Defense of the People of England, Chapter 1
CHAP. I.
I Perſuade my ſelf, Salmaſius, that you being a vain flaſhy man, are not a little proud of being the King of Great Britain's Defender, who himſelf was ſtil'd the Defender of the Faith. For my part, I think you deſerve your titles both alike; for the King defended the Faith, and you have defended him ſo, that betwixt you, you have ſpoil'd both your Cauſes; which I ſhall make appear throughout the whole enſuing Diſcourſe, and particularly in this very Chapter. You told us in the 12th. Page of your Preface, that ſo good and ſo juſt a cauſe ought not to be embeliſht with any flouriſhes of Rhetorick; that the King needed no other defence than by a bare Narrative of his Story; and yet in your firſt Chapter, in which you had promiſed us that bare Narrative, you neither tell the Story aright, nor do you abſtain from making uſe of all the skill you have in Rhetorick to ſet it off. So that if we muſt take your own judgment, we muſt believe the King's Cauſe to be neither good nor juſt. But by the way I would adviſe you not to have ſo good an opinion of your ſelf (for no body elſe has ſo of you) as to imagin that you are able to ſpeak well upon any ſubject; who can neither play the part of an Orator, nor an Hiſtorian, nor expreſs your ſelf in a ſtile that would not be ridiculous even in a Lawyer; but like a Mountebank's Jugler, with big ſwelling words in your Preface, you rais'd our expectation, as if ſome mighty matter were to enſue; in which your deſign was not ſo much to introduce a true Narrative of the King's Story, as to make your own empty intended flourished go off the better. For being now about to give us an account of the matter of fact, you find your ſelf encompaſſed and affrighted with ſo many M…nst…rs of Novelty, that y' are at a loſs what to ſay firſt, what next, and what laſt of all. Ple tell ye what the matter is with you. In the firſt place you find your ſelf affrighted and aſtonish'd at your own monstrous Lies, and then you find that empty head of yours not encompaſs'd, but carried round with ſo many trifles and fooleries, that you not only now do not, but never did know what was …it to …e ſpoken, and in what method. Among the m…y … that you find in expreſſing the …inouſneſs of ſo … a piece of impiety, this one offers i… ſelf you ſay, which … …y … and muſt often be repeated; to wit, that the S… … ſelf never b…h…ld a more … …. But by your good leave, Sir, the Sun has beheld many things, that blind Bernard never ſaw. But we are content you ſhould mention the Sun over and over. And it will be a piece of Prudence in you ſo to do. For though our wickedneſs does not require it, the coldneſs of the … that you are making, does. The original of Kings, you ſay, is as ancient, as that of the Sun. May the Gods and Goddeſſes, Damaſippus, bleſs thee with an everlaſting Solſtice; that thou maiſt always be warm, thou that canſt not ſtir a foot without the Sun. Perhaps you would avoid the imputation of being called a Doctor Umbraticus. But alas! you are in perfect darkneſs, that make no difference betwixt a Paternal power, and a Regal; and that when you had called Kings Fathers of their Country, could fancy that with that Metaphor you had perſuaded us that whatever is applicable to a Father, is ſo to a King. Alas! there's a great difference betwixt them. Our Fathers begot us. Our King made not us, but we him. Nature has given Fathers to us all, but we our ſelves appointed our own King. So that the people is not for the King, but the King for them. We bear with a Father, though he be harſh and ſevere; and ſo we do with a King. But we do not bear with a Father, if he be a Tyrant. If a Father murder his Son, himſelf muſt die for't, and why ſhould not a King be ſubject to the ſame Law, which certainly is a moſt juſt one? Eſpecially conſidering that a Father cannot by any poſſibility diveſt himſelf of that relation, but a King eaſily may make himſelf neither King nor Father of his people. If this action of ours be conſidered according to its quality, as you call it, I, who am both an