Answer to a Book, Part 10
X. Upon their seiziug the Magazins, Forts, &c.
TO put the matter soonest out of controversy who was the first beginner of this civil Warr, since the begining of all Warr may be discern'd not onelyonly by the first Act of hostilitie, but by the Counsels and preparations foregoing, it shall evidently appeare, that the King was still formost in all these. No King had ever at his first comming to the Crown, more love and acclamation from a people; never any people found wors requital of thir Loyaltie and good affection: First by his extraordinary feare and mistrust that thir Liberties and Rights, were the impairing and diminishing of his regal power, the true Original of Tyranny: Next by his hatred to all those who were esteem'd Religious; doubting that thir principles too much asserted libertie. This was quickly seen by the vehemence, and the causes alleg'd of his persecuting, the other by his frequent and opprobrious dissolution of Parlaments; after he had demanded more Mony of them, and they to obtain thir rights had granted him, then would have bought the Turk out of Morea, and set free all the Greeks. But when he sought to extort from us, by way of Tribute, that which had bin offerd him conditionally in Parlament, as by a free People, and that those extortions were now consum'd and wasted by the luxurie of his Court, he began then (for still the more he did wrong, the more he fear'd) before any Tumult or insurrection of the People, to take counsel how he might totally subdue them to his own will. Then was the designe of German Horse, while the Duke raignd, and which was worst of all, som thousands of the Irish Papists were in several parts billeted upon us, while a Parlament was then sitting. The Pulpits resounded with no other Doctrine then that which gave all property to the King, and passive obedience to the Subject. After which, innumerable formes and shapes of new exactions and Exacters overspre…d the Land. Nor was it anough to be impoverish'd, unless wee were disarm'd. Our Train'd Bands, which are the trustiest and most proper strength of a free Nation not at warr within it self, had thir Arms in divers Counties tak'n from them; other Ammunition by designe was ingross'd, and kept in the Tower, not to be bought without a Licence, and at a high rate.
Thus farr, and many other waies were his Counsels and preparations before hand with us, either to a civil Warr, if it should happ'n, or to subdue us without a Warr, which is all one, untill the raising of his two Armies against the Scots, and the latter of them rais'd to the most perfidious breaking of a solemn Pacification: The articles wherof, though subscrib'd with his own hand, he commanded soon after to be burnt op'nly by the Hangman. What enemy durst have don him that dishonour and affront which he did therin to himself.
After the beginning of this Parlament, whom he saw so resolute and unanimous to releeve the Common-wealth, and that the Earl of Strafford was condemn'd to die, other of his evil Counselers impeach'd and imprison'd, to shew there wanted not evil counsel within himself sufficient to begin a warr upon his Subjects, though no way by them provok'd, he sends an Agent with Letters to the King of Denmark, requiring aid against the parlament; and that aid was comming, when Divine providence to divert them, sent a sudden torrent of Swedes into the bowels of Denmark. He then endeavours to bring up both Armies, first the English, with whom 8000 Irish Papists rais'd by Strafford, and a French Army were to joyne; then the Scots at Newcastle, whom he thought to have encourag'd by telling them what Mony and Horse he was to have from Denmark. I mention not the Irish conspiracie till due place. These and many other were his Counsels toward a civil Warr. His preparations, after those two Armies were dismiss'd, could not suddenly be too op'n: Nevertheless there were 8000 Irish Papists which he refus'd to disband, though intreated by both Houses, first for reasons best known to himself, next under pretence of lending them to the Spaniard; and so kept them undisbanded till very neere the Mounth wherin that Rebellion broke forth. He was also raising Forces in London, pretendedly to serve the Portugall, but with intent to seise the Tower. Into which divers Canoneers were by him sent with many fire works, and Granado's; and many great battering peeces were mounted against the City. The Court was fortifi'd with Ammunition, and Souldiers-new listed, who follow'd the King from London, and appear'd at Kingston som hunderds of Horse, in a warlike manner, with Waggons of Ammunition after them; the Queen in Holland was buying more, of which the Parlament had certain knowledge, and had not yet so much as once demanded the Militia to be settl'd, till they knew both of her going over sea, and to what intent. For she had pack'd up the Crown Jewels to have bin going long before, had not the Parlament suspecting by the discoveries at Burrow Bridge what was intended with the Jewells, us'd meanes to stay her journey till the winter. Hull and the Magazin there had bin secretly attempted under the Kings hand; from whom though in his declarations renouncing all thought of Warr, notes were sent over sea for supply of Armes: which were no sooner come, but the inhabitants of Yorkshire and other Counties were call'd to Arms, and actual forces rais'd, while the Parlament were yet Petitioning in peace, and had not one man listed.
