the Britans paid none to Auguſtus, except what eaſie cuſtomes were levied on the ſlight commodities wherewith they traded into Gallia.

After Caſſibelan, Tenantius the younger Son of Lud, according to the Monmouth Storie was made King. For Androgeus the Elder, conceaving himſelf generally hated, for ſideing with the Romans, forſook his claime heer, and follow'd Caeſars Fortune. This King is recorded Juſt and Warlike.

His Son Kymbeline or Cunobeline ſucceeding, was brought up, as is ſaid, in the Court of Auguſtus, and with him held friendly correſpondences to the end; was a warlike Prince; his chief ſeat Camalodunum, or Maldon, as by certain of his coines, yet to be ſeen, appears. Tiberius the next Emperor, adhering alwaies to the advice of Auguſtus, and of himſelf leſs careing to extend the bounds of his Empire, ſought not the Britans; and they as little to incite him, ſent home courteouſly the Souldiers of Germanicus, that by Shipwrack had bin caſt on the Britan ſhoar. But Tacit. an. L. 2. Year after the Birth of Chriſt, 16.Caligula his Succeſſor, a wild and diſſolute Tyrant, haveing paſt the Alpes with intent to rob and ſpoile thoſe Provinces, and ſtirr'd up by Adminius the Son of Cunobeline; who by his Father baniſh'd, with a ſmall number fled thether to him, he made ſemblance Dion. Sueton. Cal.of marching toward Britain; but beeing come to the Ocean, and there behaveing himſelf madly, and ridiculouſly, An. Dom. 40 went back the ſame way: yet ſent before him boaſting letters to the Senate, as if all Britain had bin yeilded him. Cunobeline now dead, Adminius the Eldeſt by his Father baniſh'd from his Country, and by his own practice againſt it, from the Crown, though by an old coine ſeeming to have alſo reign'd; Togodumnus, and Caractacus the two younger, uncertaine whether equal or ſubordinat in power, were advanc'd into his place. But through Dion.civil diſcord, Bericus (what he was furder, is not known) with others of his party flying to Rome, perſuaded Claudius the Emperor to an invaſion. Claudius now Conſul the third time, and deſirous to An. Dom. 43 do ſomething, whence he might gain the honour of a Triumph, at the perſuaſion of theſe fugitives, Sueton.whom the Britans demanding, he had deny'd to render, and they for that cauſe had deny'd furder amity with Rome, makes choiſe of this Iland for his Province: and ſends before him Aulus Plautius the Praetor, with this command, if the buſineſs grew difficult to give him notice. Plautius with much ado perſuaded the Legions to move out of Gallia, murmuring that now they muſt be put to make Warr beyond the Worlds End; for ſo they counted Britain; and what welcom Julius the Dictator found there, doubtleſs they had heard. At laſt prevail'd with, and hoyſſing ſaile from three ſeveral Ports, leſt thir landing ſhould in any one place be reſiſted, meeting croſs winds, they were caſt back and diſheartn'd: till in the night a meteor ſhooting flames from the Eaſt, and, as they fanſi'd, directing thir courſe, they took heart againe to try the Sea, and without oppoſition landed. For the Britans haveing heard of thir unwillingneſs to come, had bin negligent to provide againſt them; and retireing to the Woods and Moares, intended to fruſtrate, and wear them out with delaies, as they had ſerv'd Caeſar before. Plautius after much trouble to find them out, encountring firſt with Caractacus, then with Togodumnus, overthrew them; and receaving into conditions part of the Boduni, who then were ſubject to the Catuellani, and leaving there a Garriſon, went on toward a River; where the Britans not imagining that Plautius without a bridge could paſs, lay on the furder ſide careleſs and ſecure. But he ſending firſt the Germans, whoſe cuſtome was, arm'd as they were, to ſwim with eaſe the ſtrongeſt current, commands them to ſtrike eſpecially at the Horſes, whereby the Chariots, wherein conſiſted thir chief art of fight, became unſerviceable. To ſecond them he ſent Veſpatian, who in his later daies obtain'd the Empire, and Sabinus his Brother; who unexpectedly aſſailing thoſe who were leaſt aware, did much execution. Yet not for this were the Britans diſmaid; but reuniteing the next day fought with ſuch a courage, as made it hard to decide which way hung the Victorie: till Caius Sidius Geta, at point to have bin tak'n, recover'd himſelf ſo valiantly, as brought the day on his ſide; for which at Rome he receav'd high honours. After this the Britans drew back toward the mouth of Thames, and acquainted with thoſe places, croſs'd over; where the Romans following them through bogs and dangerous flats, hazarded the loſs of all. Yet the Germans getting over, and others by a bridge at ſome place above, fell on them again with ſundry Alarmes and great ſlaughter; but in the heat of purſuit running themſelves again into Bogs and Mires, loſt as many of thir own. Upon which ill ſucceſs, and ſeeing the Britans more enrag'd at the Death of Togodumnus, who in one of theſe Battels had bin ſlain, Plautius fearing the worſt, and glad that he could hold what he held, as was enjoyn'd him, ſends to Claudius. He who waited ready with a huge preparation, as if not ſafe anough amidſt the flowr of all his Romans, like a great Eaſtern King, with armed Elephants marches through Gallia. So full of perill was this enterpriſe eſteem'd, as not without all this Equipage, and ſtranger terrors then Roman Armies to meet the native and the naked Britiſh valour defending their Country. Joyn'd with Plautius who encamping on the Bank of Thames attended him, he paſſes the River. The Britans, who had the courage, but not the wiſe conduct of old Caſſibelan, laying all Stratagem aſide, in down right manhood ſcrupl'd not to affront in op'n field almoſt the whole power of the Roman Empire. But overcome and vanquiſh'd, part by force, others by treatie com in and yeild. Claudius therfore who took Camalodunum, the Royal Seat of Canobeline, was oft'n by his Armie ſaluted Imperator; a Militarie Title which uſually they gave thir Generall after any notable exploit; but to others not above once in the ſame Warr; as if Claudius by theſe acts had deſervd more then the Laws of Rome had provided honour to reward. Haveing therefore diſarm'd the Britans, Dion. L. 62.but remitted the confiſcation of thir goods, for which they worſhip'd him with Sacrifice and Temple as a God, Tacit. an. 14.leaving Plautius to ſubdue what remain'd; An. Dom. 44 he returnes to Rome, from whence he had bin abſent only ſix moneths, and in Britain but 16 daies; ſending the news before him of his Victories, though in a ſmall part of the Iland. To whom the Senate, as for atchievments of higheſt merit, decree'd exceſſive honours; Arches, Triumphs, annual Solemnities, and the Sirname of Britannicus both to him and his Son.

Suetonius writes that Claudius found heer no reſiſtance, and that all was done without ſtroke: but this ſeems not probable. The Monmouth Writer names theſe two Sones of Cunobeline, Guiderius, and Arviragus; that Guiderius beeing ſlaine in fight, Arviragus to conceale it, put on his Brothers Habillements, and in his perſon held up the Battel to a Victorie; the reſt, as of Hamo the Roman Captaine, Genuiſſa the Emperors Daughter, and ſuch like ſtuff, is too palpably untrue to be worth reherſing in the midſt of Truth. Plautius after this, employing his freſh Forces to Conquer on, and quiet the rebelling Countries, found worke anough to deſerve at his returne a kind of Tryumphant riding into the Capitol ſide by ſide with the Emperour.Sueton. Claud. 5. 24. Veſpatian alſo under Plautius had thirtie conflicts with the Enemie; in one of which encompaſs'd and in great danger,Sueton. Veſp. Dio. L. 60. he was valiantly and piouſly reſcu'd by his Son Titus: two powerfull Nations he ſubdu'd heer, An. Dom. 47 above 20 Townes and the Ile of Wight; for which he receav'd at Rome Tryumphal Ornaments, and other great dignities. For that Cittie in reward of vertue was ever magnificent: and long after when true merit was ceas't among them, leſt any thing reſembling vertue ſhould want honour, the ſame rewards were yet allow'd to the very ſhadow and oſtentation of merit. An. Dom. 50 Oſtorius in the room of Plautius Vice-praetor, Tacit. an. 12.met with turbulent affaires; the Britans not ceaſing to vex with inrodes all thoſe Countries that, were yeilded to the Romans; and now the more eagerly, ſuppoſing that the new Generall unacquainted with his Armie, and on the edge of Winter, would not haſtily oppoſe them. But he waighing that firſt events were moſt available to breed fear or contempt, with ſuch cohorts as were next at hand ſets out againſt them: whome having routed, ſo cloſe he followes, as one who meant not to be everie day moleſted with the cavils of a ſlight peace, or an emboldn'd Enemie. Leſt they ſhould make head againe, he diſarmes whom he ſuſpects; and to ſurround them, places many Garriſons upon the Rivers of Antona and Sabrina. But the Icenians, a ſtout people untouch'd yet by theſe Warrs, as haveing before ſought alliance with the Romans, were the firſt that brook'd not this. By their example others riſe; and in a choſen place, fenc't with high Banks of Earth, and narrow Lanes to prevent the Horſe, warily Encampe. Oſtorius, though yet not ſtrengthn'd with his Legions, cauſes the auxiliar Bands, his Troops alſo allighting, to aſſault the rampart. They within though peſter'd with thir own number, ſtood to it like men reſolv'd, and in a narrow compaſs did remarkable deeds. But overpowerd at laſt, and others by thir ſucceſs quieted, who till then waverd, Oſtorius next bends his Force upon the Cangians, waſting all eeven to the Sea of Ireland, without foe in his way, or them, who durſt, ill handl'd; when the Brigantes attempting new matters, drew him back to ſettle firſt what was unſecure behind him. They, of whome the chief were puniſh'd, the reſt forgiv'n, ſoon gave over, but the Silures no way tractable were not to be repreſs'd without a ſet Warr. To furder this, Camalodunum was planted with a Colony of Veteran Souldiers; to be a firme and readie aid againſt revolts, and a means to teach the Natives Roman Law and Civilitie. Cogidunus alſo a Britiſh King, thir faſt friend, had to the ſame intent certain Citties giv'n Tacit. vit. Agric.him: a haughtie craft, which the Romans us'd, to make Kings alſo the ſervile agents of enſlaving others. But the Silures hardie of themſelves, rely'd more on the valour of Caractacus; whome many doubtfull, many proſperous ſucceſſes had made eminent above all that rul'd in Britain. He adding to his courage Policie, and knowing himſelf to be of ſtrength inferior, in other advantages the better; makes the Seat of his Warr among the Ordovices; a Country wherein