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Commentary Upon Acts · John Lightfoot

Commentary Upon Acts, Part 2

PART. II. The Roman Story.

Sect. I. The state of the City hitherto.

THe Citie Rome was built by Romulus in the yeare of the world 3175. in the fifteenth yeare of Amaziab King of Iudah, and in the first yeare of Ieroboam the second, the King of Israel. It had stood from the time of its first foundation,Vid Ruf. Festum, Dionem, &c. to this yeare in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred fourescore and five yeares; And had undergone and passed thorough two different and diverse kinds of government, and was now but lately entred upon a third.

The first was under Kings, for 243. yeares, and the foundation of this government as of the Citie it selfe was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the Citie.

The second was under Consuls, 467. yeares from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the yeare that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had beene, namely of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extirpation of Tarqui…s house.

A thi…d manner of government, had the Citie and Empire now begun upon, and had beene under it threescore and two yeares; namely, a monarchy againe, but the name onelyonly changed from a King to an Emperour. And the foundation of this change was also laid in blood as the other had beene, namely in the death of Iulius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.

The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the Citie into an opinion that monarchy was an enemy to liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their liberty, then out of beleefe of that position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a government likely enough in all humane judgement to heale all these mischiefes and miscarriages, that monarchicall tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme governours in stead of one, and their power and rule to bee but annuall in stead of, for life. The successe was agreeable to the policy, and so happily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixt as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to a Monarchy againe, was infallibly held to bee, to reduce it to slavery; and Iulius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opinion was in the heart of a Roman, by the losse of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the losse of their liberties.

Augustus his Nephew and adopted sonne, though hee had before his eyes in Iulius his death a cleare and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did hee dare it; but managing his desires and designes with so much discretion and noiselesnesse, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipt into a monarchicall subjection even before it was aware.

Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,

Annal. l. 1.After that Brutus and Cassius being slaine, there was now no publicke hostility; Pompey was crushed at Sicily, and Lepidus being stipped of his power, and Antony slaine, there remained now no commander on Iulius his party, but onelyonly Caesar, hee laying downe the name of Triumvir, and bearing himselfe as Consull, and as content with the Tribunate, for the defense of the Commons: when he had won the Souldiers with gifts, the people with provision, and all men with the sweetnesse of peace, hee began to get up by degrees, and to draw to himselfe the power of the Senate, Magistrates and Law, no man gainsaying him: For the fiercest persons were either dispatcht in the armies or by banishment, the rest of the Nobles, by how much the more they were the readier for vassallage, by so much the more they were preferred with wealth and honours: and being thus inriched by these innovations, they desired rather the safe and present condition, then the ancient and dangerous. Nor did the provinces refuse this state of things, they having the rule of the Senate and people in suspition, because of the quarrelings of the great ones, and the avarice of the Magistrates, the Lawes affording no reliefe, but themselves destroyed, by power, prowling or money.

Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a monarchy, and himselfe to bee the monarch; the decrees and determination of heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy after the destruction of the foure, Dan. 2. and 7. which should equall all the foure in power pompe and cruelty, and should be the continuall persecutor of the Church of the Christians, as they had beene of the Church of the Jewes: And thus doth the Gospell and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are borne together.

Sect. II. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperour: his damnable dissimulation.

Augustus as hee had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deale of wisdome, and daring, so did hee keepe it with the same wisedome, and as much moderation: Hee sate Emperour for the space of foure and fortie years, honoured and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though hee had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his owne hand: Now whether it were the native gentlenesse and goodnesse of the Emperour, that kept him in such a sweetnesse and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to bee safe to bee too busie and rigid so neare the change, hee so demeaned himselfe for the benefit of the City, and love of the people, that as he was the first of all the Emperours, so in a manner was hee the last that shewed such mildnesse, goodnesse, and noblenesse, either to people or City.

Tyberius succeeded him, his Wives son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incomparably evill, unworthy, and cruell, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and humane. And if that were true which some supposed and beleeved, That Augustus had nominated Tyberius for his Successor, that his owne worth might be the better set off by the others wickednesse; & that hee might bee the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonour then all his former; and howsoever Tyberius might do him honour by his miscarriage, yet did he doe himselfe dishonour in Tyberius.

