History of the War with the Indians, Postscript – Book description
POSTSCRIPT.
SInce I wrote the preceding Narrative, I hear that there are who make a scruple of using the word Army, when applyed to such inconsiderable Forces, as those which have been raised and sent forth by us in the late War. I pretend not to any skill or accuracy of speaking as to modern platforms of Military Discipline: But sure I am that of old, a few Cohorts being under the command of a chief Captain, though in all there were not above four or five hundred Souldiers, this was called foreign, an Army, Acts 23. 27. Yea those three hundred Souldiers who were under Gideon as their General, are styled an Army, Judg. 8. 6. The Hebrew word there used cometh from foreign which signifies turmatim congregare ad militandum, when Troops are assembled together, this did the Hebrews call an Host or an Army. There are small Armies as well as great ones, 2 Chron. 24. 24. foreign which is the word used in that place signifies Forces: that term have I commonly chosen, though the other being of most frequent use, and aptly enough expressing what is meant by it, I have not wholly declined it. For amongst us
—Sic volet usus
Quem penes Arbitrium est & jus & Norma loquendi.
And Reason saith, that those Forces may pass for Armies in one part of the world, that will not do so in another. But my design in this Postscript is not to Criticize or Apologize about the use of a Term. There is another matter of greater importance, sc. That which doth concern the Grounds of this Warr, and the justness of it on our part: concerning which I shall here adde a few words, It is known to every one, that the Warr began not amongst us in Matachusets Colony; nor do the Indians (so far as I am informed) pretend that we have done them wrong. And therefore the cause on our part is most clear, and unquestionable: For if we should have suffered our Confederates, and those that were ready to be slain, to be drawn to death and not have endeavoured to deliver them, when they sent unto us for that end, the Lord would have been displeased; nor should we have acted like the Children of Abraham, Gen. 14. 14. Yea, all the world would justly have condemned us And as for our Brethren in that Colony, where these tumults first hapned, It is evident that the Indians did most unrighteously begin a Quarrel, and take up the Sword against them.
I said at the beginning, I would not enlarge upon that Argument, which concerns the Grounds of the War; neither will I, because that would make the History too voluminous, contrary to my design. Nevertheless inasmuch as some are dissatisfied thereabouts, so as to receive impressions and prejudices in their minds, concerning our Brethren in Plymouth Colony (as it is natural for men in trouble to lay blame upon every body but themselves) supposing that they have without just cause engaged themselves and all these united Colonies in an unhappy War. Yea and that the Indians were provoked to do what they did, when as (whatever may be said of some private persons, of whose injurious dealings no complaint was made and proved) it seems very manifest to impartial Judges, that the Covernment in that Colony is innocent as to any wrongs that have been done to the Heathen, by those where the War began. And therefore for their vindication, and for the satisfaction of those amongst our selves, (or else-where) who are cordially desirous to have things cleared, respecting the Grounds of the War, I shall here subjoyn a Letter, which I received from General Winslow (whose integrity and peculiar capacity, (as being Governour of Plymouth Colony) to give information in this affair is well known) together with a Narrative of the beginning of these Troubles, as it was presented to the Commissioners of the Ʋnited Colonies, in September last, for the satisfaction of confederate Brethren.
