Answer to a Book, Part 12
XII. VponUpon the Rebellion in Ireland.
THe Rebellion and horrid massacher of English Protestants in Ireland to the number of 1 54000. in the Province of Ulster onelyonly, by thir own computation, which added to the other three, makes up the total summ of that slaughter in all likelyhood fowr times as great, although so sudden, and so violent, as at first to amaze all men that were not accessory, yet from whom, and from what counsels it first sprung, neither was nor could be possibly so secret, as the contrivers therof blinded with vaine hope, or the despaire that other plots would succeed, suppos'd. For it cannot be imaginable that the Irish, guided by so many suttle and Italian heads of the Romish party, should so farr have lost the use of reason, and indeed of common Sense, as not supported with other strength then thir own, to begin a Warr so desperate and irreconcileable against both England and Scotland at once. All other Nations, from whom they could expect aid, were busied to the utmost in thir own most necessary concernments. It remaines then that either some autoritie or som great assistance promis'd them from England, was that wheron they cheifly trusted. And as it is not difficult to discern from what inducing cause this insurrection first arose, so neither was it hard at first to have apply'd some effectual remedy, though not prevention. And yet prevention was not hopeles, when Strafford either beleivd not, or did not care to beleive the several warnings and discoveries therof, which more then once by Papists and by Friers themselves were brought him; besides what was brought by depositition, divers months before that Rebellion, to the Arch bishop of Canterbury and others of the Kings Counsel; as the Declaration of no addresses declares. But the assurance which they had in privat, that no remedy should be apply'd, was, it seemes, one of the chief reasons that drew on thir undertaking. And long it was ere that assurance faild them; untill the Bishops and Popish Lords, who while they sate and Voted, still oppos'd the sending aid to Ireland, were expelld the House.
Seeing then the maine incitement and Autority for this Rebellion must be needs deriv'd from England, it will be next inquir'd who was the prime Author. The King heer denounces a malediction temporal and eternal, not simply to the Author, but to the malitious Author of this blood-shedd; and by that limitation may exempt, not himself onelyonly, but perhaps the Irish Rebels themselves; who never will confess to God or Man that any blood was shed by them malitiously; but either in the Catholic cause, or common Liberty, or some other specious Plea, which the conscience from grounds both good and evil usually suggests to it self: thereby thinking to elude the direct force of that imputation which lies upon them.
Yet he acknowledges It fell out as a most unhappy advantage of some mens malice against him: but indeed of most mens just suspicion, by finding in it no such wide departure or disagreement from the scope of his former Counsels and proceedings. And that he himself was the Author of that Rebelion, he denies both heer and elswhere, with many imprecations, but no solid evidence. What on the other side against his denyal hath bin affirm'd in three Kingdoms being heer briefly set in view, the Reader may so judge as he findes cause.
This is most certain, that the King was ever friendly to the Irish Papists, and in his third yeare, against the plain advice of Parlament, like a kind of Pope, sold them many indulgences for Mony; and upon all occasions advancing the Popish party, and negotiating under hand by Priests who were made his Agents, ingag'd the Irish Papists in a Warr against the Scotch Protestants. To that end he furnish'd them, and had them train'd in Arms; and kept them up, either op'nly or under hand, the onelyonly army in his three Kingdoms, till the very burst of that Rebellion. The Summer before that dismal October, a Committy of most active Papists, all since in the head of that Rebellion, were in great favour at White-Hall; and admitted to many privat consultations with the King and Queen. And to make it evident that no mean matters were the subject of those Conferences, at their request he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irish Counties, for the payment of an inconsiderable Rent. They departed not home till within two Mounths before the Rebellion; and were either from the first breaking out, or soon after, found to be the cheif Rebels themselves. But what should move the King, besides his own inclination to Popery, and the prevalence of his Queen over him, to hold such frequent and close meetings with a Committy of Irish Papists in his own House, while the Parlament of England sate unadvis'd with, is declar'd by a Scotch Author, and of it self is cleare anough. The Parlament at the beginning of that Summer, having put Strafford to death, imprison'd others his chief Favorites, and driv'n the rest to fly, the K. who had in vain tempted both the Scotch and the English Army to come up against the Parlament and Citty, finding no compliance answerable to his hope from the Protestant Armies, betakes himself