This wretch, whose Story wee are now to follow, was, as his owne Tutor used to define him, foreign A lumpe of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousnesse, as it was almost possible for humane nature to containe.

A dissembler hee was, beyond all parallels and comparisons, foreign, saith Dion, He had a disposition most single to himself: For hee never made shew to what he desired; and he never spake as he thought; what he desired hee denyed; what hee hated hee pretended to: hee shewed anger where hee loved best; hee pretended love where hee hated most: hee looked sullenly on his friends, chearfully on his enemies: was faire spoken to those he meant to punish, was most severe towards those hee thought to pardon; And it was his Maxime, That a Princes minde must bee knowne to no man; for that by its being knowne, many evils and inconveniences doe follow; but many conveniences by its being dissembled: Hence did every man that medled with him, come into danger; and to understand, or not understand his minde, was alike perillous. And some have beene undone for agreeing to his words, because they agreed not to his mind: and some have beene undone for agreeing to his mind, because hee perceived they had found his mind out. And it was a thing of extreme difficulty, either to consent to his words or to gainsay them: when it was his custome to command one thing and to will another.

This dissimulation hee began withall at his very first entrance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingnesse to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past deniall, then pret…nding to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honour: but when Asinius Gallus tooke him at his word, and bad him choose his part, hee tooke it so ill, that hee dogd him for it to the death. The same dissimulation hee tooke along with him, when hee had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildnesse and moderation, as if hee had beene a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most deare in the peoples affection, and hee feared him lest hee should have beene preferred before him.

Yet did his best demeanour bewray what hee was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best hee gave just suspition that hee would prove but evill.

Hee began his reigne with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favour with Augustus as himselfe. Hee went on with the murder of a poore man for a peece of wit: For as a corpse was carried to its interring, this man can to it and whispered in the dead mans eare: and being asked by the standers by what hee meant, hee answered, that hee desired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Legacies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poore man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so hee slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.

It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeene yeers of his raigne, or before this yeare that wee have in hand: The most remarkable were that hee raised Sejanus purposely that hee might helpe to ruine Germanicus and Drusus, though they were his owne adopted sonnes, and when that was done by Sejanus hee ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. Wee shall have mischiefe enough from him in those yeares that wee are to follow him in, namely from his eighteenth and forward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.

Sect. III. The yeare of Tiberius his reigne at our Saviours death.

This yeare is determined by common consent of Historians to bee his eighteenth: and the matter is past all doubt, if it were as certaine that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius, as it is certaine that Iohn began to baptize. For whereas Iohn began to baptize about the vernall Equinox, and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnall, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth yeare, and whereas Tiberius began to reigne about the 18. day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians, the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weekes before Christ was baptized. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius Iohn came baptizing, Luke 3.1. yet was it in the 16. yeare of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptisme: and so should the death of our Saviour fall into Tiberius his 19. yeare. But it is not safe to hang the Chronologie of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universall consent and determination of all Christian writers, wee will take the 18 yeare of Tiberius to have beene the yeare of Christs death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperours that wee have to goe through proportionate or agreeable to this beginning.

The Roman Consuls for this yeare that wee have in hand were Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus, as is obvious to any eye that counteth, and the yeare and Consuls in the time of Tiberius.

Sect. IV. His lusts and beastiality.

HEe had certaine yeares before this departed out of Rome, resolving never to returne to it againe, which indeed hee never did, though often taking on him to come, and drawing very neare unto the Citie. The pretence of his departure, *Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 39.40.was the griefe that hee tooke on him to take for the death of his two sonnes, Germanicus and Drusus, and the dedication of a Capitoll at Capua and a Temple at Nola: but the reasons indeed were, partly in disdaine of the authority of his mother Livia, partly to avoyd the dangers of the Citie, *Tacit. Annal. lib. 6.partly to outrun the shame of his evill actions, and partly that in the retirednesse of the Countrey hee might bee the more freely wicked as not restrained by the publike shame. This last hee made good by his badnesse, if such a thing may bee said to bee made good. For having gotten the libertie of retirednesse, saith *Cap. 42, 43, 44.Suetonius, and being removed from the eyes of the Citie, hee now let goe loose all the vices that hee had so long dissembled. Uncleannesse both with Boyes and Girles, ravishing both of wives and maides, new invented arts of letchery, and trades of lust, obscene bathings and filthy feasts, and such horriblenesse of beastialitie that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christians hearing, nay Rome her selfe had not heard of none such till this very time.