As to the Act of Hostilitie, though not much material in whom first it began, or by whose Commissions dated first, after such Counsels and preparations discover'd, and so farr advanc'd by the King, yet in that act also he will be found to have had precedency, if not at London by the assault of his armed Court upon the naked People, and his attempt upon the House of Commons, yet certainly at Hull, first by his close practices on that Town, next by his seige. Thus whether Counsels, preparations, or Acts of hostilitie be considerd, it appeares with evidence anough, though much more might be said, that the King is truly charg'd to bee the first beginner of these civil Warrs. To which may be added as a close, that in the Ile of Wight he charg'd it upon himself, at the public Treaty, and acquitted the Parlament.
But as for the securing of Hull and the public stores therin, and in other places, it was no Surprisall of his strength; the custody wherof by Autority of Parlament was committed into hands most fitt, and most responsible for such a trust. It were a folly beyond ridiculous to count our selves a free Nation, if the King not in Parlament, but in his own Person and against them, might appropriate to himself the strength of a whole Nation as his proper goods. What the Lawes of the Land are, a Parlament should know best, having both the life and death of Lawes in thir Lawgiving power: And the Law of England is at best but the reason of Parlament. The Parlament therfore taking into thir hands that wherof most properly they ought to have the keeping, committed no surprisal. If they prevented him, that argu'd not at all either his innocency or unpreparedness, but their timely foresight to use prevention.
But what needed that? They knew his chiefest Armes left him were those onelyonly which the ancient Christians were wont to use against thir Persecuters, Prayers and Teares. O sacred Reverence of God, Respect and Shame of Men, whither were yee fled, when these hypocrisies were utterd? Was the Kingdom then at all that cost of blood to remove from him none but Praiers and Teares? What were those thousands of blaspheming Cavaliers about him, whose mouthes let fly Oaths and Curses by the voley; were those the Praiers? and those Carouses drunk to the confusion of all things good or holy, did those minister the Teares? Were they Praiers and Teares that were listed at York, muster'd on Heworth Moore, and laid Seige to Hull for the guard of his Person? Were Praiers and Teares at so high a rate in Holland that nothing could purchase them but the Crown Jewels? Yet they in Holland (such word was sent us) sold them for Gunns, Carabins, Morters-peeces, Canons, and other deadly Instruments of Warr, which when they came to York, were all no doubt but by the merit of some great Saint, suddenly transform'd into Praiers and Teares; and being divided into Regiments and Brigads were the onelyonly Armes that mischiev'd us in all those Battels and Incounters.
These were his chief Armes, whatever we must call them, and yet such Armes, as they who fought for the Common-wealth have by the help of better Praiers vanquish'd and brought to nothing.
He bewailes his want of the Militia Not so much in reference to his own protection as the Peoples, whose many and sore oppressions greeve him. Never considering how ill for seventeen yeares together hee had protected them, and that these miseries of the people are still his own handy work, having smitt'n them like a forked Arrow so sore into the Kingdoms sides, as not to be drawn out and cur'd without the incision of more flesh.
He tells us that what he wants in the hand of power he has in the wings of Faith and Prayer. But they who made no reckning of those Wings while they had that power in thir hands, may easily mistake the Wings of Faith for the Wings of presumption, and so fall headlong.
We meet next with a comparison, how apt let them judge who have travell'd to Mecca, That the Parlament have hung the majestie of Kingship in any airy imagination of regality between the Privileges of both Houses, like the Tombe of Mahomet. Hee knew not that he was prophecying the death and burial of a Turkish Tyranny, that spurn'd down those Laws, which gave it life and being so long as it endur'd to be a regulated Monarchy.
He counts it an injury Not to have the sole power in himself to help or hurt any; and that the Militia which he holds to be his undoubted Right should be dispos'd as the Parlament thinks fitt. And yet confesses that if he had it in his actual disposing, he would defend those whom he calls His good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud, who would perswade the World that none but Wolves are fitt to be trusted with the custody of the Shepheard and his Flock. Surely if we may guess whom he meanes heer, by knowing whom he hath ever most oppos'd in this controversie, we may then assure our selves that by violence and fraud he meanes that which the Parlament hath don in settling the Militia, and those the Wolves, into whose hands it was by them intrusted: which drawes a cleer confession from his own mouth, that if the Parlament had left him sole power of the Militia, he would have us'd it to the destruction of them and thir Freinds.