Engliſh man born, and was an eye-witneſs of the Tranſactions of theſe times, tell you, who are both a Foreigner and an utter ſtranger to our Affairs; That we have not put to death a good, nor a juſt, nor a merciful, nor a devout, nor a godly, nor a peaceable King, as you ſtile him; but an Enemy, that has been ſo to us almoſt ten years to an end; nor one that was a Father, but a Deſtroyer of his Country. You confeſs that ſuch things have been …, for your ſelf have not the impudence to deny it; but n…t by Proteſtants upon a Proteſtant King. As if he deſerv'd the name of a Proteſtant, that in a Letter to the Pope, could give him the title of Moſt Holy Father; that was always more favourable to the Papiſts, than to thoſe of his own Profeſſion. And being ſuch, he is not the firſt of his own Family that has been put to death by Proteſtants. Was not his Grand-mother depoſed and baniſht, and at laſt beheaded by Proteſtants? And were not her own Countrymen, that were Proteſtants too, well enough pleas'd with it? Nay, if I ſhould ſay they were parties to it, I ſhould not lie. But there being ſo few Proteſtant Kings, it is no great wonder, if it never happened, that one of them has been put to death. But that it is lawful to depoſe a Tyrant, and to puniſh him according to his deſerts; Nay, that this is the opinion of very eminent Divines, and of ſuch as have been moſt Inſtrumental in the late Reformation, do you deny, if you dare. You confeſs that many Kings have come to an unnatural death: Some by the Sword, ſome poyſon'd, ſome ſtrangled, and ſome in a dungeon; but for a King to be arraign'd in a Court of Judicature, to be put to plead for his life, to have Sentence of death pronounc'd againſt him, and that Sentence ex…cuted; this you think a more lamentable Inſtance than all the reſt, and make it a prodigious piece of impiety. Tell me, thou ſuperlative Fool, Whether it be not more juſt, more agreeable to the Rules of Humanity, and the Laws of all Humane Societies, to bring a Criminal, be his Offence what it will, before a Count of Justice, to give him leave to ſpeak for himſelf; and if the Law condemn him, then to put him to death, as he has d…erv'd ſo as he may have time to repent, or to recollect himself, than preſently, as ſoon as ever he is taken, to but…h…r him without more ado? … think there's a Mal…r in the World, that if he might have his choice, would not chuſe to be thus dealt withal? and if this ſort of proceeding againſt a private Perſon be accounted the fairer of the two, why ſhould it not be counted ſo againſt a Prince? nay, why ſhould we not think that himſelf liked it better? You would have had him kill'd privately, and none to have ſeen it, either that future Ages might have loſt the advantage of ſo good an Example; or that they that did this glorious Action, might ſeem to have avoided the Light, and to have acted contrary to Law and Juſtice. You aggravate the matter by telling us, that it was not done in an uproar, or brought about by any Faction amongſt Great Men, or in the heat of a Rebellion, either of the People, or the Soldiers: that there was no hatred, no fear, no ambition, no blind precipitate raſhneſs in the Caſe; but that it was long conſulted on, and done with deliberation. You did well in leaving off being an Advocate, and turn Grammarian. That from the Accidents and Circumſtances of a thing, which in themſelves conſidered, ſway neither one way nor other, argue in diſpraiſe of it, before you have proved the thing it ſelf to be either good or bad. See how open you lie: If the Action you are diſcourſing of, be commendable and praiſe-worthy, they that did it deſerve the greater Honour, in that they were prepoſſeſſed with no Paſſions, but did what they did for Virtue's ſake. If there were great difficulty in the enterpriſe, they did well in not going about it raſhly, but upon Advice and Conſideration. Th… for my own part, when I call to mind with how unexpected an importunity and servency of Mind, and with how unanimous a Conſent, the whole Army, and a great part of the People from almoſt every County