The Harmony Chronicle and Order of the New Testament, Part 2 · Philemon
THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
For he was a Colossian, as appeareth by this that Paul cals Onesimus his servant one of the Colossians, Col. 4.9. and Archippus which was Minister at Colosse, Col. 4.17. seemeth to have been Philemons sonne, or at least to have sojourned in his house, Philem. ver. 2. In this Epistle he sendeth salutations from the persons he did in the Epistle to the Colossians. Epaphras, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Lucas: only there is this difference about two of them, that here he cals Epaphras his fellow-prisoner, which there he did not, and there Aristarchus his fellow-prisoner which here he doth not: This doing of the Apostle needeth to breed no scruple, but it may rather justly be inquired how these men came prisoners. Aristarchus set out with Paul from Ierusalem, and he only is named of all his company, Act. 27.2. either because he was a prisoner then as Paul was, or because the rest with Paul were his attendants and Ministers constantly with him, and therefore needed not to be named. Or if Aristarchus were not committed to prison till now, the consideration of Epaphras his case will include his: Epaphras came from Colosse but very lately, Col. 1.7, 8. and how, and for what, is he now got into prison? For answer to this we may properly take in something out of the Roman story▪ Suetonius in the Life of Nero speaking of those times of his that carried some moderation, in which he was not broke out to his extream wickednesse: and mentioning some things that he did and enacted that looked somewhat like a Reformation, he saith thus: Mul…a sub eo & animadversa severè, & coercita, nec minus instituta: Adhibitus sumptibus modus: Publicae caenae ad sportulas redactae: Interdictum ne quid in popinis cocti, praeter legumina, aut olera veniret, cum antea nullum non opsonii genus proponeretur. Afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae & maleficae. This last particular is it that we have to deal with; The Christians were put to punishment, a sort of men of a new Religion, &c. Suet. in Nerone cap. 16.
Tacitus in the Life of the same tyrant telleth of a dreadfull fire that befell in Rome in the tenth year of his reign, [of which we shall speak when we come there] which common report buzzed and rumored up and down that he had kindled. Abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, & quaesitissimis paenis affecit, quos per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellat. Nero to stop that report, brought in as guilty those who were called Christians, and tortured them with exquisite torments. The author of that name was Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius was put to death by Pontius Pilate. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio, rursus erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem ejus mali, sed per urbem etiam; quò cuncta undique arocia aut pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. Igitur primò correpti qui fatebantur, &c. For the Englishing of this, the words repressa in praesens will breed some dispute; as doubtfull, whether they mean that the Christian Religion was suppressed by Nero at that time when he inflicted those tortures upon them, pretending them guilty for firing the City, which was in his tenth year, but it brake out again after, for all that suppression; or that they mean, that that Religion had been suppressed in former time, but now by that tenth year of Nero was broken out again, and he fals upon it anew. The words you may winde to whether construction you will, construing them either, That dangerous superstition suppressed for the present broke out again: or That dangerous superstition having been suppressed for a time, was broke out again; or, that had been suppressed till the present: Now though there be this dubiousnesse in that phrase, yet the observation of these things may state it, that there was some such suppression of Christianity before that open persecution that broke out in his tenth year. 1. Because Sueton speaks of his afflicting the Christians, a… done in his way of Reformation of Religion, and that in his good times when he was not grown a monster, and not by way of crimination of them, or for the salving of his own credit as he did in his tenth year. 2. There is mention of Pomponia Graecina tried for her life, about the beginning of Nero's reign, for matter of Religion as we mentioned before. 3. This imprisonment of Epaphras, and it may be of Aristarchus, at this time, and certainly of Timothy presently after, may also confirm it: for what should these men be imprisoned for but for Religion? It is very probable therefore that Nero had by some Act or Edict suppressed Christianity, not only at Rome, but also in Iudaea, as it seemeth by that clause in Tacitus, Rursus erumpebat non modò per Iudaeam, &c. and if so, that might be a forwarder of that defection that was so generall in the Churches of the Jews that had received the Gospel; they falling to Moses again, or joyning the adhesion to the Law with the profession of the Gospel: for thus hiding their Christianity, they might retain their liberty of their Christianity such as it was, the Religion of the Jews not being at all suppressed by him: However, if there were such a suppression at Rome, as it is very like there was, Pauls deliverance from the Lions mouth, was the more remarkable, since he was to answer not only to his accusers about his profession, but before a judge that was prejudiced against it so deeply.
But since we have heard of no stirring at Rome of all this time to such a time, nor any mention of any imprisoning but only of Paul, how comes the matter to wax so hot now, since Nero's heat against Christianity seemeth to have been some years, or at least a good while ago? Here we cannot but remember that passage in the Epistle to the Philippians so lately written: Philip 1.15, 16. Some preach Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of good will. The one preach Christ of contention not sincerity, supposing to adde affliction to my bonds. By which it may be conjectured, that some enemies of Pauls and his companies, taking opportunity of Nero's declaration against Christianity did bussle and make ado in preaching the Gospel, aiming at nothing more then this, that hereby the ringleaders in the Gospel Paul and his company [as no doubt they were noted so to be] might be the more narrowly looked after: and this might well be some occasion of the imprisonment of Epaphras and Timothy at this time, and of Aristarchus, if so be he were not a prisoner before.
