The Harmony Chronicle and Order of the New Testament, Part 2 · James
THE EPISTLE OF IAMES.
Although therefore, the certain time of his writing this Epistle cannot be discovered, yet since he died in the year that we are upon, we may, not unproperly, look upon it as written not very long before his death. And that the rather, because by an expression or two he intimates the vengeance of Ierusalem drawing very near. Chap. 5.8, 9. The coming of the Lord draweth nigh; and, Behold the Iudge standeth before the door. He being the Apostle residentiary of the Circumcision in Iudea, could not but of all others be chiefly in the eyes of those that maliced the Gospel there, and the Ministers of it: So it could not but be in his eye, to observe those tokens growing on apace that his Master had spoken of, as the forerunners and forwarders of that destruction coming: False Prophets, Iniquity abounding, Love waxing cold, betraying and undoing one another, that he could not but very surely conclude, that the Judge and judgement was not far from the door.
Among other things that our Saviour foretelleth should precede that destruction, this was one. Matth. 24.14. This Gospel of the Kingdom shall be preached in all the world, for a witnesse unto all Nations, and then shall the end come. And so did the Gospel reach all the twelve Tribes, as well as other Nations, even the ten Tribes, as well as the other two. Therefore Iames a Minister of the Circumcision, doth properly direct this Epistle to all the twelve Tribes scattered abroad.
The whole Nation was at this time, some at the very height of unbelief and crossenesse against the Gospel, and others at the very depth of suffering for it: therefore he comforts the one, Chap. 1. and denounceth their just doom against the other, Chap. 4, and 5. He striveth to beat down four things especially, which were not only unbecoming the Christian profession, but even enemies against it. The first was, estimating men according to their gorgeous outside, and so the poor preachers and professors of the Gospel were contemned. Secondly, Their having many masters or teachers, whereby errours and schismes were easily scattered and planted among them, and much mischief done by unbridled tongues. Thirdly, Their reliance upon their historicall faith, they thinking that enough, and neglecting to bring forth the fruits of a faith saving and lively. And lastly, Their common and vain oaths, to which the Jewish nation, and that by the lenity, and toleration of their own Canons, was exceeding loose.
In the close of the Epistle, he speaketh of the Elders anointing the sick with oyl, Chap. 5.14. which may receive some explication from these things observed in their own writings.
1. That anointing with oyl was an ordinary medicinall application to the sick. Talm. Jerus. in Baracoth. fol. 3. col. 1. R. Simeon the sonne of Eleazar permitted R. Meir to mingle wine and oyl, and to anoint the sick on the Sabbath. And he was once sick, and we sought to do so to him, but he suffered us not.
Id. in Maasar Sheni. fol. 53. col. 3. A tradition. Anointing on the Sabbath is permitted. If his headake, or if a scall come upon it, he anoints with oyl.
Talm. Bab. in Joma fol. 77.2. If he be sick, or scall be upon his head, he anoints according to his manner, &c.
Now if we take the Apostles counsell as referring to this medicinall practice, we may construe it, that he would have this Physicall administration to be improved to the best advantage, namely that whereas Anointing with oyl was ordinarily used to the sick, by way of Physick, he adviseth that they should send for the Elders of the Church to do it; not that the anointing was any more in their hand then in anothers, as to the thing it self, for it was still but a Physicall application, but that they with the applying of this corporall Physick, might also pray with and for the patient, and apply the spirituall Physick of good admonition and comforts to him. Which is much the same, as if in our Nation, where this physicall anointing is not so in use, a sick person should send for the Minister at taking of any Physick, that he might pray with him and counsell and comfort him: Or
2. It was very common among the Jews to use charming and anointing together, of persons that were sick of certain maladies: of this the Ierus. Talm. speaketh in Schab. fol. 14. col. 3. foreign A man that one charmeth, he putteth oyl upon his head and charmeth. And a little after, is related what they charmed for, as for an evil eye, serpents, scorpions, &c. And in col. 4. is mentioned how one charmed over a sick person in the name of Iesu Pandira. Now this being a common wretched custom to anoint some that were sick and to use charming with the anointing, this Apostle [seeing anointing was an ordinary and good Physick, and the good use of it not to be extinguisht for that abuse] directs them better, namely to get the Elders or Ministers of the Church to come to the sick, and to adde to the medicinall anointing of him, their godly and fervent prayers for him, far more available and comfortable then all charming and inchanting, as well a far more warrantable and Christian.
CHRIST. LXIV NERO. X THis year [C. Lecanius and M. Licinius being Consuls] befell that sore fire in Rome, [of which some touch was given before] the forest that ever had befallen the City, and which made such desolation, That whereas the City was divided into fourteen great Wards [they are the words of Tacitus] only four of the fourteen stood sound: For three were clean burnt down to the ground: and as for the other seven they were all tattered and half consumed, and but a few reliques of houses remained.
It was commonly thought and talked, that Nero himself had the chief hand in kindling and carrying on of this mischief; instigated thereunto either by his own inhumane and barbarous temper, which delighted in nothing more, then in destroying; or by a tickling humour he had, to build the City anew, that it might bear his name. He to stop the mouth of the clamour, and to salve his credit, brought the Christians that were in the City, to examination and execution, as if they had been the only, and the all, in the breeding of this mishap. Igitur primò correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum, haut perinde in crimine incendii, quam odio humani generis, convicti sunt, &c. Therefore they were first laid hold on, that confessed themselves Christians: and then by their discovery a vast multitude was convicted, not so much for reall guilt of kindling that fire, as because of the generall hate of men against them. And moreover there were scorns added to their deaths, for they were cast, wrapped in beasts skins to be devoured of dogs, or they were crucified, or burnt, and served for lights by night, when the day was gone. Whereupon they were pitied, seeing that they were thus destroyed, not for the publick benefit, but only for one mans cruelty. Thus Tacitus.