all the odds were to his own partie, all the difficulties to his Enemie. The Hills and every acceſs he fortifi'd with heapes of Stones, and guards of men; to com at whom a River of unſafe paſſage muſt be firſt waded. The place, as Camden conjectures, had thence the name of Caer-Caradcc on the Weſt edge of Shropſhire. He himſelf continually went up and down, animating his Officers and Leaders, that this was the day, this the field either to defend thir Libertie, or to die free; calling to mind the names of his glorious Anceſtors, who drove Caeſar the Dictator out of Britain, whoſe valour hitherto had preſerv'd them from bondage, thir Wives and Children from diſhonour. Inflam'd with theſe words, they all vow thir utmoſt, with ſuch undaunted reſolution as amaz'd the Roman Generall; but the Souldier leſs waighing, becauſe leſs knowing, clamourd to be led on againſt any danger. Oſtorius after wary circumſpection bidds them paſs the River: the Britans no ſooner had them within reach of thir Arrowes, Darts, and Stones, but ſlew and wounded largly of the Romans. They on the other ſide cloſeing thir ranks, and over head cloſeing thir Targetts, threw down the looſe rampires of the Britans, and perſue them up the Hills both light arm'd and Legions; till what with gauling Darts and heavie ſtrokes, the Britans who wore neither Helmet nor Cuiraſs to defend them, were at laſt overcome. This the Romans thought a famous Victorie; wherein the Wife and Daughter of Caractacus were tak'n, his Brothers alſo reduc'd to obedience; himſelf eſcapeing to Cartiſmandua Queene of the Brigantes, againſt faith giv'n was to the Victors deliverd bound: having held out againſt the Romans nine year, ſaith Tacitus, but by truer computation, Seaven. Whereby his name was up through all the adjoyning Provinces, eev'n to Italy and Rome: many deſiring to ſee who he was, that could withſtand ſo many years the Roman Puiſſance: and Caeſar to extoll his own Victorie, extoll'd the man whom he had vanquiſh'd. Beeing brought to Rome, the people as to a Solemn ſpectacle were call'd together, the Emperors Guard ſtood in Armes. In order came firſt the Kings Servants, bearing his Trophies won in other Warrs, next, his Brothers, Wife, and Daughter, laſt himſelf. The behaviour of others through fear was low and degenerate: he only neither in countenance, word, or action, ſubmiſſive ſtanding at the Tribunal of Claudius, briefly ſpake to this purpoſe. If my mind, Caeſar, had bin as moderate in the highth of Fortune, as my Birth and Dignitie was eminent, I might have come a friend rather then a Captive into this Cittie. Nor couldſt thou have diſlik'd him for a confederate, ſo noble of deſcent, and ruling ſo many Nations. My preſent eſtate to me diſgracefull, to thee is glorious. I had Riches, Horſes, Armes, and men; no wonder then if I contended, not to looſe them. But if by Fate, yours only muſt be Empire, then of neceſſitie ours among the reſt muſt be ſubjection. If I ſooner had bin brought to yeild, my misfortune had bin leſs notorious, your Conqueſt had bin leſs renown'd; and in your ſevereſt determining of me, both will be ſoon forgott'n. But if you grant that I ſhall live, by me will live to you for ever that praiſe which is ſo neer divine, the clemency of a Conquerour. Caeſar mov'd at ſuch a ſpectacle of Fortune, but eſpecially at the nobleneſs of his bearing it, gave him pardon, and to all the reſt. They all unbound, ſubmiſſely thank him, and did like reverence to Agrippina the Emperors Wife, who ſat by in State: a new and diſdained ſight to the manly Eyes of Romans, a Woeman ſitting public in her Female pride among Enſignes and Armed Cohorts. To Oſtorius Tryumph is decreed; and his acts eſteem'd equall to theirs, that brought in Bonds to Rome famouſeſt Kings. But the ſame proſperitie attended not his later actions heer. For the Silures, whether to reveng thir loſs of Caractacus, or that they ſaw Oſtorius, as if now all were done, leſs earneſt to reſtrain them, beſett the Prefect of his Camp, left there with Legionarie Bands to appoint Garriſons: and had not ſpeedie aid com in from the neighbouring Holds and Caſtles, had cutt them all off; notwithſtanding which, the Praefect with 8 Centurions, and many thir ſtoubteſt men were ſlaine: and upon the neck of this, meeting firſt with Roman Forragers, then with other Troops haſting to thir relief, utterly foyl'd and broke them alſo. Oſtorius ſending more after, could hardly ſtay thir flight; till the waighty Legions coming on, at firſt poys'd the Battel, at length turn'd the Scale: to the Britans without much loſs; for by that time it grew night. Then was the Warr ſhiverd as it were into ſmall frayes and bickerings; not unlike ſometimes to ſo many robberies, in Woods, at Waters, as chance or valour, advice or raſhneſs led them on, commanded or without command. That which moſt exaſperated the Silures, was a report of certaine words caſt out by the Emperor, that he would root them out to the verie name. Therefore two Cohorts more of Auxiliars, by the avarice of thir Leaders too ſecurely pillageing, they quite intercepted: and beſtowing liberally the Spoils and Captives, whereof they took plentie; drew other Countries to joyne with them. Theſe loſſes falling ſo thick upon the Romans, Oſtorius with the thought, and anguiſh thereof ended his daies: the Britans rejoycing, although no Battel, that yet adverſe Warr had worne out ſo great a Souldier. Caeſar in his place ordaines Aulus Didius: but ere his coming, though much haſtn'd, that the Province might not want a Governour; the Silures had giv'n an over-throw to Manlius Valens with his Legion, rumor'd on both ſides greater then was true, by the Silures to amate the new Generall; by him in a double reſpect, of the more praiſe if he queld them, or the more excuſe if he fail'd. Meane time the Silures forgett not to infeſt the Roman pale with wide excurſions; till Didius marching out, kept them ſomwhat more within bounds. Nor were they long to ſeek, who after Caractacus ſhould lead them; for next to him in worth and ſkill of Warr, Venutius a Prince of the Brigantes merited to be thir chief. He at firſt faithfull to the Romans, and by them protected, was the Huſband of Cartiſmandua Q. of the Brigantes, himſelf perhaps reigning elſewhere. She who had betray'd Caractacus and her Countrie to adorne the Tryumph of Claudius, thereby grown powerfull and gratious with the Romans, preſuming on the hire of her treaſon, deſerted her Huſband; and marrying Vellocatus one of his Squires, conferrs on him the Kingdome alſo. This deed ſo odious and full of infamie, diſturb'd the whole State: Venutius with other Forces, and the help of her own Subjects, who deteſted the example of ſo foule a fact, and with all the uncomelineſs of thir Subjection to the Monarchie of a Woeman, a peece of manhood not every day to be found among Britans, though ſhee had got by ſuttle train his Brother with many of his kindred into her hands, brought her ſoon below the confidence of beeing able to reſiſt longer. When imploring the Roman aid, with much adoe, and after many a hard encounter ſhe eſcap'd the puniſhment which was readie to have ſeis'd her. Venutius thus debar'd the authority of ruling his own Houſhold, juſtly turnes his anger againſt the Romans themſelves; whoſe magnanimitie not wont to undertake diſhonorable cauſes, had arrogantly intermeddl'd in his domeſtic affaires, to uphold the Rebelion of an adultreſs againſt her Huſband. And the Kingdome he retain'd againſt thir utmoſt oppoſition; and of Warr gave them thir fill: firſt in a ſharpe conflict of uncertaine event, then againſt the Legion of Caeſius Naſica. Inſomuch that Didius growing old and mannageing the Warr by Deputies, had worke anough to ſtand on his defence, with the gaining now and then of a ſmall Caſtle. And Tacit. vit. Agrio. Tacit. Hiſt. 3. Sueton.Nero (for in that part of the Ile things continu'd in the ſame plight to the Reigne of Veſpatian) was minded but for ſhame to have withdrawn the Roman Forces out of Britain: In other parts whereof, about the ſame time, other things befell. Verannius, whom Nero ſent hither to ſucceed Didius, dying in his firſt Year, ſave a few inrodes upon the Silures, left only a great boaſt behind him, that in two years, had he liv'd, he would have Conquerd all. But Suetonius Paulinus, who next was ſent hither, eſteem'd a Souldier equall to the beſt in that age, for two years together went on proſperouſly; both confirming what was got, and ſubdueing onward. At laſt over-confident of his preſent actions, and aemulating others, of whoſe deeds he heard from abroad, marches up as farr as Mona, the Ile of Angleſey, a populous place. For they it ſeemes had both entertain'd fugitives, and giv'n good aſſiſtance to the reſt that withſtood him. He makes him Boates with flat bottoms, fitted to the Shallows which he expected in that narrow frith: his Foot ſo paſs'd over, his Horſe waded or ſwom. Thick upon the ſhoar ſtood ſeveral groſs bands of men well weapn'd many women like furies running to and fro in diſmal habit with hair looſe about thir ſhoulders, held Torches in thir hands. The Druids, thoſe were thir Prieſts, of whome more in another place, with hands lift up to Heav'n uttering direfull praiers, aſtoniſh'd the Romans; who at ſo ſtrange a ſight ſtood in a-maze though wounded: at length awak'd and encourag'd by thir Generall, not to feare a barbarous and lunatic rout, fall on, and beat them down ſcorch't and rouling in thir own fire. Then were they yoak'd with Garriſons, and the places conſecrate to thir bloodie ſuperſtitions deſtroi'd. For whom they took in Warr they held it lawfull to Sacrifice; and by the entrails of men us'd divination. While thus Paulinus had his thought ſtill fix'd before, to goe on winning, his back lay broad op'n to occaſion of looſing more behind. For the Britans urg'd and oppreſs'd with many unſufferable injuries, had all banded themſelves to a generall revolt. The particular cauſes are not all writt'n by one Author; Tacitus who liv'd next thoſe times of any to us extant, writes that Praſutagus King of the Icenians abounding in wealth had left Caeſar Coheir with his two Daughters; thereby hopeing to have ſecur'd from all wrong both his Kingdom and his Houſe; which fell out farr otherwiſe. For under colour to overſee and take poſſeſſion of the Emperors new Inheritance, his Kingdome became a prey to Centurions, his Houſe to rav'ning Officers, his Wife Boadicea violated with ſtripes, his Daughters with Rape, the wealthieſt of his Subjects, as it were by the will and teſtament of thir King thrown out of thir Eſtates, his kindred made little better then ſlaves. The new Colony alſo at Camalodunum took Houſe or Land from