Reverend Sir,
THe many Testimonies you have given, not only of your good respects to my unworthy self personally, but also to this whole Colony, manifested in your endeavours to vindicate us from undeserved aspersions, that some ignorant or worse than uncharitable persons would lay upon us, respecting the grounds of these troubles, calls for a greater Retribution than a bare acknowledgment. But Sir, my present design is only to give you further trouble, by enabling you to say something more particularly on our behalf; to that end I have sent you the enclosed Paper, which is an exact Narrative given in by Mr. Hinkly and my self, to the first Sessions of the Commissioners of the Confederate Colonies, September last; from which the Commissioners and the Council of your Colony, and afterwards your General Court, took full satisfaction, as you see by their subsequent acts and actions. Yet much more we can truly say in our Vindication, (viz.) that we have endeavoured to carry it justly and faithfully towards them at all times, and friendly beyond their deserts. I think I can clearly say, that before these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of Land in this Colony, but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian Proprietors: Nay, because some of our people are of a covetous disposition, and the Indians are in their Streits easily prevailed with to part with their Lands, we first made a Law that none should purchase or receive of gift any Land of the Indians, without the knowledge and allowance of our Court, and penalty of a fine, five pound per Acre, for all that should be so bought or obtained. And lest yet they should be streightned, we ordered that Mount-Hope, Pocasset, & severall other Necks of the best Land in the Colony, (because most suitable and convenient for them) should never be bought out of their hands, or else they would have sold them long since. And our neighbours at Rehoboth and Swanzy▪ although they bought their Lands fairly of this Philip, and his Father and Brother, yet because of their vicinity, that they might not trespass upon the Indians, did at their own cost set up a very substantial fence quite cross that great Neck between the English and the Indians, and payed due damage if at any time any unruly horse or other beasts brake in and trespassed. And for divers years last past (that all occasion of offence in that respect might be prevented) the English agreed with Philip and his, for a certain sum yearly to maintain the said Fence, and secure themselves. And if at any time they have brought complaints before us, they have had justice impartial, and speedily, so that our own people have frequently complained, that we erred on the other hand, in shewing them overmuch favour. Much more I might mention, but I would not burden your patience, yet we must own that God is just and hath punished us far less than our iniquities bave deserved; yea just in using as a Rod, whose enlightning and conversion we have not endeavoured as we might & should have done, but on the contrary have taught them new sins that they knew not. The Lord Humble us and Reform us, that he may also save and deliver us, as in his own time I trust he will. Sir, I have nothing of Intelligence worthy your knowledge. The Colds are very general amongst us, and some very afflictive. The Lord rebuke the mortal Distemper that prevails so much in your Town, and sanctifie all his Visitations to us.
Thus craving the benefit of your Prayers, in this day of Gods Visitation,
I rest Your obliged Friend to serve you,Jos. Winslow. Marshfield May 1. 1676.
A brief Narrative of the beginning and progress of the present Troubles between us and the Indians, taking rise in the Colony of New Plymouth June 1675. Given by the Commissioners of that Colony, for the satisfaction of their Confederate Brethren, and others.
NOt to look back further then the Troubles that were between the Colony of New Plymouth, and Philip, Sachem of Mount-Hope, in the Year 1671. It may be remembred, that the settlement and issue of that controversie was obtained and made (principally) by the mediation and interposed advice, and counsel of the other two confederate Colonies, who upon a careful enquiry and search into the grounds of that trouble, found that the said Sachems Pretences of wrongs and injuries from that Colony were groundless and false, and that he (although first in Arms) was the peccant offending party, and that Plimouth had just cause to take up Arms against him: and it was then agreed that he should pay that Colony a certain summe of Mony, in part of their damage and Charge by him occasioned, and he then not only renewed his ancient Covenant of Friendship with them, but made himself and his Poeople absolute Subjects to our Soveraign Lord King Charles the II. and to that his Colony of New-Plimouth, since which time we know not that the English of that, or any other of the Colonies have been injurious to him or his, that might justly provoke them to take up Arms against us: But sometime last winter, the Governour of Plimouth was informed, by Sausaman a faithful Indian, that the said Philip was undoubtedly endeavouring to raise new troubles, and to engage all the Sachems round about in War against us. Some of the English also that lived near the said Sachem, communicated their fears and jealousies concurrent with what the Indian had informed: About a week after John Sausaman had given his Information, he was barbarously Murdered by some Indians, for his faithfulness (as we have cause to believe) to the Interest of God, and of the English. Sometime