Sect. His crueltie, and how forwarded.

Nor, which is wonderfull, did hee in all this delicacy and effeminatenesse, remit or ungive any thing of his bloodinesse and crueltie, but as in his person hee plaid the Swine in Capreae, so by his letters did hee the Lion at Rome. The cowardize, and fawning of the Senate from which hee was run, and which hee sought to destroy, did forward his inhumane disposition exceeding much: for as this inhumanitie provoked him to doe what mischiefe hee could, so did their complyance shew him that hee might doe what his list, when things were come to that passe (saith *Lib. 58.Dion) that there was no man that could deny, but that hee could heartily eate the Emperours flesh, yet when Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus were Consuls (which was the yeare wee have in hand) a thing most ridiculous came to passe. For whereas it had beene decreed long before, that the Senate should not sweare to the acts of the Emperour on the first day of Ianuary, man by man, but that one should take the oath, and the rest should give their consent: this yeare they did not so, but of their owne offer, and no one constraining, they were sworne every man in particular.

And there befell also a thing yet more ridiculous then this. For they decreed that Tiberius should choose out of their order as many as hee would: and twenty of those chosen by lot and weaponed hee should have for his guard whensoever hee should come into the Senate. Now seeing that without the Senate house all was well guarded with a band of Souldiers, and that no private man came within, for whom else would they or could they have this guard added but for themselves? Tiberius commended their forwardnesse and gave them thankes for their good will, but the thing it selfe h…e declined as a thing unusuall: for hee was not so simple, as to put swords into their hands whom hee so much hated, and of whom hee was hated so much.

Thus Dion: and thus the Senate, taken in their owne net which they had laid too plaine; arming Tiberius with suspition, hatred, and power, while they thought to have weaponed themselves. A far milder nature then his, would hardly have missed to have made a domineering use of such an opportunitie, when their visible hatred had shewed him his owne danger, and their cowardly flattery had shewed him his power, and how hee made advantage of these his notions, did appeare by the sequell.

Sect. V. Divers cruelties.

Sejanus his high exalted favorite, had beene found, or at least suspected by him to goe about to undermine him as hee had done Drusus by his setting on, and hee had the last yeare been put to death upon that certaintie, or suspition; and now must all his friends, creatures, kindred and adherents, which had been exceeding many to so great a favorite, come to the same reckoning and ruine with him. And this advantage had the old Politician by his kennelling in the solitarinesse of the Country, that both hee might bee as impudent as hee would in putting forward his designes, for his letters could not blush, and resolute enough in following them to their accomplishing, for hee was farre enough from the danger of the discontented Citie.

Hee began with the confiscation of Sejanus his goods,Taeit. lib. 6. Annal. Dion ubi sup…a. and went on with the banishment of Iunius Gallio one of his friends. This Gallio or Gallenus (as Dion calleth him) in a base flattery to Tiberius made the motion that the Souldiers of his guard should at the shewes sit in the Knights fourme: A proposall more full of simplicitie and fawning then of any danger or suspition: and yet is hee sharpely taken up for it by the Emperours letters, as for an overture of sedition made by a friend of Sejanus as thinking to corrupt the minds of the Souldiers by hope of honours: And for no other fault but this is Gallio banished to Lesbos, but recalled againe ere long, because it was thought by the Emperour that hee tooke delight in the pleasantnesse of the Hand, and then hee was committed to custody in the Magistrates houses. The same letters thunderbolt Sestius Paconius, and either they or the next, doe as much for Latiaris the betrayer of Sabinus, and shortly are the like come for Caecilianus a Senator, Quintus Servaeus once Pretor, and Minutius Thermus a Knight: and if they came not into the same black bill, yet did Iulius Africanus and Seius Quadratus come into the same danger.

Sect. VI. Strange accusing.