in the Kingdom, cried out with one Voice for Juſtice againſt the King, as being the ſole Author of all their Calamities: I cannot but, think that theſe things were brought about by a Divine impulſe. Whatever the matter was, whether we conſider the Magiſtrates, or the Body of the People, no Men ever under…ook with more Courage, and, which our Adverſaries themſelves confeſs, in a more … temper of Mind, ſo brave an Action, an Action that might have become thoſe famous Heroes of whom we read in former Ages; an Action, by which they …nobled not only Laws, and their Execution, which ſeem for the future equally reſtor'd to high and low againſt one another; but even Juſtice it ſelf, and to have rendred it after ſo ſignal a Judgment more illuſtrious and greater than in its own ſelf. We are now come to an end of the third page of the First Book, and have not the bare Narrative he promis'd us yet. He complains that our Principles ar…, …hat a King whoſe Government is Burdenſom and Odi…s, may lawfully be depoſed: And by this Do…, ſays he, if they had had a King a thouſand times … thann they had, they would not have ſpared his Life. Observe the Man's ſubtle way of arguing. For I would willingly be inform'd what Conſequence there … in this, unleſs he allows, that a King's Government may be Burders…m and Odieus, who is a thousand … better than our King was. So, that now he has brought things to this paſs, to make the King that he defends, a thouſand times worſe than ſome whose Government notwithſtanding is Burdenſom and O…, … is, it may be, the moſt monſtrous Tyrant that … …d. I wiſh ye Joy, O ye Kings, of … able a Defender. Now the Narrative begins. They put him to ſ…ral ſorts of Torments. Give an in…. They remov'd him from Priſon to Priſon; and ſo they might lawfully do; for having been a Tyrant, he became an open Enemy, and was taken in War. Often changing his Keepers. Leſt they themſelves ſhould change. Sometimes they gave him hopes of Liberty, nay, and ſometimes even of reſtoring him to his Crown, upon Articles of Agreement. It ſeems then the taking away his Life, was not done upon ſo much Premeditation, as he talked of before; and that we did not lay hold on all opportunities and means, that offer'd themſelves to renounce our King. Thoſe things that in the beginning of the War we demanded of him, when he had almoſt brought us under, which things if they were denied us, we could enjoy no Liberty, nor live in any Safety; thoſe very things we petitioned him for when he was our Priſoner, in an humble, ſubmiſſive way, not once, nor twice, but thrice, and oftner, and were as often denied. When we had now loſt all hopes of the King's complying with us, then was that noble Order of Parliament made, That from that time forward, there should no Articles be ſent to the King; ſo that we left … applying our ſelves to him, not from the time that he began to be a Tyrant, but from the time that we found him incurable. But afterward ſome Parliament-men ſet upon a new Project, and meeting with a convenient opportunity to put it in practice, pass a Vote to ſend further Propoſals once more to the King. Whoſe Wickedneſs and Folly neareſt reſembles that of the Roman Senate, who contrary to the Opinion of M. Tullius, and all honeſt Men, voted to ſend Embaſſadors to M. Anthony; and the Event had been the ſame, but that it pleaſed God Almighty in his Providence to order it otherwiſe, and to aſſert our Liberty, tho he ſuffer'd them to be enſlav'd. For then the King did not agree to any thing that might conduce to a firm Peace, and Settlement of things more than he had before, they go and Vote themſelves ſatisfied. Then the ſounder part of the Houſe finding themſelves and the Commonwealth betray'd, implore the aid of that Valiant and always Faithful Army to the Commonwealth. Upon which occaſion I can obſerve only this, which yet I am loath to utter; to wit, that our Soldiers underſtood themſelves better than our Senators, and that they ſaved the Commonwealth by their Arms, when th'other by their Votes had almoſt ruined it. Then he relates a great many things