Commentary Upon Acts, Part 2

Commentary Upon Acts · Part 2

p. 97Sect. An account of the Chronologie.

ALthough the proper reckoning of every yeare of our Saviour, bee from September to September, (for at that time of the yeare hee was borne) and so his three and thirtieth yeare should have beene ended by us, within foure moneths or little more after the giving of the holy Ghost, yet because it will not bee possible to date the times of things in any of the three stories that wee have in hand, from such a beginning, and because both the Roman Historians doe reckon the yeares of their Citie, as also the Christian histories, the yeares of Christ from Ianuary to Ianuary, I have chosen to follow that computation and manner of accounting, or rather (to speake properly indeed) I have beene inforced to follow it, there being not onelyonly various and pregnant helpes both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning, but there being also an utter impossibilitie to reckon or compute from any other beginning or calculation: now, as for those stories that wee are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles, the holy Ghost hath not beene so punctuall and exact, to give us the times of the things, as to give us things themselves; The Chronicle chaine of the times indeed is drawne up by the Scripture from the Creation, to the death of our Saviour (which was the fulnesse of time) with all care and accuratenesse: but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth, nor indeed was it requisite that it should so bee. To annalize therefore the story of this booke of the Acts, as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty, p. 98so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when wee have done what wee can, and both these proceed from this ground and reason, because the holy Ghost hath beene very sparing, if not utterly silent, in giving account of the times in the new Testament from the death of Christ forward, that great businesse in his death being accomplished and fulfilled, for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded: wee shall therefore in the casting of passages and occurrences into severall yeares, as wee goe along present them under their proper notion of conjecture, yet shewing some groundwork and reason of what wee doe: and though it may be we may not alwayes hit aright, in fixing every thing to its proper yeare, yet hope wee to finde here and there some such maine pins as whereon to hang a summe of divers yeares joyned together, and to settle them fast, although wee cannot so perfectly find a generall naile whereby to fasten the occurrences of every severall yeare by it selfe.

Wee may take an instance in the story at which wee now are, the choosing of the seven Deacons: It is not possible, positively to determine at what time this was done, it may bee it was before the three and thirtieth yeare of our Saviour was expired, namely before September next after his Ascension, it may be again it was not before September, but betwixt it and Ianuary next following, or it may be it was not before Ianuary, but after it, in this yeare that wee are entring upon: there is a like uncertainty in all these things, if wee should come to try the times of this particular thing by it selfe, but when wee shall come to examine and take up the time of Pauls conversion, then will some steadinesse of the time of this appeare, and the naile that fastneth that, will so clench up all the stories betwixt that and the descension of the holy Ghost, or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the beginning of the ninth, that they will not hang altogether loose, but have some fixednesse to their proper time.

p. 99Act. VI.

Vers. 1. There was a murmuring of the Grecians.

IN the Greeke it is, Of the Hellenists: which word is also used, Chap. 9.29. and 11.20. and is of no small controversie for the sense, whether it meane Greeks that lived among the Jewes, or Jewes that lived among the Greekes. Whether Greeks that were converted to the Jewish Religion, or Jewes that used the Greeke tongue; but the latter seemeth to bee the proper meaning of it upon these grounds.

1. Because proselyted Greeks (which some thinke Hellenistae meanes) are expressely called Hellens, Ioh. 12.20. and foreign, Ioseph. Ant. lib. 18. cap. 4. And not Hellenistae.

2. Because the very forme of the word Hellenista doth more properly import a Jew ingraffed into the Greeks, then a Greek ingraffed into the Jewes.

3. Because whereas Iudeus and Hellen distinguish the two nations Iew and Greeke all along in the Scripture, Hebraeus and Hellenista must needs signifie something else here.

4. Because if by Hellenistae had beene meant the converted Greekes, it had beene most proper in contradistinction to them to have said foreign and not foreign.

5. Because the story from the beginning of this booke hither maketh the Church to consist most especially of Jewes, as Ch. 2.5.22. and 3.12. and though it mention proselytes among them, yet seemeth it most improbable that their number should be so great as to have seven Deacons chosen for them.

6. Because Nicolas one of the seven, is expressely called a Proselyte of Antioch, which had beene somewhat improper if all the businesse had onelyonly concerned Proselytes.

By these and some other reasons …hat might bee produced, it is most proper to apprehend and conceive that these Hellenists were Jewes of the Grecian dispersion and plantations, that lived among the Greeks, and used their language: and which may bee called the westerne dispersion, not onelyonly in regard p. 100of the situation of their dwellings; but chiefely in difference from the Easterne captivities carried away by the Assyrians and Persians: and also because they used Westerne tongues. And to this sense it soundeth when it is said the Hellenists murmured against the Hebrews: namely that both they that murmured and they that were murmured against were Jewes, but the one party called Hebrewes and the other Hellenists in reference to their language and residence. The Hebrewes in Iudea or in the countries of the Easterne dispersion, and the other in the countries and Colonies of the Westerne. And in this sense is that easily understood which is spoken of Paul, Chap. 9.29. that he spake and questioned with the Hellenists, namely, because hee spake their language, the Greeke tongue, hee being borne in Tarsus, where they had Greeke Schooles, And that in Chap. 11.19.20. They that were scattered spake the word to none but to the Iewes onelyonly, and yet some spake to the Hellenists at Antioch, they that spake being themselves Hellenists by birth, or Jewes borne in Cyprus and Cyrene, in Greeke colonies, and so dealt with them of Antioch that were of the same native reference that they were.

Sect. Were neglected in the daily ministration.

That is, in the daily distribution of almes, or the stock of the Church, as the Text and reason i… selfe maketh it plaine enough, though some have conceived that it is to bee taken passively, as if these widowes had been hindred from ministring to the Apostles as women had ministred to our Saviour.

Vers. 2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the Disciples unto them.

Not the whole multitude of beleevers, which at this time were growne to very many thousands: but the whole number of the Presbytery or the 108. of whom mention hath beene made before. For 1. how needlesse was it that eight or ten p. 101thousand people should meet together about this businesse to choose six or seven men? And 2. how impossible was it there should bee a joynt choice, where the distance and diversities of Countries and Languages had made them so great strangers one to another; and when some discontents had driven them into murmurings already? 3. They that chose the seven are bidden to looke out among themselves, men full of the holy Ghost, which among the number of common beleevers was very hard, if at all possible to find: for wee cannot ever find, that the holy Ghost had come downe upon any but the 120. And whereas they are required to bee of honest report and wisedome, it doth not inferre that any of the 108. were otherwise, but because there was difference of eminencies and excellencies among them.

Vers. 3. Seven men.

This number may seeme to referre to the seven nations of the westerne Jewes who had made the complaint, Cappadocians, Ponticks, Asians, Phrygians, Pamphilians, Romans, and Cretans.

Sect. The office of Deacons.

1. It was not ministeriall or for the preaching of the word, but for providing for the …; for as the occasion of their election was complaint of the poore, so the end of their choice was to provide for their reliefe. It is true indeed that these seven men, at the least two of them, Stephen & Philip, were preachers of the Word as well as overseers of the poore: but this their ministeriall function they had before their Deaconry, and not with it. For it is not onelyonly the opinion of Epiphanius, but even sense and reason do give their vote with him, that these men were of the number of the Seventy, or at the least of the 108. that had beene Christs constant followers and disciples: and so had received their ministeriall function from p. 102Christ and not from the Apostles, and it was not an addition to their Deaconry, but their Deaconry to it: For the Text telleth plainely that they were full of the holy Ghost before they received the imposition of hands, and so had in all probabilitie, yea indeed past deniall, received the holy Ghost when the 120. did, they being some of that number.

2. Those tables for which the office of Deaconry was ordained, were not holy Tables but common. For 1. The twelve set an inconsistency betweene serving these Tables, and preaching the Word, Ver. 2. which they would never have done, if serving of Tables had beene the attending upon the Sacrament of the Lords Supper. 2. The serving of Tables that they meane, they put over from themselves to the Deacons, but none can thinke that they would ever resigne or give over the administring the Sacrament. 3. There were Ministers enow already for the administration and attending upon the Sacrament, and there needed no new ordination or office for it.

3. The office of the Deacons was to take care of the poore according to their severall wants; to gather and receive collections for them, to distribute to them, to oversee them, and to minister to them in their necessities, and therefore it is no wonder if the Apostles were so circumspect in their election, and so observant in their ordination. For these seven were to take this worke of the Apostles out of their hands, and to dispose of the stock of the Church, and upon whose care the support of the poore was to depend, and their welfare upon their incorruption, and then it is no marvell if they were chosen men of good report: and they were to converse with varietie of languages and nations, and therefore it was needfull they should bee full of the holy Ghost, inabling them to converse with them in their divers tongues.

Vers. 5. Prochorus.