whome they pleas'd; terming them Slaves and Vaſſals; the Souldiers complying with the Colony, out of hope hereafter to uſe the ſame licence themſelves. Moreover the Temple erected to Claudius as a badge of thir eternal ſlaverie, ſtood a great Eye ſore; the Prieſts whereof under pretext of what was due to the religious ſervice, waſted and imbezl'd each mans ſubſtance upon themſelves. And Catus Decianus the Procurator endeavour'd to Dion.bring all thir goods within the compaſs of a new confiſcation, by diſavowing the remittment of Claudius. Laſtly, Seneca in his Books a Philoſopher, having drawn the Britans unwillingly to borrow of him vaſt ſumms upon faire promiſes of eaſy loan, and for repayment to take thir own time, on a ſudden compells them to pay in all at once with great extortion. Thus provock't by heavieſt ſufferings, and thus invited by opportunities in the abſence of Paulinus, the Icenians, and by their Example the Trinobantes, and as many elſe as hated ſervitude, riſe up in Armes. Of theſe enſueing troubles many foregoing ſignes appear'd: the image of Victorie at Camalodunum fell down of it ſelf with her face turn'd as it were to the Britans; certaine women in a kind of ecſtaſie foretold of calamities to come; in the Counſel-Houſe were heard by night barbarous noiſes, in the Theater hideous howlings, in the Creek horrid ſights betok'ning the deſtruction of that Colony; heerto the Ocean ſeeming of a bloody hew, and human ſhapes at a low ebb, left imprinted on the ſand, wrought in the Britans new courage, in the Romans unwonted feares. Camalodunum, where the Romans had ſeated themſelves to dwell pleaſantly, rather then defenſively, was not fortifi'd: againſt that therefore the Britans make firſt aſſault. The Souldiers with in were not very many. Decianus the Procurator could ſend them but 200, thoſe ill arm'd: and through the treachery of ſome among them, who ſecretly favour'd the inſurrection, they had deferr'd both to entrench, and to ſend out ſuch as bore not Armes; ſuch as did, flying to the Temple, which on the ſecond day was forcibly tak'n, were put all to the Sword, the Temple made a heap, the …eſt rifl'd and burnt. Petilius Cerealis coming to his ſuccour, is in his way met, and overthrown, his whole Legion cut to peeces; he with his Horſe hardly eſcaping to the Roman Camp. Decianus, whoſe rapine was the cauſe of all this, fled into Callia. But Suetonius at theſe tideings not diſmay'd, through the midſt of his Enemies Countrie marches to London (though not term'd a Colony, yet full of Roman Inhabitants, and for the frequency of trade and other commodities, a Town eev'n then of principal note) with purpoſe to have made there the ſeat of Warr. But conſidering the ſmallneſs of his numbers, and the late raſhneſs of Petilius, he chooſes rather with the loſs of one Town to ſave the reſt. Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that beſought him to tarry there; but taking with him ſuch as were willing, gave ſignal to depart; they who through weakneſs of Sex or Age, or love of the place went not along, periſh'd by the Enemie; ſo did Verulam a Roman free Town. For the Britans omitting Forts and Caſtles, flew thether firſt where richeſt bootie, and the hope of pillageing toald them on. In this maſſacre, about 70 thouſand Romans and thir aſſociats in the places above-mention'd, of a certaine, loſt thir lives. None might be ſpar'd, none ranſom'd, but taſted all either a preſent or a lingring Death; no crueltie that either outrage or the inſolence of ſucceſs put into thir heads, was left unacted. The Dion. L. 62.Roman Wives and Virgins hang'd up all naked, had thir Breaſts cut off, and ſow'd to thir mouthes; that in the grimneſs of Death they might ſeem to eat thir own fleſh; while the Britans fell to feaſting and carouſing in the Temple of Andate thir Goddeſs of Victorie. Suetonius adding to his Legion other old Officers, and Souldiers thereabout, which gatherd to him, were neer upon ten thouſand; and purpoſing with thoſe not to deferr Battel, had chos'n a place narrow, and not to be overwing'd, on his rear a Wood; being well inform'd that his Enemies were all in Front on a plain unapt for ambuſh: the Legionaries ſtood thic in order, impal'd with light armed; the Horſe on either Wing. The Britans in Companies and Squadrons were every where ſhouting and ſwarming, ſuch a multitude as at other time never; no leſs reckon'd then 200 and 30 thouſand, ſo feirce and confident of Victorie, that thir Wives alſo came in Waggons to ſit and behold the ſport, as they made full account, of killing Romans: a folly doubtleſs for the ſerious Romans to ſmile at, as a ſure tok'n of proſpering that day: a Woeman alſo was thir Commander in Chief. For Boadicea and her Daughters ride about in a Chariot, telling the tall Champions as a great encouragement, that with the Britans it was uſual for Woemen to be thir Leaders. A deal of other fondneſs they put into her mouth, not worth recital; how ſhe was laſh'd, how her Daughters were handl'd, things worthier ſilence, retirment, and a Vail, then for a Woeman to repeat, as don to hir own perſon, or to hear repeated before an hoſt of men. The Greek Hiſtorian ſetts her in the Dion.field on a high heap of Turves, in a looſe-bodied Gown declaming, a Spear in her hand, a Hare in her boſome, which after a long circumlocution ſhe was to let ſlip among them for lucks ſake, then praying to Andate the Britiſh Goddeſs, to talk again as fondly as before. And this they do out of a vanity, hoping to embelliſh and ſet out thir Hiſtorie with the ſtrangneſs of our manners, not careing in the mean while to brand us with the rankeſt note of Barbariſm, as if in Britain Woemen were Men, and Men Woemen. I affect not ſet ſpeeches in a Hiſtorie, unleſs known for certain to have bin ſo ſpok'n in effect as they are writ'n, nor then, unleſs worth rehearſal; and to invent ſuch, though eloquently, as ſome Hiſtorians have done, is an abuſe of poſteritie, raiſing, in them that read, other conceptions of thoſe times and perſons then were true. Much leſs therefore do I purpoſe heer or elſewhere to Copie out tedious Orations without decorum, though in thir Authors compos'd ready to my hand. Hitherto what we have heard of Caſſibelan, Togadumnus, Venuſius, and Caractacus hath bin full of magnanimitie, ſoberneſs, and martial ſkill: but the truth is, that in this Battel, and whole buſineſs, the Britans never more plainly manifeſted themſelves to be right Barbarians; no rule, no foreſight, no forecaſt, experience or eſtimation, either of themſelves or of thir Enemies; ſuch confuſion, ſuch impotence, as ſeem'd likeſt not to a Warr, but to the wild hurrey of a diſtracted Woeman, with as mad a Crew at her heeles. Therefore Suetonius contemning thir unruly noiſes, and fierce looks, heart'ns his men but to ſtand cloſe a while, and ſtrike manfully this headleſs rabble that ſtood neereſt, the reſt would be a purchaſe, rather then a toil. And ſo it fell out; for the Legion, when they ſaw thir time, burſting out like a violent wedge, quickly broke and diſſipated what oppos'd them; all elſe held only out thir necks to the ſlayer, for thir own Carts and Waggons were ſo plac'd by themſelves, as left them but little room to eſcape between. The Roman ſlew all; men, women, and the very drawing Horſes lay heap'd along the Field in a gory mixture of ſlaughter. About fowrſcore thouſand Britans are ſaid to have bin ſlain on the place; of the Enemy ſcarſe 400 and not many more wounded. Boadicea poyſond her ſelf, or, as others ſay, ſick'n'd and dy'd. She was of Stature big and tall, of viſage grim and Dion.ſtern, harſh of voice, her hair of bright colour flowing down to her hipps; ſhe wore a plighted Garment of divers colours, with a great gold'n Chain; button'd over all a thick robe. Gildas calls her the craftie lioneſs, and leaves an ill fame upon her doeings. Dion ſets down otherwiſe the order of this fight, and that the field was not won without much difficultie, nor without intention of the Britans to give another Battel, had not the Death of Boadicea come betweene. Howbeit Suetonius to preſerve Diſcipline, and to diſpatch the reliques of Warr, lodg'd with all his Armie in the op'n field; which was ſupply'd out of Germany with 1000 Horſe, and 10000 Foot; thence diſpers'd to Winter, and with incurſions to waſt thoſe Countries that ſtood out. But to the Britans famin was a worſe affliction; having left off dureing this uproar, to till the ground, and made reck'ning to ſerve themſelves on the proviſions of thir Enemie. Nevertheleſs thoſe Nations that were yet untaimd, hearing of ſome diſcord ris'n betweene Suetonius, and the new Procurator Claſſicianus, were brought but ſlowly to terms of peace; and the rigor us'd by Suetonius on them that yeilded, taught them the better courſe to ſtand on thir defence. For it is certaine, that Suetonius, Tacit. vit. Agric.though elſe a worthieman, over-proud of his Victorie, gave too much way to his anger againſt the Britans. Claſſician therefore ſending ſuch word to Rome, that theſe ſevere proceedings would beget an endleſs Warr, Polycletus, no Roman but a Courtier, was ſent by Nero to examin how things went. He admoniſhing Suetonius to uſe more mildneſs, aw'd the Armie, and to the Britans gave matter of Laughter. Who ſo much eeven till then were nurs'd up in thir native libertie, as to wonder that ſo great a Generall with his whole Armie ſhould be at the rebuke and ordering of a Court Servitor. An. Dom. 62 But Suetonius a while after having loſt a few Gallies on the ſhoar, was bid reſigne his command to Petronius Turpilianus, who not provoking the Britans, nor by them provok'd, was thought to have pretended the love of peace to what indeed was his love of eaſe and ſloth. Trebellius Maximus follow'd his ſteps, uſurping the name of gentle Goverment to any remiſneſs or neglect of Diſcipline; which brought in firſt licence, next diſobedience into his Camp; incens'd againſt him partly for his covetouſneſs, partly by the incitement of Roſcius Caelius Legat of a Legion; with whom formerly diſagreeing, now that civil Warr began in the Empire, he fell to op'n diſcord; Tacit. Hiſt. 8. 