last to the Irish; who had in readiness an Army of eight thousand Papists which he had refus'd so oft'n to disband, and a Committy heer of the same Religion. With them, who thought the time now come, which to bring about they had bin many yeares before not wishing only but with much industrie complotting, to do som eminent service for the Church of Rome & thir own perfidious natures against a Puritan Parlmt. & the hated English thir Masters, he agrees & concludes that so soon as both Armies in England were disbanded, the Irish should appeare in Arms, maister all the Protestants, and help the King against his Parlament. And we need not doubt that those five Counties were giv'n to the Irish for other reason then the four Northern Counties had bin a little before offerd to the Scots. The King in August takes a journey into Scotland; and overtaking the Scotch Army then on thir way home, attempts the second time to pervert them, but without success. No sooner comm into Scotland, but he laies a plot, so saith the Scotch Author, to remove out of the way such of the Nobility there, as were most likely to withstand, or not to furder his designes. This being discover'd, he sends from his side one Dillon a Papist Lord, soon after a cheif Rebell, with Letters into Ireland; and dispatches a Commission under the great Seale of Scotland at that time in his own custody, commanding that they should forthwith, as had bin formerly agreed, cause all the Irish to rise in Armes. Who no sooner had receiv'd such command, but obey'd; and began in Massacher; for they knew no other way to make sure the Protestants, which was commanded them expressly; and the way, it seems, left to thir discretion. He who hath a mind to read the Commission it self, and sound reason added why it was not likely to be forg'd, besides the attestation of so many Irish themselves, may have recourse to a Book intitl'd The Mysterie of Iniquity. Besides what the Parlament it self in the Declaration of no more addresses hath affirm'd; that they have one copy of that Commission in thir own hands: attested by the Oathes of some that were ey-witnesses, and had seen it under the Seale. Others of the principal Rebels have confess'd that this Commission was the summer before promis'd at London to the Irish Commissioners, to whom the King then discoverd in plain words his great desire to be reveng'd on the Parlament of England.
After the Rebellion brok'n out, which in words onelyonly he detested, but under hand favour'd and promoted by all the offices of freindship, correspondence, and what possible aide he could afford them, the particulars wherof are too many to be inserted heer, I suppose no understanding Man could longer doubt who was Author or Instigator of that Rebellion. If there be who yet doubt, I referr them especially to that Declaration of July 1643. with that of no addresses 1647. and another full volum of examinations to be sett out speedily concerning this matter. Against all which testimonies, likelyhoods, evidences, and apparent actions of his own, being so abundant, his bare deniall though with imprecation, can no way countervaile; and least of all in his own cause.
As for the Commission granted them, he thinkes to evade that by retorting, that some in England fight against him and yet pretend his authority. But though a Parlament by the known Laws may affirme justly to have the Kings authority, inseparable from that Court, though divided from his Person, it is not credible that the Irish Rebels who so much tenderd his Person above his Autoritie, and were by him so well receavd at Oxford, would be so farr from all humanitie as to slander him with a particular Commission sign'd and sent them by his own hand.
And of his good affection to the Rebels this Chapter it self is not without witness. He holds them less in fault then the Scots, as from whom they might allege to have fetch'd thir imitation; making no difference between men that rose necessarily to defend themselves, which no Protestant Doctrin ever disallow'd, against them who threatn'd Warr, and those who began a voluntary and causeless Rebellion with the Massacher of so many thousands who never meant them harme.
He falls next to flashes, and a multitude of words, in all which is contain'd no more, then what might be the Plea of any guiltiest Offender; He was not the Author because he hath the greatest share of loss and dishonour by what is committed. Who is there that offends God or his Neighbour, on whom the greatest share of loss and dishonour lights not in the end? But in the act of doing evil, men use not to consider the event of thir evil doing: or if they doe, have then no power to curb the sway of thir own wickedness. So that the greatest share of loss and dishonour to happ'n upon themselves, is no argument that they were not guilty. This other is as weake, that a Kings interest above that of any other man, lies chiefly in the common welfare of his Subjects; therfore no King will do aught against the Common welfare. For by this evasion any tyrant might as well purge himself from the guilt of raising troubles or commotions among the people, because undoubtedly his chief Interest lies in thir sitting still.