Sect. The booke of the life of Iohn the Evangelist under his name forged.

Of Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon and Parmenas there is no more p. 103mention in Scripture. The book that beareth the name of Prochorus, concerning the life, miracles and assumption of Iohn the Evangelist, doth justly beare this brand in its forehead as it stands in Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 7. Historia haec Apocrypha est, fabulosa, & indigna prorsus quae legatur. The Author bewrayeth himselfe to bee a Romanist, by the signe of the crosse and the locall descent cap. 3. by Linus and Domitian disputing about the comming of Christ, and by Iohn Por…-Latin, cap. 10. and by other visible signes, although hee had thought he had put on a vizor sufficient to have hidden that, when hee bringeth in Peter calling Iohn the prime Apostle, even in the beginning of his first Chapter. But that none may lose so much time as to read him over, let him take a patterne of the rest of his pedlary ware out of the twentieth Chapter, where hee bringeth in Iohn writing a letter to the devill that possessed a man, and by that letter casting him out.

Sect. Nicolas a Proselyte of Antioch.

He is held to have been the author and occasion of the sect of the Nicolaitans, Rev. 2.6.15. Iren. lib. 1. cap. 27. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 29. A sect that misconstrued the doctrine of Christian communitie and Christian libertie, to all uncleanenesse and licentiousnesse: but whether it began to bee so misconstrued by Nicolas himselfe, or by some of his followers, as the Sadduces abused a good doctrine of Sadoc to a damnable heresie, it is difficult to determine, and this is not the proper place to examine it.

Vers. 7. A great company of the Priests were obedient to the faith.

I cannot but wonder at the boldnesse of Beza in this place, and indeed in hundreds of other places: for hee doth rather suspect the truth and puritie of this Text, then beleeve the story that so many Priests should beleeve: And yet it seemeth, among all his Greek copies there was not one that read otherwise. p. 104Truely it is a daring that deserves castigation in him, that when hee either understandeth not the perfect meaning of a place, or findeth difficulty in it, or hath fancied a sense contrary to it, that hee should throw durt into the face of the Scripture, and deny the puritie of the Greeke text, before hee will ungive any thing of his owne groundlesse opinion: Honorable is the memory of that man in the Church of God, and his name as a sweet perfume among us, but I would this his boldnesse which hee tooke to himselfe continually, had not given so great occasion to Jewes and Papists to bark against the purity of the Text and the truth of the Gospel as it hath done.

Vers. 9. The Synagogue of the Libertines.

That is, of Jewes that were freeborne, (as Paul Act. 22.28.) viz. the sonnes of those Jewes that had obtained the Roman freedome: Hee that from a slave or servant obtained manumission and libertie, was called libertus, and his child, borne to him in this freedome, was libertinus.

Vers. 15. His face as the face of an Angel.

Stephen is accused by the students of this Libertine Colledge, of blasphemy against Moses and the Temple, for preaching of the destruction of his ceremonies and of that place, whereas he spake but what Moses and an Angel had foretold before, Deut. 28. and 32. Dan. 9. and accordingly his face hath the splendor of an Angel, and shineth like the face of Moses.

Acts VII.

Vers. 2. Men, brethren.

THat is, Brethren: for the word men is added onelyonly by an Hebrew Elegancy and custome, as Gen. 13.8. wee are Men p. 105brethren, which our English hath well rendred, wee are brethren, so vers. 26. of this Chapter.

Sect. When he was in Mesopotamia.

For Chaldea was also reckoned to Mesopotamia: and so Pliny accounteth it, Lib. 6. Nat. Hist. cap. 26. Babylon Chaldaicarum gentium caput diu summam claritatem obtinuit in toto orbe, propter quam reliqua pars Mesopotamiae Assyriaeque Babylonia appellata est. And afterwards, Sunt etiamnum in Mesopotamia Hipparenum, Chaldaeorum & hoc, sicut Babylon: And presently after, Orchein quoque tertia Chaldaeorum doctrina, in eodem situ locantur.

Vers. 3. And said unto him, Get thee out of thy Country.

Divers expositors have intricated themselves into a perplexitie, they cannot well tell how to get out of, by supposing these words, and the words of Moses, Gen. 12.…. to bee the same, and to speake of the same time and thing: whereas they are visibly and vastly distant and different, and they meane two severall cals of God to Abraham, the one in Chaldea, the other in Charran. In Chaldea God appeares to him, and bids him Get thee out of thy country and from thy kindred, but maketh no mention of leaving his fathers house, for that hee tooke along with him, Gen. 11.31. The holy Ghost indeed hath ascribed the conduct of this journey to Terah as if hee had received the cal…, and had beene the chiefe mover in the businesse, but it is onelyonly to shew his conversion and forsaking of his native Country and Idolatry, and his readinesse to goe with Abram when God calleth Abram: but that the call was to Abram, it is not onelyonly asserted by Stephen here, and Ioshua, Chap. 24.2. but also confessed by some of the Jewes themselves, as Aben Ezra on Gen. 12.1. The Lord commanded Abram whilst hee was yet in Vr of th… Chaldees that hee should leave his countrey. But when God cals him away from Haran or Charran, hee then bids him depart from his fathers house as p. 106well as he had done from his country and kindred before, for now hee left his brother Nahor and all his fathers house behind him. Had this beene observed, there could never so many scruples have risen about Terahs age at Abrahams birth, nor about Abrahams journey, as there have done; nor would there bee such ambiguitie about translating the word foreign Gen. 12.1. as there hath beene: The story in Genesis runs current and in a continuation: and may bee illustrated in this Paraphrase: God in Vr of the Chaldees appeared to Abraham and said into him, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, but take thy fathers house with thee and goe to a land which I shall shew thee: And when Abram told Terah of this command, Terah condescended and consented; And Terah tooke Abram, and Lot and Sarai, and they (Terah and Abram) went with them from Vr to Haran and dwelt there: And Terah died in Haran; And then God saith to Abram, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, and from thy Fathers house also now, and goe into Canaan, &c. And to take away all cavils that might bee made against the matter in this respect, in that both Vr and Haran, are called Abrams countrey and kindred, Stephen hath laid them both in Mesopotamia, as is noted before.

Vers. 5. Not so much as to set his foote on.

As Deut. 2.5. Abram was forced to buy a place of buriall, though all the land was given him by promise.

Vers. 6. And intreat them evill foure hundred yeares.

There is a double summe of yeares mentioned concerning the seed of Abraham, namely foure hundred, and foure hundred and thirtie, Gen. 15.13. Exod. 12.40. The foure hundred and thirtie was from Abrams receiving of the promise, to the delivery out of Egypt. And the foure hundred was from the fifth yeare of Isaac to that delivery: Then did Ismael mock p. 107and then began affliction to Abrahams seed, and from thence they were in affliction and sojourning, in a strange land Canaan and Egypt, foure hundred yeares: See the Seventie at Exod. 12.40.

Vers. 7. And serve mee in this place.

This clause is here alleadged by Steven as if it had been spoken to Abraham, whereas it was spoken to Moses foure hundred yeares after, but the holy Ghost useth to speake short in knowne stories, as Matth. 1.12. 1 Chron. 1.36. Mark 1.2.3. &c.

Vers. 14. Threescore and fifteene soules.

Whereas Moses saith that all the soules of the family of Iacob that went downe into Egypt were but threescore and ten, Gen. 46.27. Exod. 1.5. Deut. 10.22. Steven inlargeth the number, and saith threescore and fifteene: and herein hee followeth the Septuagint who in the two first cited places have that summe: and they make up the account in Gen. 46. by fetching the names of five children of Ioseph out of the booke of Chronicles, which Moses mentioned not, and which indeed were not borne at their going into Egypt but after, and these are Machir, Gilead, Shutelah, Tahen, and Eden: and the reason of this their reckoning I have shewed elsewhere, viz. In Harm. of Evang. at Luke 3.36.

Vers. 16. And were carried over into Shechem, &c.

The shortnesse of the language in this verse hath bred some difficulty, and as Stevens speaking more then Moses in the Verse foregoing, was the cause of some obscuritie there, so is it a cause of more in this verse, for that hee hath not spoken so much. Moses hath told that Iacob was buried in Hebron, Steven here speakes as if hee had been buried in Sichem. Moses maketh Iacob the buyer of the land of Emor the father of Sichem, p. 108Stephen seemeth to make Abraham the buyer of it: And in conclusion to make Iacob and his twelve sonnes to lie in one Sepulcher, and Abrahams and Iacobs purchase to bee but one and the same. Now Stephen and Moses speake but the same thing, and intend the same meaning, onelyonly Stephen useth shortnesse of speech in relating a story which was so well knowne that a word was enough for a sentence: and he spake in a language which had its proprieties and Idioms, which those that heard him, easily understood.