1. & vit. Agric.charging him with diſorder, and ſedition, and him Caelius with peeling and defrauding the Legions of thir pay; inſomuch that Trebellius hated, and deſerted of the Souldiers, was content a while to govern by baſe entreaty, and forc'd at length to flie the Land. Which notwithſtanding remain'd in good quiet, govern'd by Caelius and the other Legate of a Legion, both faithfull to Vitellius then Emperour; who ſent hither Vectius Bolanus; An. Dom. 69 under whoſe lenity, though not tainted with other fault,Tacit. Hiſt. 2. & vit. Agric. againſt the Britans nothing was done, nor in thir own Diſcipline reform'd. Petilius Cerealis by appointment of Veſpaſian ſucceeding, An. Dom. 70 had to doe with the populous Brigantes in many Battails, and ſom of thoſe, not unbloodie. An. Dom. 74 For as we heard before, it was Venuſius who eeven to theſe times held them tack,Calvis. Tacit. Hiſt. 3. & vit. Agric. both himſelf remaining to the end unvanquiſh'd, and ſome part of his Countrie not ſo much as reach't. It appeares alſo by ſeveral paſſages in the Hiſtories of Tacitus, that no ſmall number of Britiſh Forces were commanded over Sea the year before to ſerve in thoſe bloodie Warrs betweene Otho and Vitellius, Vitellius and Veſpaſian contending for the Empire. To Cerealis ſucceeded Julius Frontinus in the Government of Britain, who by tameing the Silures, a people warlike and ſtrongly inhabiting, augmented much his reputation. An. Dom. 79 But Julius Agricola, whom Veſpatiau in his laſt year ſent hither, train'd up from his youth in the Britiſh Warrs, extended with victories the Roman Limit beyond all his Predeceſſors. His coming was in the midſt of Summer; and the Ordovices to welcome the new General, had hew'n in peeces a whole Squadron of Horſe, which lay upon thir bounds, few eſcapeing. Agricola, who perceav'd that the noiſe of this defeat had alſo in the Province deſirous of novelty, ſtirr'd up new expectations, reſolves to be before-hand with the danger: and drawing together the choice of his Legions with a competent number of Auxiliars, not beeing met by the Ordovices, who kept the Hills, himſelf in the head of his men hunts them up and down through difficult places, almoſt to the final extirpating of that whole Nation. With the ſame current of ſucceſs, what Paulinus had left unfiniſh'd he Conquers in the Ile of Mona: for the Ilanders altogether fearleſs of his approach, whom they knew to have no Shipping, when they ſaw themſelves invaded on a ſudden by the Auxiliars, whoſe Countrie uſe had taught them to ſwimm over with Horſe and Armes, were compel'd to yeild. This gain'd Agricola much opinion; who at his verie entrance, a time which others beſtow'd of courſe in hearing complements and gratulations, had made ſuch early progreſs into laborious and hardeſt enterpriſes. But by farr not ſo famous was Agricola in bringing Warr to a ſpeedie end, as in cutting off the cauſes from whence Warr ariſes. For he knowing that the end of Warr was not to make way for injuries in peace, began reformation from his own houſe; permitted not his attendants and followers to ſway, or have to doe at all in public affairs: laies on with equallitie the proportions of corn and tribute that were impos'd; takes off exactions, and the Fees of encroaching Officers, heavier then the tribute it ſelf. For the Countries had bin compell'd before, to ſitt and wait the op'ning of public Granaries, and both to ſell and to buy thir Corn at what rate the Publicans thought fitt; the Pourveyers alſo commanding when they pleas'd to bring it in, not to the neereſt, but ſtill to the remoteſt places, either by the compounding of ſuch as would be excus'd, or by cauſing a Dearth, where none was, made a particular gain. Theſe greevances and the like, he in the time of peace removing, brought peace into ſome credit; which before, ſince the Romans coming, had as ill a name as Warr. An. Dom. 80 The Summer following, Titus then Emperor, he ſo continually with inroads diſquieted the Enemie over all the Ile, and after terror ſo allur'd them with his gentle demeanour, that many Citties which till that time would not bend, gave Hoſtages, admitted Garriſons, and came in voluntarily. The Winter he ſpent all in worthie actions; teaching and promoting like a public Father the inſtitutes and cuſtomes of civil life. The Inhabitants rude and ſcatter'd, and by that the proner to Warr, he ſo perſwaded as to build Houſes, Temples, and Seats of Juſtice; and by prayſing the forward, quick'ning the ſlow, aſſiſting all, turn'd the name of neceſſitie into an emulation. He caus'd moreover the Noblemens Sons to be bred up in liberal Arts; and by preferring the Witts of Britain, before the Studies of Gallia, brought them to affect the Latine Eloquence, who before hated the Language. Then were the Roman faſhions imitated, and the Gown; after a while the incitements alſo and materials of Vice, and voluptuous life, proud Buildings, Baths, and the elegance of Banqueting; which the fooliſher ſort call'd civilitie, but was indeed a ſecret Art to prepare them for bondage. An. Dom. 81 Spring appearing, he took the Field, and with a proſperous expedition waſted as farr Northward as the Frith of Taus all that obey'd not; with ſuch a terror, as he went, that the Roman Army, though much hinderd by tempeſtuous weather, had the leaſure to build Forts and Caſtles where they pleas'd, none dareing to oppoſe them. Beſides, Agricola had this excellence in him, ſo providently to chooſe his places where to fortifie, as not another General then alive. No ſconce, or fortreſs of his raiſing was ever known either to have bin forc'd, or yeilded up, or quitted. Out of theſe impregnable by ſeige, or in that caſe duely releev'd, with continual irruptions he ſo prevail'd, that the Enemie, whoſe manner was in Winter to regain, what in Summer he had loſt, was now alike in both ſeaſons kept ſhort, and ſtreit'n'd. For theſe exploits then ex'ſteem'd ſo great, and honourable, Titus in whoſe Dion. L. 66.Reign they were atcheev'd, was the fifteenth time ſaluted Imperator; and of him Agricola receav'd triumphal honours. An. Dom. 82 The fourth Summer, Domitian then ruleing the Empire, he ſpent in ſettling and confirming what the year before he had travail'd over with a running Conqueſt. And had the valour of his Souldiers bin anſwerable, he had reach'd that year, as was thought, the utmoſt bounds of Britain. For Glota, and Bodotria, now Dunbritton, and the Frith of Edinburrow; two oppoſite Armes of the Sea, divided only by a neck of Land, and all the Creeks and Inlets on this ſide, were held by the Romans, and the Enemie driv'n as it were into another Iland. An. Dom. 83 In his fift year he paſs'd over into the Orcades, as we may probably gueſs, and other Scotch Iles; diſcovering and ſubdueing Nations till then unknown. He gain'd alſo with his Forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland, as aiming alſo to conquer that Iland; where one of the Iriſh Kings driv'n out by civil Warrs, comming to him, he both gladly receav'd, and retain'd him as againſt a fitt time. An. Dom. 84 The Summer enſueing, on miſtruſt that the Nations beyond Bodotria would generally riſe, and forelay the paſſages by land, he caus'd his Fleet, makeing a great ſhew, to bear along the Coaſt, and up the Friths and Harbours; joyning moſt commonly at night on the ſame ſhoar both Land and Sea Forces, with mutual ſhouts and loud greetings. At ſight whereof the Britans, not wont to ſee thir Sea ſo ridd'n, were much daunted. Howbeit the Caledonians with great preparation, and by rumor, as of things unknown much greater, taking Armes, and of thir own accord begining Warr by the aſſault of ſundry Caſtles, ſent back ſome of thir fear to the Romans themſelves: and there were of the Commanders, who cloaking thir fear under ſhew of ſage advice, counſel'd the General to retreat back on this ſide Bodotria. He in the mean while having intelligence, that the Enemie would fall on in many Bodies, devided alſo his Armie into three parts. Which advantage the Britans quickly ſpying, and on a ſudden uniting what before they had disjoyn'd, aſſaile by night with all thir Forces that part of the Roman Armie, which they knew to be the weakeſt; and breaking in upon the Camp ſurpris'd between ſleep and fear, had begun ſome Execution. When Agricola, who had learnt what way the Enemies took, and follow'd them with all ſpeed, ſending before him the lighteſt of his Horſe and Foot to charge them behind, the reſt as they came on to affright them with clamour, ſo ply'd them without reſpite, that by approach of day the Roman Enſigns glittering all about, had encompaſs'd the Britans: who now after a ſharp fight in the very Ports of the Camp, betook them to thir wonted refuge, the Woods and Fens, pourſu'd a while by the Romans, that day elſe in all appearance had ended the Warr. The Legions reincourag'd by this event, they alſo now boaſting, who but lately trembl'd, cry all to be led on as farr as there was Britiſh ground. The Britans alſo not acknowledging the loſs of that day to Roman valour, but to the policy of their Captaine, abated nothing of their ſtoutneſs; but arming thir youth, conveying thir Wives and Children to places of ſafty, in frequent aſſemblies, and by ſolemn covnants bound themſelves to mutual aſſiſtance againſt the common Enemy. About the ſame time a Cohort of Germans having ſlain thir Centurion with other Roman Officers in a mutiny, and for fear of puniſhment fled a Shipboard, launch'd forth in three light Gallies without Pilot: and by tide or weather Dion. L. 66.carried round about the Coaſt, uſing Piracy where they landed, while their Ships held out, and as thir skill ſerv'd them, with various fortune, were the firſt diſcoverers to the Romans that Britain was an Iland. An. Dom. 85 The following Summer, Agricola having before ſent his Navie to hover on the Coaſt, and with ſundrie and uncertaine landings to divert and diſunite the Britans, himſelf with a power beſt appointed for expedition, wherein alſo were many Britans, whom he had long try'd both valiant and faithful, marches onward to the Mountaine Grampius, where the Britiſh, above 30 thouſand, were now lodg'd, and ſtill encreaſing: for neither would thir old men, ſo many as were yet vigorous and luſty, be left at home, long practis'd in Warr, and every one adorn'd with ſome badge, or cogniſance of his warlike deeds long agoe. Of whom Galgacus, both by birth and merit the prime Leader, to thir courage, though of it ſelf hot and violent, is by his rough Oratory, in deteſtation of ſervitude and the Roman yoke, ſaid to have added much more eagerneſs of fight; teſtifi'd by thir ſhouts and barbarous applauſes. As much did on the others ſide Agricola exhort his Souldiers to Victorie and Glorie; as much the Souldiers by his firm and well grounded Exhortations were all on a fire to the onſet. But firſt he orders them in this ſort. Of 8000 Auxiliar Foot he makes his middle ward, on the wings 3000 Horſe, the Legions as a reſerve, ſtood in array before the Camp; either to ſeiſe the Victorie won without their own hazard, or to keep up the Battaile if it ſhould need. The Britiſh powers on the Hill ſide, as might beſt ſerve for ſhew and terrour, ſtood in thir Battalions; the firſt on