after Sausamans death, Philip having heard that the Governour of Plimouth had received some information against him, and purposed to send to him to appear at the next Court, that they might enquire into those Reports, came down of his own accord to Plimouth, a little before the Court, in the beginning of March last, at which time the Council of that Colony, upon a large debate with him, had great reason to believe that the information against him might be in substance true: But not having proof thereof, and hoping that very discovery of it so far would cause him to desist, they dismist him friendly, giving him only to understand, that if they heard further concerning that matter, they might see reason to demand his Arms to be delivered up for their security, (which was according to former agreement between him and them) and he engaged on their demand they should be surrendred to them or their order. At that Court we had many Indians in Examination concerning the Murder of John Sausaman, but had not then testimony in the case, but not long after an Indian appearing to testifie, we apprehended three by him charged, to be the Murderers, and secured them, to a tryal at our next Court holden in June, at which time, and a little before the Court, Philip began to keep his men in Arms about him, and to gather Strangers to him, and to march about in arms towards the upper end of the Neck in which he lived; and near to the English houses, who began thereby to be something disquieted, but took as yet no further notice, but only to set a Military Watch, in the next Towns of Swanzy and Rehoboth. Some hints we had that Indians were in arms, whilst our Court was sitting, but we hoped it might arise from a guilty fear in Philip, that we would send for him, and bring him to tryal with the other Murderers, and that if he saw the Court broke up, and he not sent for, the cloud might blow over. And indeed our Innocence made us very secure, and confident it would not have broke into a War. But no sooner was our Court dissolved, but we had intelligence from Lieut. John Brown of Swanzy that Philip and his men continued constantly in arms, many strange Indians from several places flocked into him, that they sent away their Wives to Narraganset, and were giving our People frequent Alarms by Drums, and Guns in the night, and had guarded the passages towards Plimouth, and that their young Indians were earnest for a War. On the seventh of June, Mr. Benjamin Church being on Rhode-Island, Weetamoe (the Squaw Sachim of Pocasset,) and some of her chief men told him, that Philip intended a War speedily with the English; some of them saying, that they would help him, and that he had already given them leave to kill English-mens Cattle, and rob their Houses. About the 14. and 15th. of June Mr. James Brown went twice to Philip to perswade him to be quiet, but at both times found his Men in arms, and Philip very high and not perswadable to peace. On the 14th of June, our Council writ an amicable friendly Letter to him, shewing our dislike of his practises, and advising him to dismiss his strange Indians, and command his own men to fall quietly to their business, that our people might also be quiet, and not to suffer himself to be abused by reports concerning us, who intended no hurt towards him; but Mr Brown could not obtain any Answer from him. On the 17th of June, Mr. Pain of Rehoboth, and several English going unarmed to Mount-Hope to seek their Horses at Philips request, the Indians came and presented their Guns at them, and carried it very insolently, though no way provoked by them. On the 18. or 19th of June, Job Winslow's House was broke open at Swanzy, and rifled by Philips men. June 20. being Sabbath day, the People of Swanzy were Alarmed by the Indians, two of our Inhabitants turned out of their Houses, and their Houses rifled, and the Indians were marching up (as they judged) to assault the Town, and therefore intreated speedy help from us. We thereupon, the 21. of June, send up some to relieve that Town, and dispatch more with speed. On wednesday 23. of June twelve more of their Houses at Swanzy were rifled. On the 24th. Layton was slain at the Fall River near Pocasset. On the 25th of June, divers of our people at Swanzy were slain, and many Houses burned: until which time, and for several-dayes after, though we had a considerable force there, both of our own, and of the Massachusets (to our grief and shame) they took no revenge on the Enemy. Thus slow were we and unwilling to engage our selves and Neighbours in a War, having many insolencies, almost intolerable, from them, at whose hands we had deserved better;
Josiah Winslow. Thomas Hinckley.
At a Meeting of the Commissioners of the Ʋnited Colonies held at Boston September the 9th. 1675.
WE having received from the Commissioners of Plimouth, a Narrative, shewing the rise and several steps of that Colony, as to the present War with the Indians, which had its beginning there, and its progress into the Massachusets, by their insolencies, and outrages, Murthering many persons, and burning their Houses in sundry Plantations in both Colonies. And having duely considered the same, do Declare, That the said War doth appear to be both just and necessary, and its first rise only a Defensive War. And therefore we do agree and conclude, that it ought now to be joyntly prosecuted by all the United Colonies; and the charges thereof to be born and paid as is agreed in the Articles of Confederation.
John Winthrop.
James Richards.
Thomas Danforth.
William Stoughton.
Josiah Winslow.
Thomas Hinckley.