[And were carried over into Sichem.] The Syriack and Arabick apply this onelyonly to Iacob, for they read it in the singular number, Hee was translated, directly crosse and contrary to Moses who telleth plainely that Iacobs buriall was in Hebron, Gen. 50.13. And in Hebron Iosephus would have all the sonnes of Iacob buried likewise, Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 4. and by his report they were buried there before Ioseph, for that they were brought thither as they died, but Iosephs buriall was put over, till all the nation came out of Egypt: Now it is not to bee imagined that Stephen, a man so full of the holy Ghost, would ever have spoken a thing in which every ordinary man, woman or child that heard him, could so easily have confuted him, as they might have done if the twelve Patriarks had been buried in Hebron, much lesse when hee spake to the Councell and to men of learning and understanding, that would readily have tript him, if hee had faltered in so plaine and common a story: therefore it is past all doubting, that Shechem was knownly and generally reputed the place of the Patriarks buriall: For as, although there bee mention onelyonly of Moses bringing up the bones of Ioseph, Exod. 13.19. yet R. Solomon well observeth that wee may learne from that very place that the bones of all the Patriarks were brought up with him: so though there bee mention of the buriall of Ioseph onelyonly in Sichem, Iosh. 24.32. and no record of the buriall of the rest of the twelve there: yet might it very well bee supposed had not Stephen asserted it that they were also buried there with him. For as wee may prove the bringing of their bones out of Egypt, yea though Stephen had not told it;

p. 109For, 1. The same cause that moved Ioseph to desire buriall in the land of Canaan could not but move the other of the twelve to desire the like: were it in faith in the promise, or because of the interest in the Land, or in hope of the resurrection, all the rest had the very same principles to move them to it that Ioseph had.

2. The rest of the Tribes bare the same honour to their Patriarks, that the Tribe of Ioseph did to him, and therefore if they, in honour to Ioseph would preserve his bones (that at their remoovall, they might bee taken out of Egypt) the children of the rest of the Tribes would do so by their Patriarks also.

3. To which might bee added the kind of necessitie which there was that the twelve fathers of the Church of Israel, and heires of the Land of Canaan should have their interment in that Land, and not be left in the land of bondage.

So likewise may there bee arguments sufficient to prove that they were buried with his bones in Sichem. As 1. There was no reason they should bee severed in the buriall who had been united in their removall. 2. Iosephs bones were most regardable, and the same Sepulcher that served him, would have best befit them. 3. The convocation of all Israel by Ioshua was Sichem, and there, upon their possessing of the land▪ hee makes a covenant betwixt them and God, and it is incomparably more probable that they should bury the bones of all the Patriarks there, then in Hebron, where wee doe not read that Ioshua ever came but to destroy the Citie.

Now the reason why Stephen speaking of the burials of Iacob and his sonnes which were in distant and different places, doth yet couch their story so close together, as if they were all laid together in the same place, is,

1. Because treating of two numbers so unequall, as twelve and one, hee first followeth the story of the greater number.

2. Hee useth the singular number for the plurall, Sepulcher for Sepulchers, which is a thing so common, as that nothing p. 110is more common in the Scripture Language.

3. Hee useth an Ellipsis or cutting off of the conjunction Vau or And, which also is exceeding common in the same Language, as 1 Sam. 6.19. Psal. 133.3. 2 King. 23.8. and divers other places.

So that though hee spake so very curt and short as hee did, yet to them that were well enough acquainted, both with the story it selfe, and with such Hebraismes, his shortnesse would breed no obscuritie, but they would readily take him in this sense: And Iacob and our fathers died, and were removed to Sichem, and were laid in Sepulchers, in that which Abraham bought for money, and in that that was bought from the sonnes of Emmor, the father of Sichem.

Vers. 20. And was exceeding faire.

Gr. [Faire to God.] Hee was a goodly child, supernaturally borne, when his mother was past the naturall course of childbearing.

Vers. 22. And Moses was learned in all the wisedome of the Egyptians.

This Steven speaketh by necessary consequence from his Princely education.

Vers. 23. And when hee was full fortie years old.

There are that say that Moses was 40. yeares in Pharaohs Palace, 40. yeares in Midian; and 40. yeares in the wildernesse. Tauchuna in Exod. 2.

Vers. 43. Yee tooke up the Tabernacle of Moloch, &c.

I. In Amos the words lie thus, Chap. 5. Vers. 26. foreign: which the Rabbins Kimchi and Iarchi construe in the future tense, & take it for a threatning of their punishment as much as p. 111an upbraiding of their sin: as if he should have said unto them, yee would not take up the Commandements of the Lord to beare them, but you shall beare your Idols into captivitie with you, and your enemies shall lay them upon your shoulders: And this might have beene a very plausible and faire sense, but that Steven hath taught us to construe the Verbe in the time past, and not in the time to come, and to read it thus, yee have borne or taken up, &c.

II. Now the fixing of this time when Israel tooke up this Idolatry is somewhat difficult: It is some facilitating of the matter if wee can bee sure it was not in the forty yeares in the Wildernesse: And that appeares to bee so, by the very scope of Stevens speech: for 1. hee telleth that they made a golden calfe in the Verse before: and that God for this Idolatry gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: whereupon it is evident, that this Idolatry with the calfe, was neither of these mentioned in this Verse, neither with Moloch nor Remphan: but as it were a cause of these, for for it the Lord gave them up to these. 2. Hee seemeth to handle this justice of God upon them in giving them up to Idolatry under these two heads: 1. In neglect of Gods own service in the wildernesse, yee offered mee no sacrifice for fortie yeares. And 2. in their choosing of Idols to worship afterward. So that the two verses seeme to run in this sense, O house of Israel yee were not content to offer mee sacrifices for 40. yeares together in the wildernesse, but yee were well content to sacrifice to Idols and to worship all the host of heaven afterward.

III. The tabernacle of Moloch: In the Hebrew in Amos it is Siccuth Malkekem: which is rendred by some, Siccuth your King, by others, the tabernacle of your King: by a third sort, the observance of your King: as if it were derived from the word foreign Deut. 27.9. Vid. Ab. Ezr. in loc. & Kimchi in Michol; The Seventie in the unprickt Bible read it Succoth a tabernacle, which Steven followeth, and they both do not crosse but illustrate the sense of the Hebrew.

Now Molech or Moloch, was the Idoll of the children of Ammon, p. 1121 King. 11.17. prohibited to Israel in a singular manner, Lep. 18.21. and 20.2. yet did they worship him most familiarly, 2 Chron. 28.3. Ier. 7.31. And Solomon built an high place for him, on mount Olivet before Ierusalem, 1 King. 11.7. The Valley betweene was called Tophet and the valley of the sonnes of Hi…om, 2 King. 23.10, &c. This Idol and Idolatry is thus described by the Rabbins: Our Rabbins of happy memory say: Although all houses of Idolatry were in Ierusalem, Molech was without Ierusalem: and the Image was made hollow: set within seven Chappels: Now whosoever offered floure, they opened to him the first of them: who so offered Tu…tles or Pigeons, they opened to him the second: whosoever offered a Lambe, they opened to him the third: whosoever offered a Ramme, they opened to him the fourth: whosoever offered a Calfe, they opened to him the fifth: whosoever off…red an Oxe they opened to him the sixth, but whosoever offered his son, they opened to him the seventh. Now his face was like a Calfe, and his hands were stretched out, as a mans that reacheth out to receive something from his neighbour: And they set him over a fire, and the Priests tooke the child, and put him betweene the armes of the Idol, and there the child gave up the Ghost, D. Kimch. on 2 King. 23.10. Hee was made of brasse and was heat with fire under till hee was glowing hot, and then the Priests put the child into his armes, and there hee was burnt, and the Priests made a noyse in the meane while with Drums that the father might not hea…e the childs cry: And therefore it was called Tophet from Toph, a Drum or Taber, Vid. R. Sol. on Jer. 7.31.

These seven Chappels (if there bee truth in the thing) helpe us to understand, what is meant by Molechs Tabernacle, and seeme to give some reason why in the Prophet he is called Siccuth, or the Covert God, because he was retired within so many Cancelli, (for that word Kimchi useth) before one could come at him. And so the translation of the Seventy, is but a glosse or exposition of that phrase in the Prophet, yee tooke up Siccuth or the Covert God your King, which they render, according as the nation readily understood the thing, the Tabernacle of Moloch, that Idol you so highly prize as your chiefest p. 113King. Now Molech or Moloch, or Milchom or Malcham (for all these names are but one and the same) was also called Baal in a speciall and distinctive sense, as is apparent by Ier. 7.31. and 19.5. compared together: and this consideration helpeth to understand divers places where the word Baal is singly used, as 1 King. 16.31 32. and 18.19, &c. And according to this sense should I understand the matter of Baal-peor in which Israel was joyned to him, to have been sacrificing their children to Molech. And answerably should I interpret that speech of the Psalmist, They are the sacrifices of the dead, Psal. 106.28. that is, sacrifices offered up when they offered up their children to bee burnt: And this was the first time, they committed this horrid idolatry in the very close of the forty yeares in the Wildernesse, in which 40. yeares they had not cared to offer any sacrifices to God: And this abomination with Molech they committed also presently after they were come into the Land, Psal. 106.35, 36, 37. Iudg. 2.13.