in a doleful, lamentable Strain; but he does it ſo ſenſleſly, that he ſeems rather to beg of his Readers that they would be ſorrowful, than to ſtir up any ſuch Paſſion in them. It grieves him to think that the King ſhould undergo a Capital Puniſhment after ſuch a manner as no other King ever had done. Tho he had often told us before, that there never was a King that underwent a Capital Puniſhment at all. Do you uſe to compare ways and manners, ye Coxcomb, when you have no Things, nor Actions to compare with one another? He ſuffer'd Death, ſays, he, as a Rabber, as a Murderer, as a Parricide, as a Traytor, as a Tyrant. Is this defending the King? Or is it not rather giving a more ſevere Sentence againſt him than that that we gave? How came you ſo all on a ſudden to be of our mind? He complains that Executioners in Vizars [perſonati Carnifices] cut off the King's Head. What ſhall we do with this Fellow? He told us before, of a Murder committed on one in the Diſguiſe of a King: [In Perſonâ Regis.] Now he ſays, 'twas done in the Diſguiſe of an Executioner. Twere to no purpoſe to take particular Notice of every ſilly thing he ſays. He tells Stories of Boxes on the Ear, and Kicks, that, he ſays, were given the King by Common-Soldiers, and that 'twas four Shillings a piece to ſee his dead Body. Theſe and ſuch like Stories which partly are falſe, and partly impertinent, betray the Ignorance and Childiſhneſs of our poor Scholar; but are far from making any Reader ever a whit the ſadder. In good faith, his Son Charles had done better to have hired ſome Ballad-ſinger to have bewailed his Fathers misfortunes, than this doleful, ſhall I call him, or rather moſt ridiculous Orator, who is ſo dry and inſipid, that there's not the leaſt Spirit in any thing he ſays. Now the Narrative's done, and 'tis hard to ſay what he does next, he runs on ſo ſordidly and irregular. Now he's angry, then he wonders; he neither cares what he talks, nor how; repeats the ſame things ten times over, that could not but look ill, tho he had ſaid them but once. And I perſuade my ſelf, the extemporary Rimes of ſome Antick Jack-pudding may deſerve Printing better; ſo far am I from thinking ought he ſays worthy of a ſerious Anſwer. I paſs by his ſtiling the King a Protector of Religion, who choſe to make War upon the Church, rather than part with thoſe Church-Tyrants, and Enemies of all Religion, the Biſhops; and how is it poſſible that he ſhould maintain Religion in its Purity, that was himſelf a Slave to thoſe impure Traditions, and Ceremonies of theirs? And for our Sectaries, whoſe Sacrilegious Meetings, you ſay, have publick Allowance; Inſtance in any of their Principles, the Profeſſion of which is not openly allow'd of, and countenanced in Holland? But in the mean, there's not a more Sacrilegious Wretch in Nature than your ſelf, that always took liberty to ſpeak ill of all ſorts of People. They could not wound the Commonwealth more dangerouſly than by taking off its Maſter. Learn, ye abject, homeborn Slave; unleſs ye take away the Maſter, ye deſtroy the Commonwealth. That that has a Maſter, is one Man's propriety. The word Maſter denotes a private, not a publick Relation. They perſecute moſt unjustly these▪ Miniſters that abborr'd this Action of theirs. Leſt you ſhould not know what Miniſters he means, I'll tell ye in a few words what manner of Men they were; they were thoſe very Men, that by their Writings and Sermons juſtified taking up Arms againſt the King, and …irr'd the People up to it. That daily curſed, as Deborah did Meroz, all ſuch as would not furniſh the Parliament either with Arms, or Men, or Money. That taught the People out of their Pulpits, that they were not about to Fight againſt a King, but a greater Tyrant than either Saul or Ahab ever were; …ay, more a Nero than Nero himſelf. As ſoon as the Biſhops, and thoſe Clergy-men, whom they daily inveighed against, and branded with the odious Names of Pluraliſts and Non-reſidents, were taken out of their way, they preſently Jump, ſome into two, ſome into three of their beſt Benefices; being now