eeven ground, the next riſing behind, as the Hill aſcended. The field between rung with the noiſe of Horſe-men and Chariots ranging up and down. Agricola doubting to be over wing'd, ſtretches out his front, though ſomwhat with the thineſt, inſomuch that many advis'd to bring up the Legions: yet he not altering, alights from his Horſe, and ſtands on foot before the Enſignes. The fight began aloof, and the Britans had a certain skill with their broad ſwaſhing Swords and ſhort Bucklers either to ſtrike aſide, or to bear off the Darts of thir Enemies; and withall to ſend back ſhowers of thir own. Until Agricola diſcerning that thoſe little Targets and unweildie Glaves ill pointed, would ſoon become ridiculous againſt the thruſt and cloſe, commanded three Batavian Cohorts, and two of the Tungrians exercis'd and arm'd for cloſe fight, to draw up, and come to handyſtrokes. The Batavians, as they were commanded, running in upon them, now with their long Tucks thruſting at the face, now with their piked Targets bearing them down, had made good riddance of them that ſtood below; and for haſt omitting furder Execution, began apace to advance up Hill, ſeconded now by all the other Cohorts. Mean while the Horſe-men fly, the Charioters mixe themſelves to fight among the Foot; where many of thir Horſe alſo fall'n in diſorderly, were now more a miſchief to thir own, then before a terrour to thir Enemies. The Battaile was a confus'd heap; the ground unequal; men, horſes, Chariots crowded pelmel; ſometimes in little roome, by and by in large, fighting, ruſhing, felling, over-bearing, over-turning. They on the Hill, which were not yet come to blows, perceaving the fewneſs of thir Enemies, came down amain; and had enclos'd the Romans unawares behind, but that Agricola with a ſtrong Body of Horſe, which he reſerv'd for ſuch a purpoſe, repell'd them back as faſt: and others drawn off the front, were commanded to wheel about and charge them on the backs. Then were the Romans clearly Maiſters; they follow, they wound, they take, and to take more, kill whom they take: the Britans in whole Troops with weapons in thir hands, one while flying the purſuer, anon without weapons deſperately running upon the ſlayer. But all of them, when once they got the Woods to thir ſhelter, with freſh boldneſs made head again, and the forwardeſt on a ſudden they turn'd and ſlew, the reſt ſo hamper'd, as had not Agricola, who was every where at hand, ſent out his readieſt Cohorts, with part of his Horſe to alight and ſcowr the Woods, they had receiv'd a foyle in the midſt of Victorie; but following with a cloſe and orderly pourſuit, the Britans fled again, and were totally ſcatter'd; till night and wearineſs ended the chaſe. And of them that day 10 thouſand fell; of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atti…us the Leader of a Cohort; carried with heat of youth and the firceneſs of his Horſe too far on. The Romans jocond of this Victorie, and the ſpoile they got, ſpent the night; the vanquiſhed wandring about the field, both men and women, ſome lamenting, ſome calling thir loſt friends, or carrying off their wounded; others forſaking, ſome burning thir own Houſes; and it was certain enough, that there were who with a ſtern compaſſion laid violent hands on thir Wives and Children to prevent the more violent hands of hoſtile injurie. Next day appearing manifeſted more plainly the greatneſs of thir loſs receav'd; every where ſilence, deſolation, houſes burning afar off, not a man ſeen, all fled, and doubtful whether: ſuch word the ſcouts bringing in from all parts, and the Summer now ſpent, no fit ſeaſon to diſperſe a Warr, the Roman General leads his Armie among the Horeſtians; by whom Hoſtages being giv'n, he commands his Admiral with a ſufficient Navie to ſaile round the Coaſt of Britain: himſelf with ſlow marches, that his delay in paſſing might ſerve to awe thoſe new conquer'd Nations, beſtowes his Armie in their Winter-quarters. The Fleet alſo having fetch't a proſperous and ſpeedy compaſs about the Ile, put in at the Haven Trutulenſis, now Richborrow neer Camden. Juvenal, ſat. 2.Sandwich, from whence it firſt ſet out: and now likelieſt, if not two years before, as was mention'd, the Romans might diſcover and ſubdue the Iles of of Orkney; which others with leſs reaſon following Eutrop. L. 7.Euſebius and Oroſius, attribute to the deeds of Claudius. Theſe perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame; with Domitian, under whom great virtue was as puniſhable as op'n crime, won him hatred. Dion. L. 66.For he maligning the renown of theſe his acts, in ſhew decreed him honours, in ſecret devis'd his ruin. An. Dom. 86 Agricola therefore commanded home for doeing too much, of what he was ſent to doe, left the Province to his Succeſſor quiet and ſecure. Whether he, as is conjectured, were Saluſtius Lucullus, or before him ſome other, for Suetonius only names him Legat of Britain under Domitian; but furder of him, or ought elſe done here until the time of Hadrian, is no where plainly to be found. Some gather by a Preface in Tacitus to the Book of his Hiſtories, that what Agricola won here, was ſoon after by Domitian either through want of valour loſt, or through envy neglected. And Juvenal the Poet ſpeaks of Arviragus in theſe days, and not before, King of Britain: who ſtood ſo well in his reſiſtance, as not only to be talk'd of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious Triumph, if Domitian could take him Captive, or overcome him. Then alſo Claudia Rufina the Daughter of a Britain, and Wife of Pudence a Roman Senator, liv'd at Rome; famous by the Verſe of Martial for beauty, wit, and learning. The next we hear of Britain, is that when Trajan was Emperor, it revolted, and was ſubdued. Under Adrian, Julius Severus, ſaith Dion, govern'd the Iland, a prime Spartianus in vit. Hidrian.Souldier of that Age, but he being call'd away to ſuppreſs the Jews then in tumult, left things at ſuch paſs, as caus'd the Emperor in perſon to take a journey hither; An. Dom. 122 where many things he reform'd, and, as Auguſtus, and Tiberius counſel'd to gird the Empire Spartianus ibid.within moderate bounds; he rais'd a Wall with great ſtakes driv'n in deep, and faſtn'd together, in manner of a ſtrong mound, fourſcore mile in length, to devide what was Roman from Barbarian: no antient Author names the place, but old inſcriptions, and ruin it ſelf yet teſtifies where it went along between Solway Frith by Carlile, and the mouth of Tine. Hadrian having quieted the Iland, took it for honour Camden.to be titl'd on his Coine, the Reſtorer of Britain. In his time alſo Priſous Licinius, as appears by an old inſcription, was Lieutenant heer. Antoninus Pius reigning, the Brigantes ever leaſt patient of Foren Pauſan archad.ſervitude, breaking in upon Genounia (which Camden gueſſes to be Guinethia or North-Wales) part of the Roman Province, were with the loſs of much territory driv'n back by Lollius Ʋrbious, who drew another Capitolin. vit. Anton.Wall of Turves; in likelihood much beyond the former, An. Dom. 144 and as Camden proves, between the Frith of Dunbritton, Capitolin. Marc. Ant. Philoſ.and of Edinborrow; to hedge out incurſions from the North. And Seius Saturninus, as is collected from the digeſts, An. Dom. 162 had charge heer of the Roman Navie.Digeſt. L. 36. With like ſucceſs did Marcus Aurelius next Emperor by his Legate Calphurnius Agricola finiſh heer a new Warr: Commodus after him obteining the Empire. In his time, as among ſo many different accounts may ſeem moſt probable, Lucius a ſuppos'd King in ſome part of Britain, the firſt of Beda.any King in Europe, that we read of, receav'd the Chriſtian Faith, and this Nation the firſt by publick Authority profeſs'd it: a high and ſingular grace from above, if ſinceritie and perſeverance went along, otherwiſe an empty boaſt, and to be fear'd the verifying of that true ſentence, the firſt ſhall be laſt. And indeed the praiſe of this action is more proper to King Lucius than common to the Nation; whoſe firſt profeſſing by publick Authority was no real commendation of their true faith; which had appear'd more ſincere and praiſe-worthy, whether in this or other Nation, firſt profeſs'd without publick Authority or againſt it, might elſe have bin but outward conformity. Lucius in our Monmouth Storie is made the ſecond by deſcent from Marius, Marius the Son of Arviragus is there ſaid to have overthrown the Picts then firſt coming out of Scythia, ſlain Roderic their King; and in ſign of Victorie to have ſet up a monument of Stone in the Country ſince call'd Weſtmaria; but theſe things have no foundation. Coilus the Son of Marius, all his reign, which was juſt and peaceable, holding great amity with the Romans, left it hereditary to Lucius. He (if Beda err not, living neer 500 years after, yet our antienteſt Author of this report) ſent to Eleutherius then Biſhop of Rome, an improbable Letter, as ſome of the Contents diſcover, An. Dom. 181 deſiring that by his appointment he and his people might receave Chriſtianitie. From whome two religious Doctors, nam'd in our Chronicles Faganus and Deruvianus, forthwith ſent, are ſaid to have converted and baptiz'd well nigh the whole Nation:Nennius. thence Lucius to have had the ſirname of Levermaur, that is to ſay, great light. Nor yet then firſt was the Chriſtian Faith heer known, but eev'n from the later daies of Tiberius, as Gildas confidently affirms, taught and propagated, and that as ſome ſay by Simon Zelotes, as others by Joſeph of Arimathaea, Barnabas, Paul, Peter, and thir prime Diſciples. But of theſe matters, variouſly written and believ'd, Eccleſiaſtic Hiſtorians can beſt determin: as the beſt of them do, with little credit giv'n to the particulars of ſuch uncertain relations. As for Lucius, they write, that after a long reigne he was buried at Gloſter; but dying without iſſue left the Kingdom in great commotion. Geff. Mon.By truer teſtimony we find that the greateſt Warr which in thoſe days buſy'd Commodus, Dion. L. 72.was in this Iland. For the Nations Northward, notwithſtanding the Wall rais'd to keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman Province, waſted wide; and both the Army and the Leader that came againſt them wholly routed, and deſtroy'd; which put the Emperor in ſuch a fear, as to diſpatch hither one of his beſt Commanders, Ʋlpius Marcellus. He a man endu'd with all nobleneſs of mind, frugal, temperate, mild, and magnanimous, An. Dom. 183 in Warr bold and watchful, invincible againſt lucre, and the aſſault of bribes, what with his valour, and theſe his other virtues, quickly ended this Warr that look'd ſo dangerous, and had himſelf like to have been ended