IIII. [And the Star of your God Remphan.] Here is the maine difficulty of this Verse, and that not onelyonly in regard of the difference of these words of Stephen from those of Amos, but also in regard of the obscuritie of the matter it selfe: Amos readeth thus: Chijim your Images, the starre of your God: Now the question in the first place is, what is meant by Chijim, and it may bee scrupled whether it bee the proper name of an Idol as some thinke, or a word appellative, to another sense: I should rather take it the latter way [although I know generally it is construed for an Idols name, either for Hercules, who among the Egyptians was called Chon: or for Saturne, who among the Arabians was called Chevan, as see Aben Ezra on Amos, and Beza on this place.]

For there are two things in this passage of Stephen and Amos very considerable toward the understanding of this place.

1. That Stephen saith, God gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: now if Chijim betoken but one Idol, or one Planet, this commeth very short of the intent that hee aimeth at, their worshipping of all.

p. 1142. That Amos saith Chijim …salmecem, the latter word in the plurall number, and as it seemeth by the very posture of it, the latter of two substantives, and not in apposition: For if Chijim were but one Idol, it is somewhat improper to say Chijim your images, as speaking of more.

I should therefore construe Chijim appellatively for the ordering or disposing of their Images, as that it meaneth thus, that they had their foreign, or representations as Stephen calls them, of the whole heaven and hoste of it in one Series, or in one body: beset with varietie of starres and figures, representing this or that Planet, and this or that constellation: And that Amos meaneth thus, you tooke up Siccuth your King, and the frame or disposall of your Images in one compact peece, the starres of your Gods which you have made to your selves: shewing that when they would worship all the hoste of heaven in Images and representations, that they made a fabrick and compacture in one bulke or in one roome, representing in severall fashions and formes in it, the severall plants and constellations of Heaven: and this hee calleth Chijim …salmekem, the ordering or disposing of your Images. See 2 King. 23.4, 5.

V. Now for the word Remphan, in which lieth the most obscuritie of all, many conjectures are given upon it. The Seventie have rendred Chijim foreign: mistaking one peece of a letter, as it is conceived by Buxtorfius, and reading foreign for foreign and foreign for foreign Beza conceiveth it was purposely done, for that by foreign which signifieth a Giant, is to bee understood Hercules: and yet hee scrupleth whether it should not be rather read foreign then foreign, as ayming at the God of the Syrians, 2 King. 5.18. But not to insist upon producing such varietie of conjectures upon this matter, which are to bee seene in severall authors: it seemeth to mee, 1. that Stephen doth something follow the Seventie in this word, as well as hee doth in the rest of the Text: and for the new Testament to follow them, differently from the Hebrew Text is no wonder, and needeth nothing to bee said upon it. 2. That Stephen doth adde a letter to the word, or doth a little change it from p. 115those very syllables that the Septuagint use, that hee might give the sense of the Prophet the more clearely, and speake out the matter hee hath in hand the more plainly. And the word Remphan seemeth to bee compounded either of an Hebrew and a Greeke word, or of two Hebrew words together, and to meane either the high shiner, of foreign and foreign, or the high representation of foreign and foreign: and the latter the more probable: For as the Prophet in the word Chijim expressed the Fabrick of the hoste of heaven, which the Idolatrous people had wrought and represented in one peece, so would Stephen speak to the very same sense, and therefore forsaketh the word foreign which hee found in the Septuagint, and taketh up, or formeth it into foreign, which signifieth the high face or high representation, or that whole peece that represented the whole heaven, which hee calleth their God, because in that they adored all the starres and hosts of heaven at once, and so, foreign is but one number put for another, one starre for many.

VI. [I will carry you away beyond Babylon.] Both in the Hebrew of Amos, and in the Greeke of the Septuagint, it is, Beyond Damascus: which Stephen seemeth purposely to have changed into beyond Babylon: because that as hee had treated in the beginning of the Chapter of Abrahams comming out of those parts into that land, hee would now shew è contrà, how they for their Idolatry should bee carried out of that land into those parts againe.

Acts VIII.

Vers. 1. And there was a great persecution, &c.

Sect. I. Persecution.

THe spite and crueltie of the adversary was not quenched by the blood of Stephen, but rather inflamed: confuting and confounding the great schollers of the Synagogue of the p. 116Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians and Cilicians, had bred in them so hatefull a disdaine of being put to a nonplus; and his cutting words at his death to all the people, Act. 7.51, 52, 53. had galled them so sore. And especially his denouncing of ruine to Moses ceremonies, and to the Temple as they charged him with it, had so exasperated their blind zeale, that it is not sufficient as they thinke to have Stephen put to death onelyonly, but it is not fit that others should live who were of the same heresie and blasphemy with him, for so they construed it: Hence ariseth a bitter persecution to destroy the Church at Ierusalem, because it held an opinion that Ierusalem and the rites there should bee destroyed.

In this Tragedy was Saul a chiefe actor, sparing neither place from search, Sex from apprehension, nor the apprehended from torture or imprisonment. Such a testimony doth Luke give of him, Act. 8.3. and such a confession doth hee make of himselfe, Act. 22.4. and 26.11. By which the Epistle of Lucianus concerning the finding out of the body of Stephen may againe be challenged for forgery, when it maketh Gamaliel a most zealous convert and professor of the Gospel, & that at this time, insomuch that he tooke care for the buriall of Stephen, and received Nicodemus when the Jewes had cast him out, which will prove incredible, in regard of his scholler Saul.

For who can beleeve either that the scholler should bee so great a persecutour when the master was so great a professour, or that if it were so, Gamaliel of all other should scape with his life, when his scholler of all other could not but know where to finde him out and how to follow him close? or who can imagine that Paul when hee was answering for his life for being a Christian, should plead his education under Gamaliel if hee were as notorious a Christian as hee? This had been to bring his master into danger and not himselfe out, and to ma… another mans cause not mending his owne.

p. 117Vers. 1. And they were all scattered abroad except the Apostles.

Sect. II. Dispersion upon the persecution.

Out of the darkenesse of persecution, the Lord bringeth forth the light & the propagation of the Gospel: Providing at once for the safetie of some by their flight, and for the calling home of many more by their dispersion. At that time, saith Luke, there was a great persecution against the Church that▪ was at Ierusalem, and they were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Iudea and Samaria except the Apostles. Where, as the preservation of the Apostles in the very centre of the tyranny is admirable, so the scattering of the other into their severall places is considerable. For that they travailed into Iudea and Samaria, Damascus, Phenicia, Cyprus and Syria, the text is plaine in this and in other places, but since it mentioneth none of their journeyes any further, what is said of them more, is but groundlesse conjectures, or rather ridiculous fables. For though it were granted that they scattered through other countries of the Heathen, yet to bring them as far as to France and England as some doe, is almost as farre from reason as these places are distant from Jerusalem, unlesse some other cause can be alleadged of this their flight then to avoid the danger. Yes, it it may bee said they tooke so long a journey to preach the Gospel; but 1. the Text saith that the dispersed preached to the Jewes onelyonly, of which I beleeve these countries afforded a very small number. And 2. the legend saith, that Mary Magdalen, Martha and Ioseph of Arimathea and others were the travailers, who where they had a calling to the ministery is yet to seeke.

These persons and others with them are driven by the blast of a common report, to Marseils in France, Aix in Province, Glasenbury in England, and I know not whither. It would bee sufficient to give the reader but some particulars of the Legend, and then would hee easily judge of the whole, but it is p. 118not worth thy labour. It is more pertinent to consider who they are that the Evangelist meaneth, and whose story hee followeth, when hee saith here they were all scattered, and in Chap. 11.19. that they travailed as far P…enice, &c. Certainly it cannot bee meant of the whole Church of Ierusalem, or of all the members of it, which were now many thousands, but of the 108. that were of the Presbytery or societie with the Apostles.

For 1. The Evangelist setteth himselfe to follow the story of the hundred and twentie, from the very beginning of the booke, and hee keeps to it still.

2. By instancing so suddenly in Philip he sheweth what kind of men hee meaneth when hee saith they were all scattered.

3. Hee saith they went every where preaching, foreign which word is never used but of Preachers by function.

4. Persecution would farre sooner looke after the Preachers then the common members.

5. There were common members at Ierusalem, while Paul stayed there, vers. 3. and yet the all that the Evangelist meaneth were scattered before.

Vers. 5. To the Citie of Samaria.