I said but now that eev'n this Chapter, if nothing els, might suffice to discover his good affection to the Rebels; which in this that follows too notoriously appeares; imputing this insurrection to the preposterous rigor, and unreasonable severitie, the covetous zeale and uncharitable fury of some men (these some men by his continual paraphrase are meant the Parlament) and lastly, to the feare of utter extirpation. If the whole Irishry of Rebells had fee'd som advocate to speak partially and sophistically in thir defence, he could have hardly dazl'd better: Yet never the less would have prov'd himself no other then a plausible deceiver. And perhaps, nay more then perhaps, for it is affirm'd & extant under good evidence, that those fained terrors and jealousies were either by the King himself, or the Popish Preists wch were sent by him, put into the head of that inquisitive people, on set purpose to engage them. For who had power to oppress them, or to releive them being opprest, but the King or his immediat Deputy? This rather should have made them rise against the King then against the Parlament. Who threat'nd or ever thought of thir extirpation, till they themselves had begun it to the English? As for preposterous riger, covetous zeale, and uncharitable fury; they had more reason to suspect those evils first from his own commands, whom they saw using daily no greater argument to prove the truth of his Religion then by enduring no other but his owne Prelatical; and to force it upon others, made Episcopal, Ceremonial, and common-Prayer-Book Warrs. But the Papists understood him better then by the outside; and knew that those Warrs were their Warrs. Although if the Common-wealth should be afraid to suppress op'n Idolatry, lest the Papists thereupon should grow desperat, this were to let them grow and become our persecuters, while we neglected what we might have don Evangelically, to be their Reformers. Or to doe as his Father James did, who in stead of taking heart and putting confidence in God by such a deliverance as from the Powder Plot, though it went not off, yet with the meer conceit of it, as some observe, was hitt into such a Hectic shivering between Protestant and Papist all his life after, that he never durst from that time doe otherwise then equivocat or collogue with the Pope and his adherents.
He would be thought to commiserat the sad effects of that Rebellion, and to lament that the teares and blood spilt there did not quench the sparks of our civil discord heer. But who began these dissentions, and what can be more op'nly known then those retardings and delaies which by himself were continually devis'd, to hinder and put back the releif of those distressed Protestants, which undoubtedly had it not bin then put back might have sav'd many streames of those teares and that blood wherof he seems heer so sadly to bewaile the spilling. His manifold excuses, diversions and delaies are too well known to be recited heer in particular, and too many.
But he offer'd to goe himself in person upon that expedition; and reck'ns up many surmises why he thinks they would not suffer him. But mentions not that by his underdealing to debaush Armies heer at home, and by his secret intercours with the cheif Rebels, long ere that time every where known, he had brought the Parlament into so just a diffidence of him, as that they durst not leave the Public Armes to his disposal, much less an Army to his conduct.
He concludes That next the sin of those who began that Rebellion theirs must needs be who hinder'd the suppressing, or diverted the aides. But judgement rashly giv'n ofttimes involves the Judge himself. He findes fault with those who threatn'd all extremity to the Rebels, and pleads much that mercy should be shown them. It seems he found himself not so much concern'd as those who had lost Fathers, Brothers, Wives and Children, by thir crueltie; whom in justice to retaliat is not as he supposes unevangelical; so long as Magistracy and Warr is not laid down under the Gospel. If this his Sermon of affected mercy were not too Pharisaical, how could he permit himself to cause the slaughter of so many thousands heer in England for meer Prerogatives, the Toys and Gewgaws of his Crown, for Copes and Surplices, the Trinkets of his Priests, and not perceave his zeale, while he taxes others, to be most preposterous and unevangelical. Neither is there the same cause to destroy a whole City for the ravishing of a Sister, not don out of Villany, and recompence offer'd by Mariage; nor the same case for those Disciples to summon sire from Heav'n upon the whole City where they were deny'd lodging, and for a Nation by just Warr and execution to slay whole Families of them who so barbarously had slaine whole Families before. Did not all Israel doe as much against the Benjamits for one Rape committed by a few, and defended by the whole Tribe? and did they not the same to Jabesh Gilead for not assisting them in that revenge? I speak not this that such measure should be meted rigorously to all the Irish, or as remembring that the Parlament ever so Decreed, but to shew that this his Homily hath more of craft and affectation in it, then of sound Doctrin.
But it was happy that his going into Ireland was not consented to: For either he had certainly turn'd his rais'd Forces against the Parlament it self, or not gon at all, or had he gon, what work he would have made there, his own following words declare.