by the peace which he brought home, for preſuming to be ſo worthy and ſo good under the envy of ſo worthleſs and ſo bad an Emperor. After whoſe departure the Roman Legions fell to ſedition among themſelves;Lamprid. in comm. 15 hundred of them went to Rome in name of the reſt, An. Dom. 186 and were ſo terrible to Commodus himſelf, as that to pleaſe them he put to death Perennis the Captain of his Guard. Notwithſtanding which compliance they endeavour'd heer to ſet up another Emperor againſt him; and Helvius Pertinax who ſucceeded Governour, found it a work ſo difficult to appeaſe them, that once in a mutiny he was left for dead among many ſlain;Capitolin. in Pert. and was fain at length to ſeek a diſmiſſion from his charge. After him Clodius Albinus took the Government;Capitolin. is Alb. but he, for having to the Souldiers made an Oration againſt Monarchie, by the appointment of Commodus was bid reſign to Junius Severus. An. Dom. 193 But Albinus in thoſe troubleſome times enſuing under the ſhort reign of Pertinax and Didius Julianus, Dion. Did. Jul. Spartian. in Sever. Herod. L. 3.found means to keep in his hands the Government of Britain; although Septimius Severus who next held the Empire, ſent hither Heraclitus to diſplace him; but in vain, for Albinus with all the Britiſh powers and thoſe of Gallia met Severus about Lyons in France, and fought a bloody Battail with him for the Empire,Herod. L. 3. though at laſt vanquiſh'd and ſlain. The Government of Britain, Severus divided between two Deputies;Digeſt. L. 28. tit. 6. till then one Legat was thought ſufficient; the North he committed to Virius Lupus. Where the Meatae riſing in Arms, and the Caledonians, though they had promis'd the contrary to Lupus, Dion.preparing to defend them, ſo hard beſet, he was compell'd to buy his peace, and a few of Pris'ners with great Sums of money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to an end his other Warrs,Herod. L. 3. he writes him plainly the ſtate of things heer, that the Britans of the North made Warr upon him, broke into the Province, and harraſs'd all the Countries nigh them, that there needed ſuddenly either more aid, or himſelf in perſon. Severus though now much weak'nd with Age and the Gout, yet deſirous to leav ſom memorial of his warlike acheevements heer, as he had don in other places, and beſides to withdraw by this means his two Sons from the pleaſures of Rome, and his Souldiers from idleneſs, with a mighty power far ſooner than could be expected, arrives in Britain. An. Dom. 208 The Northern people much daunted with the report of ſo great Forces brought over with him, and yet more preparing, ſend Embaſſadors to treat of peace, and to excuſe thir former doings. The Emperor now loath to returne home without ſome memorable thing don, whereby he might aſſume to his other titles the addition of Britannicus, delays his anſwer and quick'ns his preparations; till in the end, when all things were in readineſs to follow them, they are diſmiſs't without effect. His principal care was to have many Bridges laid over Bogs and rott'n Moars, that his Souldiers might have to fight on ſure footing. For it ſeems through lack of tillage, the Northern parts were then, as Ireland is at this day; and the inhabitants in like manner wonted to retire, and defend themſelves in ſuch watrie places half naked. An. Dom. 209 He alſo being paſt Adrians wall, cut down Woods, made way through Hills, faſt'nd and fill'd up unſound and plaſhy Fens. Notwithſtanding all this induſtrie us'd, the Enemie kept himſelf ſo cunningly within his beſt advantages, and ſeldom appearing, ſo opportunely found his times to make irruption upon the Romans, when they were moſt in ſtraits and difficulties, ſometimes training them on with a few Cattel turn'dout, and drawn within ambuſh cruelly handling them, that many a time enclos'd in the midſt of ſloughs and quagmires,Dion. they choſe rather themſelves to kill ſuch as were faint and could not ſhift away, than leave them there a prey to the Caledonians. Thus loſt Severus, and by ſickneſs in thoſe noiſome places, no leſs than 50 thouſand men: and yet deſiſted not, though for weakneſs carried in a Litter, till he had march't through with his Armie to the utmoſt Northern verge of the Ile: and the Britans offring peace were compell'd to loſe much of thir Country not before ſubject to the Romans. An. Dom. 210 Severus on the Frontiers of what he had firmly conquer'd builds a Wall croſs the Iland from Sea to Sea;Spartianus in Sever. which one Author judges the moſt magnificent of all his other deeds; and that he thence receav'd the ſtile of Britannicus; in length 132 Miles. Eutropii Pean. Oroſ. l. 7. Caſſidor. chro. Buchanan.Oroſius adds it fortify'd with a deep Trench, and between certain ſpaces many Towers, or Battlements. The place whereof ſom will have to be in Scotland, the ſame which Lollius Ʋrbicus had wall'd before. Others affirm it only Hadrians work re-edifi'd; both plead Authorities and the ancient tract yet viſible: but this I leave among the ſtudious of theſe Antiquities to be diſcuſs't more at large. While Peace held, the Empreſs Julia meeting on a time certain Britiſh Ladies, and diſcourſing with the Wife of Argentocoxus a Caledonian, caſt out a ſcoff againſt the looſeneſs of our Iland Women; whoſe manner then was to uſe promiſcuouſly the company of divers men. Whom ſtraight the Britiſh Woman boldly thus anſwer'd: Much better do we Britans fulfill the work of Nature than you Romans; we with the beſt men accuſtom op'nly; you with the baſeſt commit private adulteries. Whether ſhe thought this anſwer might ſerve to juſtifie the practice of her Countrie, as when vices are compar'd, the greater ſeems to juſtifie the leſs, or whether the law and cuſtom wherein ſhe was bred, had wip't out of her conſcience the better dictate of Nature, and not convinc't her of the ſhame; certain it is that whereas other Nations us'd a liberty not unnatural for one man to have many Wives, the Britans altogether as licentious,Caeſar. but more abſurd and prepoſterous in thir licence, had one or many Wives in common among ten or twelve Husbands; and thoſe for the moſt part inceſtuouſly. But no ſooner was Severus return'd into the Province, then the Britans take Arms again. Againſt whom Severus worn out with labours and infirmity, ſends Antoninus his eldeſt Son; expreſly commanding him to ſpare neither Sex nor Age. But Antoninus who had his wicked thoughts tak'n up with the contriving of his Fathers death, a ſafer Enemie then a Son, did the Britans not much detriment. Whereat Severus more overcom with grief than any other maladie, ended his life at York. An. Dom. 211 After whoſe deceaſe Antoninus Caracalla his impious Son concluding peace with the Britans, Spartianus in Sever.took Hoſtages and departed to Rome. The Conductor of all this Northern Warr Scottiſh Writers name Donaldus, he of Monmouth Fulgenius, in the reſt of his relation nothing worth. From hence the Roman Empire declining apace, good Hiſtorians growing ſcarce, or loſt, have left us little elſe but fragments for many years enſuing. An. Dom. 242 Under Gordian the Emperour we find by the Inſcription of an Altar ſtone,Camd. Cumber. that Nonius Philippus govern'd heer. Under Galienus we read there was a ſtrong and general revolt from the Roman Legat. An. Dom. 259 Eumen. Paneg. Conſt.Of the 30 Tyrants which not long after took upon them the ſtyle of Emperor, An. Dom. 267 by many Coins found among us, Lollianus, Victorinus, Poſthumus, Camden.the Tetrici and Marius are conjectured to have ris'n or born great ſway in this Iland. Whence Porphyrius a Philoſopher then living, Gildas.ſaid that Britain was a ſoil fruitful of Tyrants;Hieronym. and is noted to be the firſt Author that makes mention of the Scottiſh Nation. An. Dom. 282 While Frobus was Emperor, Bonoſus the Son of a Rhetorician,Vapiſc. in Bonoſ. bred up a Spanyard, though by deſcent a Britan, and a matchleſs drinker, nor much to be blamed, if, as they write, he were ſtill wiſeſt in his cups, having attained in warfare to high honours, and laſtly in his charge over the German ſhipping, willingly, as was thought, miſcarried, truſting on his power with the Weſtern Armies, and join'd with Proculus, bore himſelf a while for Emperor; but after a long and bloodie fight at Cullen, vanquiſh't by Probus he hang'd himſelf, and gave occaſion of a ready jeſt made on him for his much drinking; Heer hangs a Tankard, not a man. Zozim. l. 1.After this, Probus with much wiſdom prevented a new riſing heer in Britain by the ſevere loyaltie of Victorinus a Moor, at whoſe entreatie he had plac't heer that Governour which rebell'd. For the Emperor upbraiding him with the diſloyaltie of whom he had commended, Victorinus undertaking to ſet all right again, haſtes hither, and finding indeed the Governour to intend ſedition, by ſom contrivance not mention'd in the ſtorie, ſhew him, whoſe name ſom imagin to be Cornelius Lelianus. Camd.They write alſo that Probus gave leave to the Spanyards, Gauls, and Britans to plant Vines, and to make Wine; and having ſubdu'd the Vandals, and Burgundians in a great Battail,Zozimus. ſent over many of them hither to inhabit, where they did good ſervice to the Romans when any inſurrection happen'd in the Ile. An. Dom. 283 After whom Carus Emperor going againſt the Perſians, Vopiſc. in Carin.left Carinus one of his Sons to govern among other Weſtern Provinces this Iland with imperial authority; but him Diocleſian ſaluted Emperor by the Eaſtern Armies overcame and ſlew. An. Dom. 284 About which time Carauſius a man of low parentage, born in Menapia, Aurel. victor. de Caeſar.about the parts of Cleves and Juliers, who through all militarie degrees was made at length Admiral of the Belgi… ▪ and Armoric Seas, then much infeſted by the Franks and Saxons, An. Dom. 285 what he took from the Pyrats, neither reſtoring to the owners, Eutrop. Oroſ.nor accounting to the Publick, but enriching himſelf, and yet not ſcowring the Seas, but conniving rather at thoſe Sea Robbers, was grown at length too great a Delinquent to be leſs than an Emperor: for fear and guiltineſs in thoſe days made Emperors ofter than merit: And underſtanding that Maximianus Herculius, Diocleſians adopted Son, was com againſt him into Gallia, paſs'd over with the Navie which he had made his own,Eumen. Paneg. 