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Several Speeches · John Loudoun

Several Speeches, Speech 2

The Lord Charcellour of Scotland his ſecond Speech: At a Conference in the Painted Chamber, with a Committee of both Houſes, Octob. 6. 1646.

AT our laſt meeting in this conference, your Lordſhips did aſſert the Vote of the Houſes, That the Perſon of the King ſhould be diſpoſed on as the two Houſes ſhall think fit: And we did hold, that the King, who is the Head and Monarch of both Kingdomes, ought not to be diſpoſed of by any one of the Kingdoms, but by joynt advice of both, as might ſerve moſt for the peace, happineſſe, and ſecurity of his Majeſty and both kingdoms, which we fortified with ſeverall arguments from the intereſts and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King, and from the covenant and treaty between the Kingdoms, as the beſt way to preſerve our Unity. But ſince your Lordſhips do adhere to the Vote of the Houſes, as that which you cannot part from, We do humbly deſire, that your Lordſhips may be pleaſed (in time convenient, at the cloſe of this conference) to report the difference of our judgement to the honourable Houſes, who upon better reaſons both may, and (we hope) will take their Vote into further conſideration: And ſo with reſervation of our judgement, that the diſpoſing of his Majeſties perſon doth belong to both; and not to any one of the Kingdoms, eſpecially in ſuch a juncture of affairs, as both Kingdoms ſtand engaged in this cauſe; I ſhall deſcend particularly how the Kings Perſon ſhould be diſpoſed of to the beſt advantage of both Kingdoms, and for attaining ſuch a happy peace as all good men ſhould deſire. But leſt we ſhould walke in the dark upon obſcurity of ambiguous words, I ſhall deſire that the word of diſpoſing of the Kings perſon may be rightly underſtood, and the true ſenſe of it may be clearly known: For, Dolus verſatur in univerſalibus. For, To diſpoſe of the Kings perſon, as both Houſes, or both Kingdoms ſhall think fit, may in ſome ſenſe be to depoſe, or worſe: But becauſe the word [Diſpoſe] may admit a more benigne interpretation, as when men commit their eſtates and children, or that which is deareſt to them to be diſpoſed of, (which is but to be adviſed) by theſe who have neareſt relation to them, and in whom they repoſe moſt truſt: I ſhall ſpeak of the diſpoſing of his Majeſties royal perſon in that ſenſe, (which I hope) is alſo the ſenſe of the Houſes. Nor do I know any other way how his Majeſties perſon can be diſpoſed of, but that he be put either under reſtraint, or be at freedom with honour and ſafety. As for the way of reſtraint, I look upon it as it looks upon us, as a remedy more dangerous then the diſeaſe, & as a mean to draw the war of forain Kings upon us (eſpecially the Prince being in other Kingdoms) rather then to quiet our troubles at home. And therefore ſuppoſing that none of the Kingdoms will take any way concerning his Majeſties perſon, but ſuch as may conſiſt with duty and honour, and which may leſſen, and not encreaſe our troubles, I ſhall lay aſide the way of reſtraint, and ſpeak of the way which may be with freedom, honour and ſafety, which can be no other, but that his Majeſty ſhall go into Scotland, or come to his Parliament here, or ſome of his houſes near-abouts.

His going into Scotland is full of dangers and inconveniencies to both Kingdoms: The Amalekites are not yet driven out of that I and. The bloody barbarous Iriſh, banded with a wicked crew of Malignants, poſſeſſe the mountains and highlands, which are the ſtrong holds, and never conquered parts of that Kingdom. They have not laid down arms, but keep in a body together, and they are ſo near Ireland, as the Forces of the Rebels there may in two or three houres ſpace come over and joyn with them: and (Scotland) not being able to keep and entertain Armies long, the King being there, may raiſe ſuch forces in Scotland, as may make way quickly into England. And therefore his Majeſties going into Scotland (before our peace be ſetled) being of moſt dangerous conſequence to both Kingdoms, I ſhall humbly offer to your Lordſhips conſideration his Majeſties comming to London, or ſome of his houſes hereabouts, as the moſt probable way to procure a ſpeedy and happy agreement, which is alſo his Majeſties own deſire in his Anſwer to the Propoſitions. And although no perſwaſion of ours could prevaile to procure a more ſatisfactory anſwer for the time, then what is returned to the Houſes of Parliament, yet (I aſſure your Lordſhips) that the Committee of Eſtates of the Parliament of Scotland, and the Noblemen, who were at Newcaſtle, did faithfully contribute their beſt endeavours, that his Majeſty might have given his aſſent to the Propoſitions: And, as we did then deliver our minds with that plainneſſe and freedom which was fit for faithfull and loyal Subjects, with no leſſe regard to this Kingdom, then our own Nation; ſo are we now (with the ſame candor and tenderneſſe of affection) willing and ready to concurre with the honourable Houſes in every thing which may promote the great work of Reformation; and ſettle Religion according to the Covenant with a well grounded peace. And for theſe ends, we deſire, that his Majeſties anſwer may be improved to the beſt advantage of the publick.