warm themſelves, they ſoon unworthily neglected their Charge. Their Coverouſneſs brake through all reſtraints of Modeſty and Religion, and themſelves now labour under the ſame Infamy, that they had loaded their Predeceſſors with; and becauſe their Covetouſneſs is not yet ſatisfied, and their Ambition has accuſtomed them to raiſe Tumults, and be Enemies to Peace; they can't reſt at quiet yet, but preach up Sedition againſt the Magiſtracy, as it is now eſtabliſhed, as they had formerly done againſt the King. They now tell the people that he was cruelly murdered; upon whom themſelves having heap'd all their Curſes, had devoted him to Deſtruction, whom they had delivered up as it were to the Parliament to be diſpoil'd of his Royalty, and purſu'd with a Holy War. They now complain that the Sectarie's are not extirpated; which is a moſt abſurd thing to expect the Magiſtrates ſhould be able to do, who never yet were able, do what they could, to extirpate avarice and ambition, thoſe two moſt pernicious Hereſies, and more deſtructive to the Church than all the reſt, out of the very order and tribe of the Miniſters themthemſelves. For the Sects which they inveigh againſt, I confeſs there are ſuch amongſt us, but they are obſcure, and make no noiſe in the world: The Sects that they are of, are publick and notorious, and much more dangerous to the Church of God. Simon Magus and Diotrephes were the Ring-leaders of 'em. Yet are we ſo far from perſecuting theſe men, tho' they are peſtilent enough, that for all we know them to be ill affected to the Government, and deſirous of, and endeavouring to work a change, we allow them but too much Liberty. You, that are both a French-man and a Va gabond, ſeem diſpleas'd that the Engliſh, more fierce and cruel than their own Maſtiffs, as your barking Eloquence has it; have no regard to the lawful Succeſſor and Heir of the Crown: Take no care of the King's Youngeſt Son, nor of the Queen of Bohemia. Il'e make ye no anſwer; you ſhall anſwer your ſelf. VVhen the frame of a Government is changed from a Monarchy to any other, the new Modellers have no regard to ſucceſſion; the Application is eaſy; it's in your Book de primatu Papae. The great change throughout Three Kingdoms, you ſay, was brought about by a ſmall number of men in one of them. If this were true, that ſmall number of men would have deſerved to have Dominion over the reſt; Valiant men over faint-hearted Cowards. Theſe are they that preſumptuouſly took upon them to change antiquum Regni Regimen, in alium qui à pluribus Tyrannisteneatur. 'Tis well for them that you cannot find fault with them, without committing a Barbarous Soloeciſm; you ſhame … Grammarians. The Engliſh will never be able to waſh out this ſtain. Nay you, though a blot and a ſtain to all Learned men, were never yet able to ſtain the renown and everlaſting Glory of the Engliſh Nation, that with ſo great a Reſolution, as we hardly find the … recorded in any Hiſtory, having ſtrugled with, …, not only their Enemies in the Field, but the ſupertitious Perſuaſions of the common People, … to themselves in general amongſt all … the name of Deliverers: The Body of the people having undertook and performed an enterpriſe, which in other Nations is thought to proceed only from a magnanimity that's peculiar to Heroes. What the protesſtants and Primitive Chriſtians have done, or would do upon such an occaſion, …le tell ye hereafter when we come to debate the merits of the Cauſe: In diſcoursing it before, I ſhould be guilty of your fault, who outdo the moſt impertinent Talkers in Nature: You wonder how wee'l be able to anſwer the …. Meddle with your own matters, you R…gate, and be aſham'd of your actions, ſince the Church is aſham'd of you; who though but of late, you ſet your ſelf ſo fiercely and with ſo much Oſtentation againſt the Pope's Supremacy and Epiſcopal Government, are now become your ſelf a very Creature of the Biſhops. You confeſs that ſome Proteſtants whom you do not name, have aſſerted it lawful to depoſe a Tyrant: But though you do not think fit to name them, I will, becauſe