CHRIST. LXI NERO▪ VII THis year is Timothy a prisoner, and Paul himself at liberty, for his two years imprisonment expired the later end of the last year or the beginning of this. You have intimation of this, Heb. 13.23. where he saith, Know ye, that our brother Timothy is set at liberty: with whom if he come shortly I will see you: For I cannot interpret the word foreign otherwise then in reference to restraint; and then we may out of this passage observe that Timothy had been a prisoner, and that the Hebrews had known of his imprisonment, but now he was at liberty, and Paul too, ready to come away with him when he should come. He had written to the Philippians that he hoped shortly to send Timothy to them, Philip. 2.19. and to Philemon to provide a lodging for him, for he hoped ere long to come into those parts, Philem. ver. 22. By which we may conclude, that upon his inlargement he intended not to have staied long at Rome, or that Timothy at the least should not have been long from them, but that his imprisonment, as it proved, hindred them both. Therefore we may not cast his commitment beyound this year; but how long he lay under restraint we cannot tell, only we may conceive him at liberty the next, for in that year we suppose the writing of the Epistle to the Hebrews which speaks of his inlargement.
In our thoughts about Nero's suppressing Christianity, and these mens bonds thereabout, we may also look with admiration at the wondrous workings of God: observe, that even at these times there was Christianity in Nero's houshold, Philip. 4.22.
This year some occurrences befalling in this our own Country of England, though they are besides the argument that we are upon, yet may they not unfitly be taken into mention for Countries sake. Suetonius Paulinus was now Generall for the Romans here. He assails to take the Ile of Man, Incolis validam & receptaculum perfugarum, saith Tacitus: Strong in the inhabitants and a refuge for fugitives. He bringing on his men near the shore, findes an Army guarding and ready to forbid his landing. Among the men, there were women running up and down; In modum furiarum, veste ferali, crinibus dejectis faces praeferebant. Like furies in a dreery garb, with their hair about their ears, and they carried torches. The Roman souldiers for a while stood amazed at such a sight, but at last falling on, they enter and destroy them, and possesse and Garrison the Iland. Excisique luci saevis superstitionibus sacri; Nam cruore captivo adolere aras, & fibris hominum consulere Deo fas habebant. And they cut down the groves that were devoted to bloody superstition: For they used to sacrifice captives at their Altars, and to look into their inwards by way of auguration.
It is a remarkable and true saying of Pliny concerning Italy or Rome, That it was a Country Quae sparsa congregaret imperia, ritusque molliret, & tot populorum discordes ferasque linguas sermonis commercio contraheret ad colloquia, & humanitatem homini daret. Nat. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 5. which in short is this, that it civilized the world, and taught barbarous Nations humanity. A strange assertion, if we consider the barbarous bloudinesse and superstitions of the Romans themselves; yet if we look upon the thing it self, it is very true, they being a people of Learning, Discipline and Education, and planting these wheresoever they got footing. And this was one means in the Lords providence, whose waies are past finding out, to harrow the worlds ruggednesse, and to fit it the better for the sowing of the Gospel. In what temper our Land of Brittain was, as to civility, before they came in, may be guessed by this garb of the Ile of Man, so near relating to it, if we had no more evidence.
Whilest Suetonius was thus busied here, he hears of a revolt and rebellion in Brittain, caused partly by the cruell exaction of Decimus Catus the Governour, who revived some impositions that Claudius the Emperour had remitted, partly by the grinding usury and exaction of Seneca, who having put them, even unwilling, to take vast summes of money of his, to most unsufferable usury, he now called it and the use in, with all extremity and mercilesnesse: And partly by an unhappy obsequiousnesse of Prasutagus King of the Iceni, or at least by an unhappy abusing of his obsequiousnesse: For he dying, and leaving Nero and his own two daughters his heirs by Will, the Roman Centurions as in claim to Nero's Legacy, ransack and catch all they can, and pull his Kingdom all to pieces, and abuse his wife and two daughters barbarously and inhumanely: and spare not either his friends, kindred or Nobles. This stirres all to commotion, which is eagerly prosecuted by Bondicea or Bunduica the widow of the King deceased, in so much that they destroy the Colony at Camalodunum, the Roman Garrison and associates at London, and the like at Verulam: in all to the number of 70000 persons: Suetonius at last comes in, and fights them, they being near upon 230000 in armes under Bunduica, he routeth them, slayes upon 80000 of them: Bunduica for vexation poisons her self: and the Roman destroyes with fire and sword all the Towns before him that were of the adverse party, or adhered to it: Divers prodegies are mentioned by the Historians, that relate these bloody occurrences as presages of it: as the sea bloody, strange voices and howlings heard, sights seen in the Thames, of houses under water, as a Colony overturned, &c.
CHRIST. LXII NERO. VIII PAUL in the Epistle to the Colossians, Chap. 4.10. intimateth that Mark, who was then with him at Rome, was likely ere long to come to them into the East, and he willeth them to receive him as from him, though there had once been disagreement betwixt Mark and him. Whether Timothy's imprisonment delayed Mark's journey, may be some question: for Paul having sent for them two to come to him together, 2 Tim. 4.11. it is like he could ill part with the one, when the other was made uselesse to him by restraint: and so we have some cause to suppose, that while Timothy was in prison, Mark remained with Paul. However, whensoever it was that he went for the East, we have this reason to think that Paul wrote and sent by him