2. into Britain, and poſſeſs'd the Iland. An. Dom. 286 Where he built a new Fleet after the Roman faſhion, got into his power the Legion that was left heer in Garriſon, other outlandiſh Cohorts detain'd, liſted the very Merchants and Factors of Gallia, and with the allurement of ſpoile invited great numbers of other barbarous Nations to his part, and train'd them to Sea ſervice, wherein the Romans at that time were grown ſo out of skill, that Carauſius with his Navie did at Sea what he liſted, robbing on every Coaſt; whereby Maximian, able to come no neerer than the ſhoar of Boloigne, was forc't to conclude a Peace with Carauſius, Victor. Eutrop.and yeild him Britain; as one fitteſt to guard the Province there againſt inroads from the North. An. Dom. 291 But not long after having aſſum'd Conſtantius Chlorus to the dignity of Caeſar, ſent him againſt Carauſius; who in the mean while had made himſelf ſtrong both within the Land and without.Buchanan. Galfred of Monmouth writes that he made the Ticts his confederates; to whom lately com out of Scythia he gave Albany to dwell in: and it is obſerv'd that before his time the Picts are not known to have bin any where mentioned, and then firſt by Eumenius a Rhetorician.Paneg. 2. He repair'd and fortifi'd the Wall of Severus with 7 Caſtles, and a round Houſe of ſmooth ſtone on the Bank of Carron, which River, ſaith Ninnius, was of his Name ſo call'd; he built alſo a Triumphal Arch in remembrance of ſome Victory there obtain'd. In France he held Geſſoriacum, or Boloigne; and all the Franks which had by his permiſſion ſeated themſelves in Belgia, were at his devotion.Paneg. Sigonius. But Conſtantius haſting into Gallia, beſieges Boloigne, and with Stones and Timber obſtructing the Port, keeps out all relief that could be ſent in by Carauſius. Who ere Constantius with the great Fleet which he had prepar'd, could arrive hither, was ſlain treacherouſly by Alectus one of his Friends, who long'd to ſtep into his place; An. Dom. 292 when he 7 years, and worthily, as ſom ſay, as others, tyrannically, had rul'd the Iland. So much the more did Conſtantius proſecute that opportunity, Camd. ex Nin. Eumen. Pan. 3.before Alectus could well ſtrengthen his Affairs: and though in ill weather, putting to Sea with all urgency from ſeveral Hav'ns to ſpread the terror of his landing, and the doubt where to expect him, in a Miſt paſſing the Britiſh Fleet unſeen, that lay ſcouting neer the Ile of Wight, no ſooner got a ſhoar, but fires his own Ships, to leave no hope of refuge but in Victory. Alectus alſo, though now much diſmaid, transfers his fortune to a Battel on the ſhoar; but encountred by Aſclepiodotus Captain of the Praetorian Bands, and deſperately ruſhing on, unmindful both of ordering his men, or bringing them all to fight, ſave the acceſſories of his Treaſon, and his outlandiſh hirelings, is overthrown, and ſlain with little or no loſs to the Romans, but great execution on the Franks. His Body was found almoſt naked in the field, for his Purple Robe he had thrown aſide, leſt it ſhould deſcry him, unwilling to be found. The reſt taking flight to London, and purpoſing with the pillage of that City to eſcape by Sea, are met by another part of the Roman Armie, whom the Miſt at Sea disjoining had by chance brought thither, and with a new ſlaughter chas'd through all the Streets. The Britans, thir Wives alſo and Children, with great joy go out to meet Conſtantius, as one whom they acknowledge their deliverer from bondage and inſolence. All this ſeems by Eumenius, who then liv'd, and was of Conſtantius houſhold, to have bin don in the courſe of one continu'd action; ſo alſo thinks Sigonius a learned Writer: though all others allow three years to the tyranny of Alectus. Eumen.In theſe days were great ſtore of Workmen, and excellent Builders in this Iland, whom after the alteration of things heer, the Aeduans in Burgundie entertain'd to build thir Temples and publick Edifices. Diocleſian having hitherto ſucceſsfully us'd his valour againſt the Enemies of his Empire, uſes now his rage in a bloodie perſecution againſt his obedient and harmleſs Chriſtian Subjects:Gildas. from the feeling whereof neither was this Iland, though moſt remote, far anough remov'd. Among them heer who ſuffer'd gloriouſly, Aron, and Julius of Caer leon upon Ʋsk, but chiefly Alban of Verulam, were moſt renown'd: The ſtory of whoſe Martyrdom ſoil'd, and worſe martyr'd with the fabling zeal of ſome idle fancies, more fond of Miracles, than apprehenſive of Truth, deſerves not longer digreſſion. Conſtantius after Diocleſian, dividing the Empire with Galerius, had Britain among his other Provinces; where either preparing or returning with victorie from an expedition againſt the Caledonians, he di'd at York. Author ignot-poſt Marcellin. valeſ…iHis Son Conſtantine, who happily came Poſt from Rome to Boloigne juſt about the time, An. Dom. 306 ſaith Eumenius, that his Father was ſetting ſail his laſt time hither,Eutrop. Eumen. idem Auth. ignot. and not long before his death, was by him on his deathbed nam'd, and after his Funeral, by the whole Army ſaluted Emperor. There goes a fame, and that ſeconded by moſt of our own Hiſtorians, though not thoſe the ancienteſt, that Conſtantine was born in this Iland, his Mother Helena the Daughter of Coilus a Britiſh Prince, not ſure the Father of King Lucius, whoſe Siſter ſhe muſt then be, for that would detect her too old by an hunderd years to be the Mother of Conſtantine. But to ſalve this incoherence, another Coilus is feign'd to be then Earl of Colcheſter. To this therefore the Roman Authors give no teſtimony, except a paſſage or two in the Panegyrics, about the ſenſe whereof much is argu'd: others neereſt to thoſe times clear the doubt, and write him certainly Idem vit. Auth. ignot. Euſeb. Conſt.born of Helena, a mean Woman at Naiſus in Dardania. Howbeit, ere his departure hence he ſeems to have had ſome bickerings in the North, which by reaſon of more urgent affairs compos'd, he paſſes into Gallia; An. Dom. 307 Sigon.and after 4 years returns either to ſettle or to alter the ſtate of things heer; An. Dom. 311 until a new Warr againſt Maxentius call'd him back,Camd. leaving Pacatianus his Vicegerent. He deceaſing, Conſtantine his eldeſt Son enjoy'd for his part of the Empire, with all the Provinces that lay on this ſide the Alpes, this Iland alſo.Ammian. L. 20. & in eum Valeſius. But falling to Civil Warr with Conſtans his Brother, was by him ſlain; who with his third Brother Conſtantius coming into Britain, ſeis'd it as Victor. An. Dom. 340 Againſt him roſe Magnentius, Libanius in Baſilico.one of his chief Commanders, by ſom affirm'd the Son of a Britan, An. Dom. 343 he having gain'd on his ſide great Forces,Camd. ex Firmico. conteſted with Conſtantius in many Battels for the ſole Empire; but vanquiſh't, in the end ſlew himſelf. Somwhat before this time Gratianus Funarius, An. Dom. 350 the Father of Valentinian, Camden.afterwards Emperor, An. Dom. 353 had chief command of thoſe Armies which the Romans kept heer.Ammian. And the Arrian Doctrine which then divided Chriſtendom, wrought alſo in this Iland no ſmall diſturbance: a Land, ſaith Gildas, greedy of every thing new, ſtedfaſt in nothing. An. Dom. 359 At laſt Conſtantius appointeda Synod of more than 400 Biſhops to aſſemble at Ariminum on the Emperors charges, which the reſt all refuſing, three only of the Britiſh, poverty conſtreining them, accepted; though the other Biſhops among them offer'd to have born thir charges: eſteeming it more honourable to live on the publick, than to be obnoxious to any private Purſe. Doubtleſs an ingenuous mind, and far above the Preſbyters of our Age; who like well to ſit in Aſſembly on the publick ſtipend, but lik'd not the poverty that caus'd theſe to do ſo. After this Martinus was Deputy of the Province; who being offended with the cruelty which Paulus, an inquiſitor ſent from Conſtantius, exercis'd in his enquiry after thoſe Military Officers who had conſpir'd with Magnentius, was himſelf laid hold on as an acceſſory; at which enrag'd he runs at Paulus with his drawnSword; but failing to kill him, turns it on himſelf. Next to whom, as may be gueſs'd, Alipius was made Deputy. In the mean time Julian, whom Conſtantius had made Caeſar, having recover'd much Territory about Rhine, where the German inrodes before had long inſulted, to releeve thoſe Countries almoſt ruin'd, Liban. Orat. 10. Zozim. L. 3. Marcel. l. 18cauſes 800 Pinaces to be built; and with them by frequent Voyages, plenty of Corn to be fetch'd in from Britain; which eev'n then was the uſual bounty of this Soil to thoſe parts,Amm. l. 23. as oft as French and Saxon Pirats hinderd not the tranſportation. An. Dom. 360 While Conſtantius yet reign'd, the Scots and Picts breaking in upon the Northern confines, Julian, being at Paris, ſends over Lupicinus, a well try'd Souldier, but a Amm. L. 20.proud and covetous man; who with a power of light arm'd Herulians, Batavians, and Maeſians, in the midſt of Winter ſailing from Boloigne, arrives at Rutupiae ſeated on the oppoſite ſhoar, and comes to London, to conſult there about the Warr; but ſoon after was recall'd by Julian then choſen Emperor. Under whom we read not of ought happing heer; only that Palladius one of his great Officers was hither baniſh'd. This year Valentinian being Emperor, An. Dom. 364 the Attacots, Picts, Amm. L. 26. 27.and Scots roaving up and down, and laſt the Saxons with perpetual landings and invaſions harryed the South Coaſt of Britain; ſlew Nectaridius who govern'd the Sea Borders, and Bulchobaudes with his Forces by an ambuſh. With which news Valentinian not a little perplext, ſends firſt Severus high Steward of his Houſe, and ſoon recalls him, then Jovinus, who intimating the neceſſity of greater ſupplies, he ſends at length Theodoſius, a man of try'd valour, and experience, father to the firſt Emperor of that Name. He with ſelected numbers out of the Legions, and Cohorts, An. Dom. 367 croſſes the Sea from Boloigne to Rutupiae; from whence with the Batavians, Herulians, and other Legions that arriv'd ſoon after, he marches to London; and dividing his Forces into ſeveral Bodies, ſets upon the diſpers'd and plundring Enemie, lad'n with ſpoile; from whom recovering the booty which they led away, and were forc'd to leave there with thir lives, hereſtores all to the right owners, ſave a ſmall portion to his wearied Souldiers, and enters London victoriouſly; which before in many ſtraits and difficulties, was now reviv'd as with a great deliverance. The numerous Enemy with whom he had to deal, was of different Nations, and the Warr ſcatter'd: which Theodoſius, getting daily ſom intelligence from fugitives and priſoners, reſolves to carry on by ſudden parties and ſurpriſals rather than ſet Battels; nor omits he to proclaim indemnity to ſuch as would lay down Arms, and accept of peace, which brought in many. Yet all this not ending the work, he requires that Civilis, a man of much uprightneſs, might be ſent him, to be as Deputy of the Iland, and Dulcitius a famous