Samaria here and in other places in the new Testament, is not the name of a Citie but of the Country. And so is Luke to bee understood here, Philip came downe to the Citie of Samaria: that is, to the Metropolis of that Country, which indeed was Sychem: and so saith Iosephus, Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. foreign, The Samaritans had then Sichem for their Metropolis. And in the same Chapter hee saith againe foreign; which his Latine interpreter hath rendred thus, Illis [Samaritis] dicentibus Hebraeos quidem se esse: sed Sichimitas vocari a Sodoniis; which translation how true it is, and whether Iosephus meane not, that the Samaritans said that they were indeed Hebrewes, but were called Sidonians that dwelt at Sichem, & whether in that story they call not themselves so for advantage, let the learned censure: This Citie p. 119Iohn the Evangelist calleth Sychar in stead of Sychem, Ioh. 4.5. not that the text is there corrupted as some have held, but that the Jewes seeme to have pronounced the word so corruptly in derision of the Samaritans to whom they were bitter enemies. For by this name they reviled them for drunkards, for so the word signifieth, and this taunt seemeth to have beene taken up from Esay 28.1. woe to the drunkards of Ephraim, of which Sichem was the chiefe Citie.

Vers. 6. And the people gave heed, &c.

Sect. III. Samaria converted.

Our Saviour gave it in lesson to his disciples both by precept and his owne example, that they should preach, first in Ierusalem, then in Iudea, and then in Samaria: For so did hee himselfe, Ioh. 1. and 2. and 4. So commanded he them to doe Act. 1.8. and so doe they now: Act. 8. Philip one of the seven, travailing in the common affliction, and in preaching the Gospel as the rest of the 108. did being backed with this warrant of his master, goeth downe to Samaria and preacheth there though they were enemies to the Jewes. It was but three yeares or little more, since Christ had beene there among them himselfe, Ioh. 4. and whether it were the good remembrance of what hee had taught them then, or the extraordinary hand of God with what was delivered now, or both together, such effect have Philips doctrine and miracles that the Citie for the generall doth beleeve and is baptized.

Vers. 13. Simon himselfe beleeved.

Sect. IIII. Simon Magus.

Hee who had long caused the people to wonder at his miraculous delusion is now himselfe amazed at Philips reall miracles. But conceiving that hee had wrought them by a Magicall facultie above his owne, and desiring to fish and get the p. 120trick out of him, hee insinuateth himselfe the more neerely into his company by taking on him to beleeve, so that he is baptized: for any other beleefe of Simon Magus is not imaginable.

For when hee saw that Peter and Iohn exceeded Philip, as hee thought Philip did exceed himself, (for to Apostles onelyonly belonged to bestow the holy Ghost) the whole venome and mischiefe of his heart brake forth at once; first, by offering money for the same Apostolicall power, and then in a scornefull intreaty of the Apostles to pray for him, when they advised him to repent and pray, for so should I understand his words, Vers. 24. Pray yee to the Lord for mee, for an Ironicall taunt, and finally by open Heresie and opposall of the Gospel.

Hee had a whore which hee led about with him, was called Helena, or as some will have it, Selene, of Tyrus: Of whom if wee understand, Revel. 2.20. which speaketh of Iezabel, that called her selfe a Prophetesse, it would not bee unconsonant, for as Simon like Ahab was of Samaria, so Helena like Iezabel was of Tyre: Nor were their doctrines much different, for the one seduced men to commit fornication, and to eate things sacrificed to Idols, and the other taught them to do what they would, and not to feare the threats of the Law, for that they should bee saved by the grace of Simon: Many such monsters of Doctrine and Hydraes of opinion, did this Lerna of Heresie breed, and this first borne of Satan vomit forth. As these, that in Iudea hee was the Sonne of God, in Samaria, the Father, and in other nations, the Holy Ghost. That Helena bred Angels, and Angels made the world: That bee himselfe came downe from heaven for his Helena, and that shee was the lost sheepe mentioned in the Gospel, and that shee was that Helena that occasioned the destruction of Troy: And a great deale more of such hideous and blasphemous matter, recorded by Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Augustine, Philastrius and others.

Histories have traced this Magicall wretch, from Samaria to Rome, and there have brought Simon Peter and him contending before Nero in working of miracles, and Peter bringing him p. 121to harme and shame, which shall bee tried in its proper place.

Sect. V. The Holy Ghost given, ver. 17.

The Apostles at Jerusalem hearing the glad tidings of the conversion of Samaria, send downe unto them Peter and Iohn. And why these two rather then any other of the twelve, is not so easie to resolve, as it is ready to observe that if in this imployment there was any signe of Primacy, Iohn was sharer of it as well as Peter. Being come, they pray, and lay their hands upon them, and they receive the Holy Ghost. Here Episcopacy thinketh it hath an undeniable Argument for proofe of its Hierarchy, and of the strange rite of confirmation. For thus pleadeth Baronius for the former. From hence, saith hee, it may bee seene that the Hierarchicall order was instituted in the Church of God even in this time; for Philip doth so baptize those that beleeve, that yet hee usurpeth not the Apostolicall priviledge, namely the imposition of hands granted to the Apostles. And thus the Rhemists both for it and for the latter in their notes on Act. 8.17. If this Philip had beene an Apostle, saith S. Bede, hee might have imposed his hands that they might have received the Holy Ghost, but this none can doe saving Bishops. For though Priests may baptize and annoint the baptized also with Chrisme consecrated by a Bishop, yet can hee not signe his forehead with the same holy oyle, because that belongeth onelyonly to Bishops, when they give the holy Ghost to the baptized. And after this testimony of Bede they subjoyne their owne inference. This imposition therefore of hands, together with the prayers here specified (which no doubt was the very same that the Church useth to that purpose) was the ministration of the Sacrament of Confirmation.

Now let the Reader with indifferency and seriousnesse but ruminate upon these two Queries, and then judge of those two inferences;

First, whether Apostleship were not an Order for ever, unimitable in the Church: for besides the Reason given to prove that it was, upon the choosing of Matthias, others may bee p. 122added to make it the more cleare: As 1. the end of their Election was peculiar, the like to which was not to bee in the Church againe; for they were chosen to bee with Christ, Marke 3.14. to bee eye-witnesses of his resurrection, Acts 1.22. & 2.32. & 10.41. as they had been of his actions and passion, Luke 1.2. And therefore Paul pleading for his Apostleship, useth this argument from a property necessary for an Apostle, That hee had seene the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. and in the relation or story of his calling, this particular is singularly added, That hee saw that just one, and heard the voice of his mouth, Act. 22.14.

Secondly, the name of Apostles keepeth it selfe unmixed or confounded, with any other Order. It is true indeed that the significancy of the word would agree to other Ministers that are sent to preach, but there is a peculiar propriety in the sense that hath confined the title to the twelve & Paul, as any indifferent eye will judge and censure upon the weighing of it in the New Testament.

Thirdly, when Paul reckoneth the severall kinds of Ministery that Christ left in the Church at his ascension, Ephes. 4.11. and 1 Cor. 12.28. there is none that can thinke them all to bee perpetuated, or that they should continue successively in the like order from time to time: For within an hundred yeeres after our Saviours birth, where were either Prophets or Evangelists, miracles or healings? And if these extraordinary kinds of ministration were ordained but for a time and for speciall occasion, and were not to be imitated in the Church unto succeeding times; much more, or at the least as much, were the Apostles, an Order much more, at least, as much extraordinary as they.

Fourthly, the constant and undeniable Parallel which is made betwixt the twelve Patriarchs the Fathers of the twelve Tribes, and the twelve Apostles, not onelyonly by the number it selfe, but also by the New Testament in the fou…e and twenty Elders, Rev. 4.4. and in the gates and foundations of the new Ierusalem, Rev. 21.12, 14. doth argue and prove the latter order, p. 123as unimitable as the first. These things well considered, if there were no more, it will shew how improbable and unconsonant the first inference is, that is alledged, that because there was such a subordination betwixt the Apostles and Philip; that therefore the like is to bee reputed betwixt Bishops and other Mini…ters, and that Bishops in the Church, are in the place of the Apostles.

A second Quaere, and very materiall to the matter in agitation is, wheth… imposition of hands were ever used by the Apostles, but for ordination to some Office in the Church: For whereas their giving of the holy Ghost to Samaritans in this s…or…, and … others elswhere, is adduced as an example and argument for that which is now called confirmation, and which hath … indifferently given to all (for it is good cheape) that this act of the Apostles aimed not, nor intended to any such thing, may bee reasonably conjectured and guessed at by these considerations:

First, that the holy Ghost thus given, meaneth not his ordinary worke of sanctification and confirming in Grace, but his extraordinary gifts, of Tongues, Prophecying, and the like. And this is evident by the meaning of that Phrase the holy Ghost in the Scriptures, (when it denoteth not exactly the Person of the holy Ghost, or the third Person in the Trinity) For as it is a Rabbinick expression, very common in the writings of the Jewes, and in the use of the Nation; and evermore in their use and sense meaneth only the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit mentioned: so doth it constantly signifie in the Scripture; and it is very hard, if not utterly impossible to find it signifying any other sense.