For albeit the King hath not given a preſent aſſent to the Propoſitions, yet he hath not in his anſwer refuſed them; but doth promiſe, That he will cheerfully grant and give his aſſent unto all ſuch Bils (at the deſire of the two Houſes) and reaſonable demands for Scotland, which ſhall be really for the good and peace of his people: To which end he deſireth and propoſeth that he may come to London (or any of his houſes thereabouts) upon ſecurity, That he ſhall be there with honour, freedome, and ſafety, as the beſt expedient to procure a happy agreement between his Majeſty and his Parliament, which we deſire may be weighed in the ballance of righteous judgement, as a buſineſſe of the greateſt conſequence which can fall within humane conſideration, and wherein the glory of God is moſt concerned of any buſineſſe under heaven. For upon a bleſſed agreement between the King and his Parliament, Religion and Righteouſneſſe, Truth and Peace, which are the compend and height of all happineſſe will be eſtabliſhed, to the eternall fame and glory of great Britain, and the great comfort of all the Proteſtant churches: And upon our diſagreement, all the calamities of a bloody and unnaturall war, will be continued, and nothing heard nor ſeen in church nor State but confuſion. God hath brought both Kingdomes through the ſurges and waves of a boiſterous tempeſt, into the harbour of a peace, and hath ſcattered moſt part of our Enemies, & now our work is how to come a-ſhoare, & eſtabliſh a right peace. I hope it is as far from our deſires and intentions as it is againſt our Covenent and Profeſſions, to change fundamentall government. We have need to take heed that we run not from one extream into another; Dum ſtulti vitant vitia, in contraria currunt: Therefore our ſtudy would be how to cure the wound which our ſins and the evill counſels of others have made between the King and his Parliament to make up the breach, and not make it wider.

It hath been univerſally acknowledged, That the Kings removall from his Parliament is the immediate and chiefe cauſe of all the war, miſchiefe, and calamities of the kingdomes: Then his Majeſties preſence in joyning with his Parliament muſt be the beſt, if not the onelyonly remedy to remove our traubles, for it is a maxime no leſſe true then common, that Contraries have Contrary conſequents.Contrari… rum cont… tia ſunt c… ſequentia

The King deſires to come to his Parliament, not onelyonly to have his doubts clecred, and have theſe difficulties explained which hinder his conſent to the Propoſitions as they now ſtand: But likewiſe that his coming may raiſe a mutuall confidence between him and his Parliament: If the laſt were done, the firſt would ſoon be performed, and all thoſe mountaines of difficulties would eaſily be removed, and become valleys.

Your Commiſſioners had no power to give any reaſons, no not ſo much as tell what is the meaning of any of your demands, nor hearken to any deſire of the Kings, And certainly ſome things might be juſtly moved by his Majeſty, which are neceſſary for the Crowne and a well grounded Peace, as, That he may have his Revenues, That he may returne with honour and ſafety to his crowne and government; And if the King were with his Parliament, where hee might both give and receive ſatisfaction, he might with reaſon be convinced, to aſſent to what hee now conceives to be unreaſonable.

The making of a peace, is ſo great and glorious a worke, and ſo acceptable to all good men, and to the whole people, that it would (after ſo great trouble) be like raine to the new mowne graſſe, or like a reſurrection from the dead, and is a worke worthy of a Kings preſence: And the King may without arrogancy deſire that glory to himſelfe, the more to reingratiate him to his people, and not devolve that honour wholly to any other, wherein he himſelfe ought to be the prime Actor. And therefore the Kings preſence with his Parliament is the moſt probable way to attaine to a ſpeedy and bleſſed peace, which certainly will be the more durable, if it be with the good liking of both ſides.