He would have punisht some; no question; for some perhaps who were of least use, must of necessity have bin sacrific'd to his reputation, and the conveniencie of his affaires. Others he would have disarm'd, that is to say in his own time: but all of them he would have protected from the fury of those that would have drown'd them, if they had refus'd to swim down the popular stream. These expressions are too oft'n mett, and too well understood for any man to doubt his meaning. By the fury of those, he meanes no other then the Justice of Parlament, to whom yet he had committed the whole business. Those who would have refus'd to swim down the popular streame, our constant key tells us to be Papists, Prelats, and thir Faction: these, by his own confession heer, he would have protected against his Puritan Parlament: And by this who sees not that he and the Irish Rebels had but one aime, one and the same drift, and would have forthwith joyn'd in one body against us.
He goes on still in his tenderness of the Irish Rebels fearing least our zeale should be more greedy to kill the Beare for his skin then for any harme he hath don. This either justifies the Rebels to have don no harme at all, or inferrs his opinion that the Parlament is more bloody and rapacious in the prosecution of thir Justice, then those Rebels were in the execution of thir barbarons crueltie. Let men doubt now and dispute to whom the King was a Freind most, to his English Parlament, or to his Irish Rebels.
With whom, that we may yet see furder how much he was thir Freind, after that the Parlament had brought them every where either to Famin, or a low condition, he, to give them all the respit and advantages they could desire, without advice of Parlament, to whom he himself had committed the mannaging of that Warr, makes a Cessation; in pretence to releive the Protestants, overborne there with numbers, but as the event prov'd, to support the Papists, by diverting and drawing over the English Army there, to his own service heer against the Parlament. For that the Protestants were then on the winning hand, it must needs be plaine; who notwithstanding the miss of those Forces which, at thir landing heer, maister'd without difficulty great part of Wales and Cheshire, yet made a shift to keep thir own in Ireland. But the plot of this Irish Truce is in good part discoverd in that Declaration of September 30th. 1643. And if the Protestants were but handfuls there, as he calls them, why did he stop and waylay both by Land and Sea, to his utmost power, those Provisions and Supplies which were sent by the Parlament? How were so many handfuls call'd over, as for a while stood him in no small stead, and against our main Forces heer in England?
Since therfore all the reasons that can be giv'n of this Cessation appeare so fals and frivolous, it may be justly fear'd that the designe it self was most wicked and pernicious. What remaines then? He appeales to God, and is cast; lik'ning his punishments to Jobs trials, before he saw them to have Jobs ending. But how could Charity her self beleive ther was at all in him any Religion, so much as but to fear ther is a God; when as by what is noted in the Declaration of no more addresses, he vowd solemnly to the Parlament with imprecations upon himself and his Posterity, if ever he consented to the abolishing of those Lawes which were in force against Papists, and at the same time, as appeard plainly by the very date of his own Letters to the Queen and Ormond, consented to the abolishing of all Penal Lawes against them both in Ireland and England. If these were acts of a Religious Prince, what memory of man writt'nor unwritt'n can tell us newes of any Prince that ever was irreligious? He cannot stand to make prolix Apologies. Then surely those long Pamphlets set out for Declarations and Protestations in his Name, were none of his; and how they should be his indeed, being so repugnant to the whole cours of his actions, augments the difficulty.
But he usurps a common saying, That it is Kingly to doe well and heare ill. That may be sometimes true: but farr more frequently, to doe ill and heare well; so great is the multitude of Flatterers, and them that deifie the name of King.
Yet not content with these neighbours, we have him still a perpetual preacher of his own vertues, and of that especially which who knows not to bee Patience perforce.
He beleives it will at last appeare that they who first began to embroyle his other kingdoms, are also guilty of the blood of Ireland. And wee beleive so too; for now the Cessation is become a Peace by publishd Articles, and Commission to bring them over against England, first only ten thousand by the Earl of Glamorgan, next all of them, if possible, under Ormond, which was the last of all his transactions don as a public Person. And no wonder; for he lookt upon the blood spilt, whether of Subjects or of Rebels with an indifferent eye, as exhausted out of his own veines; without distinguishing as he ought, which was good blood and which corrup; the not letting-out wherof endangers the whole body.
And what the Doctrin is ye may perceave also by the Prayer, which after a short ejaculation for the poore Protestants, prayes at large for the Irish Rebels, that God would not give them over, or thir Children to the covetousness, cruelty, fierce and cursed anger of the Parlament.
He finishes with a deliberat and solemn curse upon himself and his Fathers House. Which how farr God hath alreadie brought to pass, is to the end that men by so eminent an example should learn to tremble at his judgements; and not play with Imprecations.