Secondly, it is yet more evident by the very historicall relation of Luke concerning the matter in hand; for in Acts 19.6. telling how Paul laid his hands upon certaine men at Ephesus, and they received the holy Ghost, hee instantly explaineth what were the gifts of the holy Ghost that they received, for they spake with tongues, saith hee, and prophecyed. And it is not possible to thinke but that Simon Magus (when hee offered money p. 124for this fruit of the imposition of his hands; that he might give the holy Ghost) saw some visible apparent signe of the gift by the hands of the Apostles, which if it were onelyonly sanctifying or confirming grace, how could hee have seene it? So did they of the Circumcision perceive when the gifts of the holy Ghost fell upon the Gentiles, Acts 10.45. For they saw it by their speaking with tongues, and magnifying God, ver. 46.

Fourthly, it being then thus undeniable that the gifts conferred by the imposition of hands, were the extraordinary ones of the holy Ghost; it can as little also bee denyed that they were imparted onelyonly to some singular and particular persons, and not to all whatsoever without distinction. For otherwise, 1. It must bee granted that Simon Magus received them as well as others, which I know not who will grant; for by his familiarity with Philip and the Apostles (hee having also beene baptized with the rest, and his wickednesse and his villany not yet broken forth) hee might have gotten a precedency in this gift before others, if it had been generall.

2. It would bring Women under imposition of hands, which can hardly be dreamed of, or ever was of any one. It is true indeed that women might, & did receive some of these extraordinary gifts, but it was by immediate influence from Heaven and not by any imposition of hands.

So that now if wee looke upon this Story, and upon others of the like nature, through these spectacles, it will appeare that this Imposition of the Apostles hands was not upon all the Samaritans, but upon some selected number, nor upon those selected ones for their confirmation in grace, but for their ordination to the Ministery, and with the imposition of hands they received the holy Ghost to inable them for that work.

Vers. 26. Which is desert.

This is to bee applyed to the way …o Gaza, and not to Gaza itselfe: and so the Syriack and Arabick apply it expressely and warrantably, seeing the way was through the wildernesse p. 125of Iudah, and there was but one Gaza.

Vers. 27. A man of Aethiopia.

There is mention of a double Cush or Ethiopia in scripture, for so is it rendred, the one in Arabia, and the other in Africk; and Homer even in his time speaketh of a twofold Ethiopia, Odys. 1. but it is questionable whether hee meane the same with the Scripture, or no, since hee calleth them Easterne and Westerne; whereas these were East and South. Now this man is held, and that upon good ground, to bee of Ethiopia in Africk, where the name of Candace is renowned even in Heathen Authors.

Vers. 33. Who shall declare his generation.

This Prophecy of Esay which the Eunuch was reading, is exceedingly much mistaken by the Jewes, and this clause of the Prophecy is exceedingly controverted among Christians. The Jewes understand it, some of them concerning Iosiah, others concerning the whole people of Israel, but the holy Ghost hath in the place put us out of all doubt of whom it speaketh. But as for the sense of this clause, some Christians understand it concerning the ineffability of Christs eternall generation: others concerning the ineffability of his incarnation, or the generation of his humane nature united to the Godhead: others concerning the wondrous generation of the Church and faithfull; for it followeth, For hee was cut off from the Land of the living, and yet the generation of his faithfull ones increased. But it seemeth to mee that the word foreign & foreign is to bee understood of the age and generation in which Christ lived, rather then of his owne generation or descent▪ and so is it used by the holy Ghost in other places, as Gen. 6.9. Acts 13.36. &c. and so is it interpreted here by the Chaldee and other Jewish glossaries: Now the meaning of the verse and of this clause is to this purpose, Hee was taken away p. 126and hurryed from Prison, and from Judgement to Execution, and as the Lxx hath inlarged the sense by change of Phrase, In his poore and dejected estate, his Judgement was utterly taken away, and no right done him; and who can sufficiently speake of the loosenesse and wickedn…sse of …hat generation, (called in the Gospel the v…perous, adulterous, wicked, untoward generation) which deal… so unjustly and wretchedly with him, as to take and cut him off from the land of the living?

Vers. 39. And the Eunuch went …

Dorotheus in Synopsi, if hee might bee beleeved, will …ell you what became of this Eunuch afterward; as that he preached the Gospel in Arabia, in the Isle of Tapr…b…ne, and all about the red Sea; and that hee is reported to have suffered martyrdome gloriously, and to have been buryed there, Bi…li…h. patr. …om. 7. But beleeve it that list; for this I observe to bee the constant and common officiousnesse of Superstition, to make any man that is mentioned in the New Testament with a good report, to become a Preacher, and commonly a Bishop, and constantly a Martyr.

Acts IX.

Sect. I. Paul converted.

IN this yeere must bee placed the conversion of Paul, and the reasons to prove the time, shall bee given anon. A man, a wonder (for so will **Hieron.some have his name to signifie) in whom was shewed as much as can bee seene in man, both for want of grace, and for abundance. Inferiour to none in wickednesse, but onelyonly in this, that it was not finall; and inferiour to none in holinesse, no not to the greatest Apostles. A scene on which at one time corrupt Nature shewed her cursed vigor; and at another p. 127time sanctifying Grace her sacred power; and both to such an extent, as not many parallels. Hee was borne in Tarsus of Cilicia a free City of the Romanes, and himselfe a freeman of that City. His parents were both Jewes; and therefore hee calleth himselfe an Hebrew of the Hebrewes, 2 Cor. 11.21. Phil. 3.5. Rom. 11.1.2 Cor 11:21Phil 3:5Rom 11:1or an Hebrew both by father and mother. His descent was of Benjamin, which from the generall division under Ieroboam the first, had adhered constant to the tribe of Iuda, and so kept Registers of their Genealogies, as that tribe did. According to his double nation, hee also bare a double name, Saul, as hee was an Hebrew by birth, and Paul as hee was a Roman by freedome: His education was in the Schooles of Tarsus, where as Strabo rrcordeth were Schoollers no whit inferiour to the Students in Athens. Here hee attained the Greeke language and learning, and grew expert in their Philosophy and Poems, his skill wherein hee sheweth, in alledging Epimenides, Aratus, Tit. 1.12. Act. 17.28. 1 Cor 15.33.Titus 1:12Acts 17:281 Cor 15:33and Menander. From thence hee was sent to the Universitie at Jerusalem, for the study of Divinitie and of the Jewish Law. His tutor was Gamaliel a Pharisee,Act. 22.3.Acts 22:3 a man of speciall note and reverence among the people. His proficiency was above many of his equalls of his owne nation,Gal. 1.14.Gal 1:14 hee being more exceedingly zealous of the traditions of the fathers.Act. 18.3.Acts 18:3 From his youth hee also learned a handy trade of making Tents, and joyned the working in that by some vicissitudes with his studies: which thing was common with the Schollers of the Jewes, partly for the earning of their maintenance, and partly for the avoiding of idlenesse and sinne. So Rabbi Iuda the great Cabalist, bare the name and trade of Hhajat a Shoomaker or Taylor.

Yet was the learning of this great Scholler but gorgeous ignorance, and his forward zeale, but the more excellent impietie. When hee thought hee followed holinesse, hee persecuted it, and when his studies should have overtaken the truth, then had hee lost both them and it and himselfe and all.

As for Saul, saith Luke, hee made havock of the Church, Act. 8.3. and 22.4.Acts 8:3Acts 22:4entring into every house, and haling men and women committed them to prison. p. 128Hee began now to write his positions in blood, and it must bee no lesse then death or abjuration not to bee of his opinion.Acts 26.11.Acts 26:11 Neither was this his fury confined within the walls of Ierusalem, or the compasse of Iudea, but overflowed also unto forraine Cities: where the Jewish Synagogues acknowledging subjection to the metropolitan See, submit to her letters, and are too ready to performe her will. Among the rest hee obtaineth commission for Damascus, whither a poore Church having but lately overrun, persecution is ready now to bee overrun by it againe: But by the way, hee is m…t with by Christ and from a Lion made a Lambe, and hee that went to lead captivitie is himselfe captived.

In the story of this great wonder, the Text and the matter it selfe calleth upon us to consider these things.

1. That the most notorious persecutor that the Gospel had yet found, is chosen of all others to bee the Doctor of the Gentiles: that even his owne example, or rather the glorious example of Gods mercy in his conversion, might bee a comfortable doctrine to those notorious sinners of the Gentiles as well as his preaching.