you ſay they are far w…rſe than the very Jeſuits themſelves; they are no other than Luther, and Zuinglius, and Calvin, and Bu…er, and Pareus, and many others. But then, you ſay, they refer it to the Judgment of Learned and Wiſe men, who ſhall be accounted a Tyrant. But what for men, were theſe? Were they wiſe men, were they men of Learning? VVere they anywiſe remarkable, either for Vertue or Nobility! You may well allow a People that has felt the heavy Yoke of Slavery, to be Wiſe, and Learned, and Noble enough to know what is fit to be done to the Tyrant that has oppreſs'd them; though they neither conſult with Foreigners nor Grammarians. But that this man was a Tyrant, not only the Parliaments of England and Scotland have declared by their actions and expreſs words; but almoſt all the people of both Nations aſſented to it, till ſuch time as by the tricks and Artifices of the Biſhops they were divided into two Factions; and what if it has pleaſed God to chuſe ſuch men, to execute his Vengeance upon the greateſt Potentates on Earth, as he choſe to be made partakers of the benefit of the Goſpel? Not many Wiſe, not many Learned, not many Powerful, not many Noble: That by thoſe that are not, be might bring to nought thoſe that are; and that no fleſh might glory in his ſight. And who are you that babble to the contrary? Dare you affect the Reputation of a Learned man? I confeſs you are pretty well vers'd in Phraſe-Books, and Lexicons, and Gloſſaries; Inſomuch that you ſeem to have ſpent your time in nothing elſe. But you do not make appear that you have read any good Authors with ſo much Judgment as to have benefited by them. Other Copies and various Lections and words omitted, and corruptions of Texts and the like; theſe you are full of; but no foot-ſtep of any ſolid Learning appears in all you have writ: Or do ye think your ſelf a wiſe man, that quarrel and contend about the meaneſt Trifles that may be? That being altogether ignorant in Aſtronomy and Phyſick, yet are always ra… …ing at the Profeſſors of both, whom all men credit in what things belong to their own Sciences, that would be ready to curſe them to the Pit of Hell, that ſhould offer to deprive you of the vain Glory of having corrected or ſupply'd the leaſt word or letter in any Copy you've criticiz'd upon. And yet y'are mad to hear your ſelf call'd a Grammarian. In a certain triflig Diſcourſe of yours, you call Dr. Hammond Knave in plain terms, who was one of this King's Chaplains, and one that he valu'd above all the reſt, for no other reaſon but becauſe he had call'd you a Grammarian. And I don't queſtion but you would have been as ready to have thrown the ſame reproach upon the King himſelf, if you had heard that he had approv'd his Chaplains Judgment of ye. Take notice now, how much I (who am but one of thoſe many Engliſh, that you have the impudence to call mad men, and unlearned, and ignoble, and wicked), ſlight and deſpiſe you, (for that the Engliſh Nation in general ſhould take any notice in publick of ſuch a worm as you are, would be an infinite undervaluing of themſelves), who though one ſhould turn you topſic-turvy, and inſide out, are but a Grammarian: Nay, as if you had made a fooliſher wiſh than Midas did, what ever you meddle with, except when you make Soloecisms, is Grammar ſtill. VVhoſoever therefore he be, though from among the Dr…gs of that common People that you are ſo keen upon (for as for thoſe men of Eminency amongſt us, whoſe great Actions evidenced to all men, their Nobility, and Vertue, and Conduct; I won't diſgrace them ſo much, as to compare you to them, or them to you;) but whoſoever, I ſay, among the Dr…gs of that common People has but ſuck'd in this Principle, That he was not born for his Prince, but for God and his Countrey; he deſerves the reputation of a Learned, and an Honeſt, and a VViſe man more, and is of greater uſe in the world than your ſelf; For ſuch a one is Learned without Letters, you have Letters, but no Learning: That underſtand ſo many Languages, turn over ſo many Volumes, and yet are but a ſheep when all is done.