I know there is one common objection (and I know not another) wherewith many are poſſeſt and prejudiced againſt the Kings coming to his Parliament, That his preſence may breed diviſion, and that he may thereafter withdraw and continue our troubles. Ʋnity and Concord (I confeſſe) is that by which Kingdoms and Common-wealths do flouriſh, and there is nothing more dangerous then diviſion, Concordia enim res parvae creſunt, diſcordia vero maximae dilabuntur. But is there any greater or more dangerous diviſion, then to have the Head devided from the body, go have the King divided from his Parliament, the repreſentative body of the kingdome, whereof he is the Head? Hath not this diviſion divided brother againſt brother, the father againſt the ſon, and the ſon againſt the father, and Countrey againſt countrey? This diviſion is the cauſe of all our other diviſions; Take this away and all cur other diviſions are at an end. Ablata cauſa tollitur effectus. The King doth (with all earneſtneſſe) deſire to be joyned with you, and ſtands more in need of rec…ciliation, and I hope will (according to his profeſſion) endeavour it rather then diviſion; And (I truſt) the wiſdom of the honourable Houſes is ſuch as they will doe ſo too, and rather be reconciled to the King, then divide amongſt our ſelves. And that argument, not to admit of the Kings coming to his Parliament, becauſe his preſence may breed diviſion, is an argument to debarre him perpetually from his Parliement And now the caſe is altered from what it was, when it was thought unfit, that the King ſhould come to his Parliament, becauſe then he had forces in the fields, gariſons and ſtrong holds to return to: Now he hath none of theſe againſt you, And his deſire of coming to his Parliament, cannot be but with reſolution to agree and ſtay with you, for if he were once with you, where can he go from you? And if they were eſteemed enemies to the Parliament and the peace of the kingdoms, who adviſed the King to withdraw from his Parliament, what eſtimation will the world have of them, who will not ſuffer him to returne to his Parliament, when he offers to caſt himſelfe in your armes? Nor can there be a more reall teſtimony of our reſpect and affection to England, then that we deſire he may be with you, and be adviſed by you, neither can you have any greater honour, then that (after you have diſſipated your Enemies) his Majeſty is willing to returne to you, And if ſo kind an offer ſhall be refuſed, and the King driven to deſpaire, it is to be feared, theſe kingdomes will be involved in greater difficulties then ever, and we ſhal be driven out of the harbour and entrance of a peace, into the tempeſt of new and bloudy wars.

For although Scotland be moſt willing and deſirous that the King ſhould return to his Parliament with honour, ſafety, and freedom, and that he may remaine where his perſonal preſence may ſerve moſt for the ſecurity and happineſſe of his people; yet if any ſuch courſe ſhall be taken, or any demand made for rendring of his perſon, which cannot ſtand with his honour and ſafety, or which cannot conſiſt with our duty, allegeance and Covenant, nor with the honour of that Army, to whom (in time of his extreme danger) he had his recourſe for ſafety; it cannot be expected that we can be capable of ſo baſe an Act. And if (to ſhun this, and avoid occaſion of quarrelling between the Kingdomes) he ſhall go to Scotland, and reſent his expulſion out of England, and crave the aſſiſtance of that kingdome, for recovery of his right to his crowne; He may in a ſhort time raiſe ſuch Forces in Scotland and Ireland, as with the aſſiſtance of Foraine Princes, theſe kingdomes may be made a field of bloud, and the youngeſt amongſt us not live to ſee the end of theſe unnaturall wars. But if the preſent opportunity be wiſely mannaged, and that we maintain the juſt priviledges of Parliament and liberty of the Subject in both kingdomes, with that wiſdome and diſcretion, as that may be given to God which is Gods, and to Coeſar what is Goeſars, if we feare God and the King, and doe not meddle with them who are given to change, That ſame divine providence and wiſdome which hath brought us through many difficulties, will alſo teach us how to eſtabliſh theſe kingdomes in peace, and the Kings Throne in righteouſneſſe, That the great bleſſing of a conſtant and friendly conjunction of the two kingdomes (now united by allegeance and loyall ſubjection to one Soveraigne and Head) may be firmly obſerved and continued to all poſterity.