2. That the like divine violence was never used for the converting of a sinner either before or since: but 1. it was necessary that hee should see Christ, as Vers. 17. because it was a necessary ingredient toward the making of an Apostle, to have seene the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. And 2. it was needfull, that the Lord should appeare to him in such daunting power, not onelyonly for his owne quelling, but also for the terrour of all persecutors for the time to come.

3. This appearance of the Lord unto him, was not so much in his person as in his glory, nor what hee saw of him, besides the light that strooke him blind, was with the eyes of his body but of his spirit.

4. The place was neare Damascus from whence had sprung one of the sharpest persecutors that Israel had groaned under, a King. 11.32. Amos 1.3. compare, Gen. 14.15.

5. The manner is so plainely set downe in the Text, that p. 129it is needlesse to insist upon it: onelyonly these two or three things may not unfitly bee touched upon and taken to thought. 1. That more was spoken from heaven, then Luke hath here related, as appeares by Pauls owne relation of it, Act. 26.16, 17, 18. but the holy Ghost frequently useth to speake out stories to the full, some parts in one place, some in another, challenging the readers paines and study, to pick them up. 2. That whereas in Chap. 9.7. it is said that those that travailed with Paul heard the voyce, but in Chap. 22 9. that th…y heard not the voyce, it is to bee understood, that they heard the voyce of Paul speaking to Christ, but not Christs voyce to him: or if they heard the voyce from heaven, yet they understood not what it said. 3. Whereas in Chap. 9.7. it is said these men stood speechlesse, but in Chap. 26.14. that they fell all to the ground: the word foreign in Chap. 9.7. standeth in opposition to their going forward and not to their falling to the earth, and meaneth, that their amazednesse fixed them that they could not flee nor stirre.

Sect. II. The yeare of his conversion.

Some have conceived that hee was rapt into the third heaven, and learned the Gospel by revelation, as 2 Cor. 12. in those three dayes that hee was blind after the sight of this glorious light, and whilst hee fasted and prayed, Act. 9.9. And from this conceit hath another growne, as a supporter of that that bred it, namely that hee was not converted till seven yeers after our Saviours Ascension. This latter opinion was first invented, that his writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians might bee brought within the compasse of about foureteene yeeres after his conversion; for so long a time and no more hee setteth betwixt his rapture and that Epistle, 2 Cor. 12.2. and it was also originally grounded upon this supposition, that his rapture was in the time of that his blindnesse. Two surmises probable and plausible enough to behold at distance, but approaching nearer to them they will lose of their p. 130beautie, and upon serious weighing they will prove but a shadow. The question how hee came to the knowledge of the Gospel so soone, in so much that hee so soone preached it, very likely gave the first occasion of the first opinion, namely of his rapture in his three dayes blindnesse.

A question to which an answer may bee easily given, and yet no such consequence concluded upon it. 1. It is true indeed, that hee received not the knowledge of the Gospel of man, nor was hee taught it but by the revelation of Iesus Christ, as himselfe saith, Gal. 1.12. yet might he have such a revelation, without any such rapture: For there were three other speciall wayes whereby God used to reveale himselfe and his will to his Prophets and servants, and those were by dreames, by visions and by a suddaine and immediate suggestion or revelation, which is called telling in the eare, as 1 Sam. 9.15.17. 2 King. 20.4. And as for raptures they were the most extraordinary and the least familiar of all other: And how easily might Paul bee taught the mystery of the Gospel by some of the other meanes, especially since the Text hath expressely told that he had his visions? Act. 9.12. 2 Paul himself telleth of an ecstasie or rapture that hee was in, as hee was praying in the Temple at Ierusalem, Act. 22.17. Now that that was in the second yeare of Claudius (as shall bee shewed by and by) when hee went to carry the almes of the Disciples to Ierusalem, Act. 11.30. it may bee confidently concluded upon, because that God in that his rapture telleth him that hee must thence forward goe farre away to preach unto the Gentiles, Act. 22.21. and when he returneth from Ierusalem to Antioch, he is sent by the Church upon that imployment, by a speciall charge of the holy Ghost, Act. 13.2. And that from that time to the time of his writing the second Epistle to the Corinthians, were about foureteene yeares as himselfe summeth it, wee shall evidence by some particulars, before wee part from this subject. Thus then in the first place wee see that neither his rapture was at the time of his conversion, nor that his conversion is to bee cast six or seven yeares forward that it may bee within foureteene of that Epistle in regard of his rapture. But not to intricate p. 131our selves any more in the varietie of opinions, that have fixed some one time, some another to the conversion of this Apostle, the next, readiest and surest way that I have found to resolve upon this doubtfull question and to determine this scruple, is to goe by these collections and degrees.

I. That the famine prophecied of by Agabus, and which is said to have fallen out in the time of Claudius the Emperour, Act. 11.28. fell out and came to passe in his second yeare: And for this wee have the testimony of a Roman Historian, even Dion Cassius who under the Consulship of Claudius II. and Cajus Largus which was in the second yeare of Claudius his reigne speaketh of foreign, which his translater hath rendred fames inge…s, Dion. lib. 60. Now although it might seeme that that famine only referred to the Citie of Rome, and was caused there through the unnavigablenesse of the River Tiber, which should have brought in Provisions; because he saith, foreign, &…. that Claudius provided not onelyonly for the present famine, but also for future times, by mending the Haven and clearing the River: yet Suetonius writing the very same story, ascribeth the cause of the famine not to the fault of the River or Haven, but to a constant sterilitie or barrennesse, and so inlargeth the extent of it further then Rome: Arctiore autem annona ob assiduas sterilitates, &c. In Claud▪ cap. 18. Iosephus, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 2. speaketh of this great famine in Iudea, and relateth how Helena the Queene dowager of the Adiabeni, and Izates her sonne then reigning, shee being at Ierusalem in her owne person and hee in his owne kingdome, did bring in provisions in an exceeding plenty to the Jewes at Ierusalem for their sustenance in the famine, for they were both converted to the Jewes religion and Izates circumcised. Eusebius hereupon hath set this famine in Claudius his fourth yeare, and after the death of Herod Agrippa, because that he found that Iosephus had placed it after Agrippaes death, which was in Claudius his third. But wee find not in Iosephus any thing that may fix it to that yeare, more then the subs…quence of one story to another, which is an argument of p. 132no validitie: onelyonly this hee relateth as concerning the time of Izates, that when hee first came to the Crowne, and found his elder brethren imprisoned that he might come to the Throne the more quietly, hee was gri…ved at the matter, and on the one hand accounting it impietie to kill them or to keepe them prisoners, and on the other hand knowing it unsafe to keepe them with him and not imprisoned, hee chose a meane betweene both, and sent them for hostages to Rome to Claudius Caesar: And after this be relateth, how hee hasted upon his comming to the Crowne to bee Circumcised; and after his Circumcision, how his mother Helena went to Ierusalem and relieved it, being much affamished. Now in what yeare of Claudius any of these things were done, hee hath not mentioned, but hath left it at large; and therefore wee may as well suppose, that Izates was made King in the first yeare of Claudius, and Helena his mother went to Ierusalem in his second, as Eusebius may, that she went thither in his fourth.

II. That Paul going at that time of the famine to Ierusalem, to bring the almes and collection to the poore Brethren of Iudea, had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22.17. and in that trance he was rapt into the third Heaven, 2 Cor. 12.2. It may be thought indeed by the juncture of Story that Luke hath made, that this his trance, was at his first journey which hee tooke to Ierusalem after his conversion, which journey is mentioned, Acts 9.28. & Gal. 1.18. for having from the sixth verse of Acts 2…. and forward, related the Story of his conversion, and of Ananias comming to him and baptizing him, hee presently subjoyneth this, when I was come againe to Jerusalem, and was praying in the Temple, I was in a trance; as if that had beene the very first time, that ever hee came there after he was converted. But besides, that it is very common with Scripture to make such juncture for times and Stories, as if they were close together, when oftentimes there is very much space of time betwixt them, as Mat. 19.1. Luke 4.13, 14. Acts 9.20, 21, 26, 27. …he proper intent of the Apostle in that Oration of his Acts 22. is to vindicate himself▪ from the accusation laid against him for polluting the Temple; and chiefly p. 133to plead his authority and commission, and why hee had to deale among the Gentiles, and therefore hee insists upon two particular Commissions, one to Preach, and the other to preach to the Gentiles; and this is the reason why he joynes his conversion, and his rapture in the Temple so close together, and not because they were so in time. Now this scruple being thus removed, and that considered which was said before, that in this trance in the Temple, God said hee was to send him to the Gentiles, and that accordingly hee was dispatched to that worke as soone as hee came to Antioch; it cannot but bee concluded that his trance in the Temple was in the second of Claudius, and that this was his rapture into the third Heaven, since we read not of any rapture or trance that hee had, but this.