As for sole power of the Militia, which he claimes as a Right no less undoubted then the Crown, it hath bin oft anough told him, that he hath no more authority over the Sword then over the Law; over the Law he hath none, either to establish or to abrogate, to interpret, or to execute, but onelyonly by his Courts and in his Courts, wherof the Parlament is highest, no more therfore hath he power of the Militia which is the Sword, either to use or to dispose; but with consent of Parlament; give him but that, and as good give him in a lump all our Laws and Liberties. For if the power of the Sword were any where separate and undepending from the power of Law, which is originally seated in the highest Court, then would that power of the Sword be soon maister of the law, & being at one mans disposal, might, when he pleas'd, controule the Law, and in derifion of our Magna Charta, which were but weak resistance against an armed Tyrant, might absolutely enslave us. And not to have in our selves, though vanting to be freeborn, the power of our own freedom, and the public safety, is a degree lower then not to have the property of our own goods. For liberty of person and the right of selfpreservation, is much neerer, much more natural, and more worth to all men, then the propriety of thir goods, and wealth. Yet such power as all this did the King in op'n termes challenge to have over us; and brought thousands to help him win it; so much more good at fighting then at understanding, as to perswade themselves that they fought then for the Subjects Libertie.
He is contented, because he knows no other remedy, to resigne this power, for his owne time, but not for his successors. So diligent and carefull he is, that we should be slaves, if not to him, yet to his Posterity, and faine would leave us the legacy of another warr about it. But the Parlament have don well to remove that question: whom as his manner is to dignify with some good name or other, he calls now a many headed hydra of Goverment, full of factious distractions and not more eyes then mouthes. Yet surely not more Mouthes, or not so wide, as the dissolute rabble of all his Courtiers had, both hees and shees, if there were any Males among them.
He would prove that to govern by Parlament hath a monstrositie rather then perfection; and grouuds his argument upon two or three eminent absurdities: First by placing Counsel in the senses, next by turning the senses out of the head, and in lieu therof placing power, supreme above sense & reason; which be now the greater Monstrosities? Furder to dispute what kind of Government is best, would be a long debate, it sufficeth that his reasons heer for Monarchy are found weake and inconsiderable.
He bodes much horror and bad influence after his ecclips. He speakes his wishes: But they who by weighing prudently things past, foresee things to come, the best Divination, may hope rather all good success and happiness by removing that darkness which the mistie cloud of his prerogative made between us and a peacefull Reformation, which is our true Sun light, and not he, though he would be tak'n for our sun it self. And wherfore should we not hope to be Govern'd more happily without a King, when as all our miserie, and trouble hath bin either by a King, or by our necessary vindication and defence against him.
He would be thought inforc'd to perjurie by having granted the Militia, by which his Oath bound him to protect the People. If he can be perjur'd in granting that, why doth he refuse for no other cause the abolishing of Episcopacy? But never was any Oath so blind as to sweare him to protect Delinquents aagainst Justice, but to protect all the people in that order, and by those hands which the Parlament should advise him to, and the protected conside in; not under the shew of protection to hold a violent and incommunicable Sword over us, as readie to be let fall upon our own necks, as upon our Enemies; nor to make our own hands and weapons fight against our own Liberties.
By his parting with the Militia he takes to himself much praise of his assurance in Gods protection; & to the Parlament imputes the fear of not daring to adventure the injustice of their actions upon any other way of safety. But wherfore came not this assurance of Gods protection to him, till the Militia was wrung out of his hands? It should seem by his holding it so fast, that his own actions and intentions had no less of injustice in them, then what he charges upon others; whom he terms Chaldeans, Sabeans, and the Devill himself. But Job us'd no such Militia against those enemies, nor such a Magazin as was at Hull, which this King so contended for, and made VVarr upon us, that he might have wherewithall to make warr against us.
He concludes, that Although they take all from him, yet can they not obstruct his way to Heaven. It was no handsom occasion, by faining obstructions where they are not, to tell us whither he was going: he should have shut the dore, and pray'd in secret, not heer in the High Street. Privat praiers in publick, ask something of whom they ask not, and that shall be thir reward.