Captain. Thus was Theodoſius buſy'd, beſetting with ambuſhes the roaving Enemy, repreſſing his Rodes, reſtoring Cities and Caſtles to thir former ſafety and defence, laying every where the firm foundation of a long peace, An. Dom. 368 when Valentinus a Pannonian for ſome great offence baniſh'd into Britain, Amm. L. 28. Zozim. L. 4.conſpiring with certain Exiles and Souldiers againſt Theodoſius, whoſe worth he dreaded as the only obſtacle to his greater deſign of gaining the Ile into his power, is diſcover'd, and with his chief accomplices deliver'd over to condign puniſhment: againſt the reſt, Theodoſius with a wiſe lenity ſuffer'd not inquiſition to proceed too rigorouſly, leſt the fear thereof appertaining to ſo many, occaſion might ariſe of new trouble in a time ſo unſettl'd. This don, he applies himſelf to reform things out of order, raiſes on the confines many ſtrong holds; and in them appoints due and diligent watches; and ſo reduc'd all things out of danger, that the Province which but lately was under command of the Enemy, became now wholly Roman, new nam'd Valentia of Valentinian, and the City of London Auguſta. Thus Theodoſius nobly acquitting himſelf in all Affairs, with general applauſe of the whole Province, accompanied to the Sea-ſide, returns to Valentinian. Who about 5 years after ſent hither Fraomarius, An. Dom. 373 a King of the Almans, with authority of a Tribune over his own Country Forces,Amm. L. 29. which then both for number and good ſervice were in high eſteem. Againſt Gratian who ſucceeded in the Weſtern Empire, Maximus a Spanyard, and one who had ſerv'd in the Britiſh Warrs with younger Theodoſius (for hee alſo,Zozim. L. 4. Sigon. either with his Father, or not long after him, ſeems to have done ſomthing in this Iland) and now General of the Roman Armies heer, either diſcontented that Theodoſius was preferr'd before him to the Empire, or conſtrain'd by the Souldiers who hated Gratian, aſſumes the imperial Purple, Proſper. Aquitanic. chron.and having attain'd Victorie againſt the Scots and Picts, with the flowr and ſtrength of Britain, paſſes into France; there ſlays Gratian, An. Dom. 383 and without much difficultie, the ſpace of 5 years, obtains his part of the Empire,Gildas. overthrown at length and ſlain by Theodoſius. An. Dom. 388 With whom periſhing moſt of his followers,Beda. Ninn. or not returning out of Armorioa, which Maximus had giv'n them to poſſeſs, the South of Britain by this means exhauſted of her youth, and what there was of Roman Souldiers on the Confines drawn off, became a prey to ſavage Invaſions; An. Dom. 389 of Scots from the Iriſh Seas, of Saxons from the German, of Picts from the North. Againſt them, firſt Chryſanthus the Son of Marcian a Biſhop,Soerat. L. 7. made Deputy of Britain by Theodoſius, demean'd himſelf worthily: then Stilicho a man of great power, whom Theodoſius, dying, left Protector of his Son Honorius, either came in perſon, or ſending over ſufficient aid, Claudian. de land. ſtil. l. 2. & de bello Get.repreſs'd them, and as it ſeems new fortifi'd the Wall againſt them. But that Legion being call'd away, when the Roman Armies from all parts haſted to releive Honorius then beſieg'd in Aſta of Piemont, An. Dom. 402 by Alaric the Goth, Britain was left expos'd as before, to thoſe Barbarous Robbers. Leſt any wonder how the Scots came to infeſt Britain from the Iriſh Sea, it muſt be underſtood, that the Scots not many years before had been driv'n all out of Britain by Maximus; and thir King Eugenius ſlain in fight; as thir own Annals report: whereby, it ſeems, wandring up and down, without certain ſeat, they liv'd by ſcumming thoſe Seas and ſhoars as Pyrats. But more authentic Writers confirm usEthelwerd. Sax. an. Bede Epit. in the year 565 and Bede, L. 2. c. 4., that the Scots, whoever they be originally, came firſt into Ireland, and dwelt there, and nam'd it Scotia long before the North of Britain took that name. About this time, though troubleſom, Pelagius a Britan found the leaſure to bring new and dangerous Opinions into the Church, An. Dom. 405 and is largely writ againſt by St. Auſtin. But the Roman powers which were call'd into Italy, when once the fear of Alaric was over, made return into ſeveral Provinces: and perhaps Victorinus of Toloſa, whom Rutilius the Poet much commends, might be then Prefect of the Iland: if it were not he whom Stilicho ſent hither. Buchanan writes, that endeavouring to reduce the Picts into a Province, he gave the occaſion of thir calling back Ferguſins and the Scots, whom Maximus with thir help had quite driv'n out of the Iland: and indeed the Verſes of that Poet ſpeak him to have bin active in thoſe parts. But the time which is aſſign'd him later by Buchanan after Gratianus Municeps, by Camden, after Conſtantine the Tyrant, accords not with that which follows in the plain courſe of Hiſtorie. An. Dom. 407 For the Vandals having broke in and waſted all Belgia, Zozim. L. 6.eev'n to thoſe places from whence eaſieſt paſſage is into Britain, the Roman Forces heer, doubting to be ſuddenly invaded, were all in uproar, and in tumultuous manner ſet up Marcus, who it may ſeem was then Deputy.Sozom. L. 9. But him not found agreeable to thir heady courſes, they as haſtily kill: for the giddy favour of a mutining rout is as dangerous as thir furie. The like they do by Gratian a Britiſh Roman, in four Months advanc't, ador'd, and deſtroy'd. Oroſ. L. 7.There was among them a common Souldier whoſe name was Conſtantine, with him on a ſudden ſo taken they are, upon the conceit put in them of a luckineſs in his name, as without other viſible merit to create him Emperor. It fortun'd that the man had not his name for nought; ſo well he knew to lay hold, and make good uſe of an unexpected offer. He therefore with a wak'n'd ſpirit, to the extent of his Fortune dilating his mind, which in his mean condition before lay contracted and ſhrunk up, orders with good advice his military affairs: and with the whole force of the Province, and what of Britiſh was able to bear Arms, he paſſes into France, aſpiring at leaſt to an equal ſhare with Honorius in the Empire. Where by the valour of Edobecus a Frank, and Gerontius a Britan, and partly by perſwaſion gaining all in his way, he comes to Arles. An. Dom. 408 With like felicity by his Son Conſtans, whom of a Monk he had made a Caeſar, and by the conduct of Gerontius he reduces all Spain to his obedience. But Conſtans after this diſplacing Gerontius, the affairs of Conſtantine ſoon went to wrack: for he by this means alienated, An. Dom. 409 ſet up Miximus one of his friends againſt him in Spain; and paſſing into France, took Vienna by aſſault, and having ſlain Conſtans in that City, calls on the Vandals againſt Conſtantine; who by him incited, as by him before they had bin repreſs't, breaking forward, over-run moſt part of France. But when Conſtantius Comes, the Emperors General, with a ſtrong power came out of Italy,Sozom. L. 9. Gerontius deſerted by his own Forces, retires into Spain; where alſo growing into contempt with the Souldiers, after his flight out of France, Olympiodorapud Photium.by whom his Houſe in the night was beſet, having firſt with a few of his Servants defended himſelf valiantly, and ſlain above 300, though when his Darts and other Weapons were ſpent, he might have ſcap'd at a private dore, as all his Servants did, not enduring to leave his Wife Nonnichia, whom he lov'd, to the violence of an enraged crew, he firſt cuts off the head of his friend Alanus, as was agreed; next his Wife, though loth and delaying, yet by her entreated and importun'd, refuſing to outlive her Husband, he diſpatches: for which her reſolution Sozomenus an Eccleſiaſtic Writer gives her high praiſe, both as a Wife, and as a Chriſtian. Laſt of all againſt himſelf he turns his Sword; but miſſing the mortal place, with his poinard finiſhes the work. Thus farr is pourſu'd the ſtory of a famous Britan, related negligently by our other Hiſtorians. As for Conſtantinc, his ending was not anſwerable to his ſetting out: for he with his other Son Julian beſeig'd by Conſtantius in Arles, and miſtruſting the change of his wonted ſucceſs, to ſave his head, poorly turns Prieſt; but that not availing him, is carried into Italy, and there put to death; having 4 years acted the Emperor. While theſe things were doing, the Britans at home deſtitute of Roman aid,Gildas. Beda. and the cheif ſtrength of their own youth, that went firſt with Maximus, then with Conſtantine, not returning home, vext, and harras'd by thir wonted Enemies, had ſent meſſages to Honorius; Zozim. L. 6.but he at that time not being able to defend Rome it ſelf, which the ſame year was taken by Alaric, adviſes them by his Letter to conſult how beſt they might for their own ſafety, and acquits them of the Roman juriſdiction. They therefore thus relinquiſh't, Procopius vandalic.and by all right the Government relapſing into thir own hands, thenceforth betook themſelves to live after thir own Laws, defending thir bounds as well as they were able, and the Armoricans, who not long after were call'd the Britans of France, follow'd thir Example. Thus expir'd this great Empire of the Romans; firſt in Britain, ſoon after in Italy it ſelf: having born chief ſway in this Iland, though never throughly ſubdu'd, or all at once in ſubjection, if we reck'n from the coming in of Julius to the taking of Rome by Alaric, in which year Honorius wrote thoſe Letters of diſcharge into Britain, the ſpace of 462 years.Calviſ. Sigon. And with the Empire fell alſo what before in this Weſtern World was cheifly Roman; Learning, Valour, Eloquence, Hiſtory, Civility, and eev'n Language it ſelf, all theſe together, as it were, with equal pace diminiſhing, and decaying. Henceforth we are to ſtear by another ſort of Authors; neer anough to the things they write, as in thir own Countrie, if that would ſerve; in time not much belated, ſome of equal age; in expreſſion barbarous; and to ſay how judicious, I ſuſpend a while: this we muſt expect; in civil matters to find them dubious Relaters, and ſtill to the beſt advantage of what they term holy Church, meaning indeed themſelves: in moſt other matters of Religion, blind, aſtoniſh'd, and ſtrook with ſuperſtition as with a Planet; in one word, Monks. Yet theſe Guides, where can be had no better, muſt be follow'd; in groſs, it may be true anough; in circumſtance each man as his judgment gives him, may reſerve his Faith, or beſtow it. But ſo different a ſtate of things requires a ſeveral relation.

The History of Britain, Book 2

p. 31THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Second Book.

THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN. The Second Book.