III. That this trance or rapture was somewhat above foureteene yeares before hee wrote his second Epistle to Corinth, 2 Cor. 12.2. Now in that hee saith it was foreign before, or above fourteen yeares agoe, hee speaketh not of an indefinite time, for then for ought any reason can bee given to the contrary, hee might as well have let the mention of the time alone, but that it was but a little above that space, though it were somewhat above exact fourteen yeares.

IV. When hee wrote that second Epistle to Corinth hee was in Macedonia, as is apparent by very many passages in that Epistle, chap. 1.14. and 2.13. & 7.5. & 9.2, 4. And thither he went upon the hubbub at Ephesus raised against him, Act. 20.1. where hee had even the sentence of death in himself, 2 Cor. 1.9.

V. Now to count foureteene yeares compleat from the second of Claudius, in which was Pauls rapture, it will bring us to the second yeare of Nero. And let us but cast and compute those shreds of time that wee can find hinted in the Acts of the Apostles, and wee shall find them agreeing with this account, and giving some light unto it. As first, it is said by Paul, that after hee had been at Ierusalem, hee must also see Rome, Acts 19.21. Now this doth argue the death of Claudius: for p. 134if he had expected all the Iews out of Rome, as it is averred both by the Scripture, Acts 18.2. and by Suetonius in Claud. chapt. 25. and never revoked his Edict for ought wee can read in any Story; it is very unlikely, and unreasonable to thinke, that Paul should thinke of going thither if Claudius were alive: for thither could hee neither goe without evident and inevitable danger of his owne life, nor could hee find so much as one person, of his owne Nation in the City when hee came there. By this therefore may bee concluded that Claudius was now dead, and Nero was going on his first yeare, when Paul publisheth his resolution to goe for Rome. And the times from hence to his apprehension at Ierusalem may bee cast by these Counters. After this his declaring his intention for Rome, hee stayeth in Asia for a season, Acts 19.22. Now that this season was not long, both the preceding and following Verses doe help to confirme; for in the Verse before Paul is in a manner upon his motion toward Macedonia, and so to Ierusalem already. And it is very likely that the feast of Tabernacles which was in September induced him thither; but the danger that hee was in at Ephesus before his parting, Act. 19.23, 24. &c. disappointed him of his journey thither, hee being now put off from providing accommodation for his voyage, and put to shift for life and liberty. About the middle of October, Neroes first yeare was out: and Paul by that time it is like is got to Macedonia, and while hee continues there he writes this Epistle; as the subscription of it in the Greeke, Syriack, Arabick, and divers other Translations doe reasonably well aime it here; howsoever they doe it in other places: Or if wee should yeeld to Baronius, that it was written from Nicopolis, Tit. 2.12. it maketh no difference, as to the thing in hand, or at least very little, since wee are upon the time, and not upon the place; and the time of difference will not be above a monethmonth or two. Paul wintering so little at Nicopolis, as that hee was in motion againe about the beginning of Ianuary, if not before, for his three moneths travaile of Greece, brings it up to the Passeover time, or neare upon, p. 135Acts 20.3.6. And after the Passeover weeke Paul sets for Ierusalem, as the Story plainely leads him thither; and thence is hee Shipt for Rome, toward the latter end of our September, or about the Fast and solemne day of humiliation, Acts 27.9. And this was in the second yeare of Nero, now almost expiring, or very neare unto its end: And to this sense seemeth that account in Acts 24.27. to be understood, After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room. Not after two years of Pauls imprisonment, for that is utterly without any ground or warrant in the world, nor after two yeares of Felix Government, for hee had been Governour in Iud…a many yeares, Acts 24.10. but after two yeares of Neroes Empire, or when hee had now sitten Emperour about two years; for that the Scripture sometime reckoneth from such unnamed dates, might bee shewed, from Ezek. 1.1. 2 Sam. 15.7. 2 Chron. 22.2. And that it is so to be understood, may be confirmed out of Iosephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7. &c.

So that this time being fixed of Pauls apprehension at Ierusalem, to bee in Neroes second▪ as Eusebius and others have well held, and his writing the second Epistle to Corinth proving to bee about the beginning of that yeare; and so the fourteen yeares mentioned 2 Cor. 12.2. measured out.

VI. Wee must now count backward from this time to the Councell at Ierusalem, and as neare as wee can, cast up what time might bee taken up, betwixt those two periods, in the motions and stations of the Apostle, that the Text hath expressed betwixt the 15 Chapter of the Acts and the twentyeth: Or rather let us count forward for the more facil and methodicall proceeding, and take up what may bee guessed to bee every yeares worke and passage as it commeth to hand.

Paul commeth from Ierusalem to Antioch with Iudas, Silas and Barnabas, Acts 15.20.

Iudas and Silas stay there a space, verse 33.

Paul stayeth after they be gone away, verse 35.

Some dayes after he departeth, verse 36, 40.

Hee goeth through Syria & Cilicia confirming the Churches, verse 41.

p. 136To Derbe and Lyst…a, chap. 16.1.

Through the Cities, & delivereth the Apostles decrees, ver. 4.

Throughout Phrygia, ver. 6.

Throughout the region of Galatia, vers. 16. To all these journeys we may allow one year; and certainly if the movings and stayings of the Apostle, and the distance of the places, and the work hee did be considered, there can no lesse then a whole yeare be allowed for all this progresse.

After his passage through Galatia, Paul goeth to Mysia, Acts 16.7.

To Troas, verse 6.

To Samothrace, Neapolis and Philippi, ver. 11, 12.

At Philippi hee continueth many dayes, ver. 13, 16, 18.

Thence hee passeth through Amphipolis and Apollonia, chap. 17.1.

Commeth to Thessalonia, and is there three Sabbath dayes in quiet, ver. 2.

Afterward is persecuted, ver. 5.

Goeth to Berea and converteth very many, vers. 10, 12.

Goeth from thence to Athens, ver. 15.

There waiteth for Silas and Timothy, ver. 16.

From thence goeth to Corinth, Acts 18.1. For all these journeys and actions wee will allow him half a yeare, and I cannot see how they could take so little.

At Corinth hee continueth a yeare and an halfe, Acts 18. verse 11. And this makes up 3 years since the Councell at Ierusalem.

After this long stay at Corinth he is persecuted, yet tarryeth a good while after, Acts 18.18.

From thence hee saileth to Ephesus, but stayeth little, ver. 19.

Goeth thence to Cesarea.

To Ierusalem.

To Antioch, and spendeth some time there, Acts 18.22, 23.

Goeth over all the Country of Galatia,

And Phrygia in order, Acts 18.23. To these passages I suppose there is hardly any that can allow him lesse then a whole yeare, that shall but seriously consider of the things that are p. 137mentioned, and the length of the journeys.

After his passing through Phrygia hee commeth to Ephesus, Acts 19.1.

And there continueth three yeares, Acts 19.8, 10, 21, 22. & 20.31.

After this he goeth into Macedonia, Acts 20.1. from whence he writeth that second Epistle to Corinth in the beginning of the 2 year of Nero. So that yeelding these seven years for the travails of this Apostle, betwixt that time and the Councel of Ierusalem, Acts 15. (and lesse then seven, it is not possible to allow, seeing that foure yeares and an halfe of that space was taken up in the two Cities of Corinth and Ephesus) and it will result that the Councell at Ierusalem was in the ninth yeare of Claudius: Now Paul himself reckoneth seventeen yeares from his conversion to this Councell, Gal. 1.18. & 2.1, which seventeen counted backward from the ninth of Claudius it falleth out almost past all controversie that Pauls conversion was in the next year after our Saviours ascension; as may bee seen by this ensuing table.

Christ.

Tiberius.

33

18 Christ ascendeth.

34

19 Paul converted.

35

20 Goeth into Arabia.

36

21 Commeth up to Jerusalem.

37

22

38

1 Caius.

39

2

40

3

41

4

42

1 Claudius.

43

2 The famine, Act. 11.28. Paul rapt into the third Heaven.

44

3

45

4

p. 14046

5

47

6

48

7

49

8

50

9 The Councell at Ierusalem. Paul goeth to Antioch, Syria, Cilicia, &c.

51

10 Paul the latter half this yeare at Corinth, the former half in Athens, Beraea, Thessalonia, &c.

52

11 Paul all this yeare at Corinth.

53

12 Paul in Phrygia, Galatia, Antioch, Ierus. Caesarea, Ephesus, Corinth.

54

13 Paul at Ephesus.

55

14 Paul at Ephesus.

56

1 Nero. Paul at Ephesus.

57

2 Paul writeth the second Epistle to Corinth.

And now may wee in some scantling fix those Stories to their times which hung loosely before, namely, the choosing of the Deacons, the death of Stephen, conversion of Samaria and the Eunuch, and conclude that they were about the beginning of the next yeare after Christs ascension.