The above expressed Letter and Narrative will (I hope) tend to remove Prejudices out of the spirits of dissatisfied persons, touching the grounds of the present War. Some have thought that if Philip (the Ringleader of all the mischief and misery which hath hapned by this War) his solemn engagement to the English, above four years before these Troubles began, were published, it would farther clear the justice of the War on our part; and the more in that he doth desire, that that Covenant might testifie against him to the world, if ever he should prove unfaithful therein. I shall therefore here subjoyn what was by him together with his Council, subscribed (in the presence of sundry appertaining to this Jurisdiction) and doth still remain with their Names set to it, in the publick Records of the Colonies.
It is that which followeth.
Taunton, Apr. 10. 1671.
WHereas my Father, my Brother, and my self have formerly submitmitted our selves and our People unto the Kings Majesty of England, and to this Colony of New Plymouth, by solemn Covenant under our Hand, but I having of late through my indiscretion, and the nautiness of my heart, violated and broken this my Covenant with my friends, by taking up Arms with evil intent against them, and that groundlesly; I being now deeply sensible of my unfaithfulness and folly, do desire at this time solemnly to renew my Covenant with my ancient Ftiends, and my Fathers friends above mentioned; and do desire this may testifie to the world against me, if ever I shall again fail in my faithfulness towards them (that I have now and at all times found so kind to me) or any other of the English Colonies, and as a real Pledge of my true intentions, for the future to be faithful and friendly, I do freely engage to resign up unto the Government of New-Plymouth, all my English Arms to be kept by them for their security, so long as they shall see reason. For true performance of the Premises I have hereunto set my hand together with the rest of my Council.
In the Presence of
William Davis.
William Hudson,
Thomas Brattle,
The Mark of P. Philip chief Sachem of Pocanoket.
The Mark of foreign Tavoser.
The Mark of foreign Capt. Wisposke.
The Mark of foreign Woon aponchunt.
The Mark of foreign Nimrod.
By all these things it is evident, that we may truly say of Philip, and the Indians, who have sought to dispossess us of the Land, which the Lord our God hath given to us, as sometimes Jephthah, and the Children of Israel, said to the King of Ammon, I have not sinned against thee, but thou dost me wrong to war against me; the Lord the Judge, be Judge this day between the Children of Israel, and the Children of Ammon. And as Jehosaphat said, when the Heathen in those days combined to destroy the Lords People; And now behold the Children of Ammon, and Moah, and Mount Seir, whom thou wouldest not let Israel invade when they came out of the Land of Egypt, but they turned from them, and destroyed them not, behold how they rewarded us, to come to cast us out of thy Possession, which thou hast given us to inherit. O our God wilt thou not judge them? Even so, when Philip was in the hands of the English in former years, and disarmed by them, they could easily, but would not destroy him and his men. The Governours of that Colony have been as careful to prevent injuries to him as unto any others; yea, they kept his Land not from him, but for him, who otherwise would have sold himself out of all; and the Gospel was freely offered to him and to his Subjects, but they despised it: And now behold how they reward us! Will not our God judg them? yea he hath and will do so.
FINIS.
ADVERTISEMENT.
In Page 29. That passage relating to the Thunder and Rain, hapning on May 8. hath respect to Bridgwater, when as it is by an oversight printed as though it referred to what was done at Taunton.
MATHER (Increase) INDIAN WAR. Fol. 1, half title: THE WARS OF New-England. Fol. 2, title: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAR WITH THE INDIANS IN NEW-ENGLAND. From June 24. 1675. to August 12. 1676. when Philip, alias Metacomet, the principal Author and Beginner of the War, was slain.. London, Printed for Richard Chiswell.. 1676.
Small 4to. fine copy in purple morocco extra, gilt edges, by Riviere 167642 0 0
VERY RARE. COLLATION: 4 preliminary leaves; 28 leaves signatured A—G in fours; and 2 leaves signatured II:.. altogether 34 leaves.
It raises our admiration for the author to learn at the very beginning of his work that God was a Puritan at heart, and that he gave to the New Englanders the land of the Indians for their rightful possession. This reminds us of the story told elsewhere under Fernandez de Enciso,—the only difference being that the gift was made in that case by the Pope to the King of Spain; while in the later instance the Almighty himself stepped in to endow his faithful Puritans with the property of other men.
End of the text · Increase Mather, History of the War with the Indians (1676)