What havock may we think this dolefull persecution made? as among other Christians at Rome, so particularly among those eminent ones, that Paul in his Epistle thither, saluteth by name, Rom. 16. of whom many, no doubt, were alive till now, and now dispatched. He himself, and Timothy and Luke, with other of his retinue, may well be supposed to have been got away before this storm came, because in severall places of his Epistles written a good while ago, as we have observed, he speaketh of his setting away with what speed possible and convenient. How escaped Peter if he now sate Bishop at Rome, as Rome asserteth?
Whether this persecution were circumscribed within the bounds of Rome or Italy, or whether it was carried by the command of the tyrant through all other Countries [as Vid. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 24. Oros. lib. 7. &c.] we need not to be much solicitous to go about to decide▪ certainly, though it were not inforced by any Edict or command, yet such a copy would be taken for a warrant, especially by those that without either command or copy, had been forward enough to do mischief to the professors of the Gospel already, and had taken, nay had made any occasion to undo, or destroy them. The Jews at this mastery were the busiest men of any, and that mystery of iniquity was ever working, but could not strike their full stroke, because something hindred, 2 Thess. 2.6, 7. If he that hindred were Claudius, who by his expulsion of the Jews out of Rome, shewed a frown upon the whole Nation, and suffered them not to rage as they would have done, he was taken away about ten years ago; and they felt their chain much slackned at the coming in of Nero: who in his best years, though he broke not out to destroy all before him, as he did afterward, yet was he destructive enough to Christianity, as we have observed, and loose and carelesse of the administration of affairs, and regarded not how things went, so that he might have his ease, luxury and pleasure, which his Tutors Seneca and Burrhus made but unworthy advantage of. But now that he himself hath given so visible, bloody and cursed an example, the Jews that stood barking at their chain-end all this while, finding themselves so far let loose as such an example might loose them, which was too farre, would fall on without mercy. They had been mischievous enough alwaies against the professors of the Gospel, but from hence forward they exceeded, and the more they grew toward their desolation, the more did the devil make them bestirre themselves, knowing the shortnesse of his time there.
This tenth of Nero there was a blazing starre, horrid lightnings and thunders, and divers monstrous births.
CHRIST. LXV NERO. XI THis year [the eleventh of Nero, Silius Nerva and Atticus Vestinus, being Consuls] very many eminent and gallant men of Rome were cut off by the Tyrant, as the last year he had cut off many eminent and worthy Christians. The Christians he destroyed, by a plot laid against them by himself; the Romans for a plot laid by them against him. The names of those that perished, now best known among us, were Seneca the Philosopher, Nero's Tutor, and his nephew the Poet Lucan. Both of them very renowned for their Writings, but both of them very ignominious for a severall miscarriage. Seneca for unparalleled covetousnesse, usury and oppression mentioned before: and Lucan for betraying his own mother. Let him bear Tacitus his brand: Lucanus, Quinctianus, & Senecio diu abnuere. Post, promissa impunitate corrupti, quo tarditatem excusarent, Lucanus Atillam matrem suam, [observe that] Quinctianus Glicium Gallum, Senecio Annium Pollionem amicorum praecipuos nominavere. Lucan, Quinctianus & Senecio, were long before they would confesse any thing: But at last, being corrupted by the promise of impunity, that they might make amends for their slownesse, Lucan accused his mother Atilla, &c. Hereupon Atilla was wracked one day; and would confesse nothing: and the next day being carried to the wrack again [for she was so disjoynted that she could not go] she made a shift as she sate in the cart to strangle her self: choosing so to dye rather then either to endure the wrack again, or to impeach any. An indeleble blot to her son Lucan for ever. Nor did his base shift serve his turn, for he suffered death too, by having his veins cut and so bleeding to death; which was the end of his Uncle Seneca also.
The Warres of the Jews are now drawing on apace [for they began the next year] and the horrid Civil Warres of the Romans are not farre off. So that here we may properly take notice of that prediction ready now to take place. Matth. 24.7, 8, 9. Nation shall rise against Nation, and Kingdom against Kingdom, &c. All these are the beginnings of sorrows. Then shall they deliver you up to be afflicted, and then shall they kill you: which Luke hath expressed, But before all these, shall th…y lay their hands upon you, and persecute you, Luk. 21.12. which seemeth to carry some difference, as if the one Evangelist shewed, that the persecution of the Disciples to death, should be before these troubles; and the other, as if they should not be till these troubles were begun: But they may be well reconciled by observing that in the words that Christ is there speaking in both Evangelists, there is the intertexture of two stories, namely what miseries should befall the Jewish Nation before their ruine, and what miseries should befall the Disciples in the middest of those miseries: and so the word Then in Matthew, and Before in Luke, are but as a transition from the one history to the other: and yet they are not unsignificant neither, as to the pointing out of the time, the one speaking the beginning of that persecution foretold, and the other the continuance.
A fitter period of time whence to begin the punctuall taking place of that prediction, we can hardly point out, then this very year that we are upon, a center between two criticall years: the year before beginning the persecution of Christians at Rome, and the year following beginning the Warres of the Jews in Iudaea.
Although therefore we cannot positively assert the very time of the writing of