Thus came his packets very frequent to the Senate, and seldome or never but written in some mans blood or other: hee being cankered and craftie enough to accuse and pretend, and the Senate so officious and serviceable to him, as to condemne and execute. And happy had the condition of the Citie been, had hee rested there, to have beene accuser onelyonly himselfe, but his subtle policy had found out a way, and practised it, and hee thought himselfe happy in it, to set such division and sow such seeds of accusations among the people, that now they doe nothing, nor affect nothing more, then to accuse, impeach and charge one another, and to contrive and compasse each others death. Cruell and inhumane that hee was thus to divide and imbroile his owne people and Subjects to destroy each other, that the clearer way might bee made to his tyranny through their destruction; and that hee cannot thinke himselfe an absolute Prince, nor truely happy, unlesse his people die at his pleasure or live in misery. Yet can I not but thinke of an invisible hand of justice in this deplorate condition of the Citie and State wrought and brought upon her by her owne Prince, that shee now perisheth daily and sadly by her false accusing, and condemning, and destroying one another; for at this very time, by false accusation and unjust condemning, shee had destroyed and murdered the Lord of life.

Now, saith Tacitus, did Tiberius, inciting the chiefest men to mischiefe, Tiberius inciting the chiefest men to mischiefe.admonish C. Caestius the father, to tell the Senate what hee had written to him: and Caestius tooke upon to accuse: A bane which those times brought forth, when the chiefe men of the Senate would practise most base accusations, some openly, many secretly; nor could you then discerne strangers from kinsmen, friends from men unknown, nor what was new, nor what was obscure with age: So surely were men accused of whatsoever they had spoken in the open streets or at feasts, as others could make hast to prevent, and accuse them for guiltie: some for their owne refuge, more as infected with contagion and a sicknesse. So Tacitus.

De benef. lib. 3. cap. 26.Seneca also utters his complaint of these dolefull times, and alledgeth one example of these accusations, which at once sheweth the basenesse of them and the frequency.

In the times of Tiberius Caesar, saith hee, there was a frequent and almost common madnesse of accusing, which more tormented the gowned Citie, then all their civill warres had done before. Now the words of drunkards were catched at, and the harmelesnesse of jesters. Nothing was safe, every occasion of being cruell gave content: Nor was there any expecting of what would bee the event of those that were accused, for they had all one and the same. Paulus the Praetorian was at a certaine supper or feast, having the picture of Tiberius graven in the stone of his Ring, which something stood forth; I should doe but very foolishly, if I should pumpe for words to tell, that hee tooke the Chamberpot, which thing Maro one of the spies of those times tooke speedy notice of. But a servant of his for whom the trap was prepared tooke off his Ring when hee was drunke. And when Maro tooke witnesse of the guests that Caesars Image was laid to a filthy base thing, and was ready to subscribe the charge, the servant sh…wed the Ring upon his owne finger.

Exceeding many doe the Roman Histories mention and nominate, that came to fatall ends, or heavy doomes under the bloodinesse of this inquisition, but many and many omitted, saith Tacitus, and not named by the Roman writers, either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples, or lest, as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves, so likewise might it bee unto the Reader.

Sect. VII. Desperate boldnesse, and discreet.

In these so dangerous times of the Citie, and raging humors of the Emperour, it cannot bee omitted for the strangenesse of it, how two men came off, Marcus Terentius by a resolute bravery before the Senate, and Lucius Seianus by a desperate scoffe and mocking of the Emperour.

In the sports and feasts of Flora, this Seianus being Pretor, had caused all things to bee performed by baldheaded men,Dion lib. 58. and by no other, and this hee did because Tiberius was baldheaded himselfe. And to make up the scorne to the full, at night, when the company was to depart,A venerable antiquitie for shaven crowns▪ hee caused five thousand boyes with their heads shaven bare, to carry Linkes and Torches to light them away. And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though hee knew it well enough, either because hee would not second his owne derision, by taking it to heart, or because hee intended to revenge this scorne at some other time, under some other title, or because by this toleration hee would animate more to bee saucy with him to their owne confusion.

But far more brave, because far more necessary and discreet, was the courage of Terentius, who had the sober and well guided valour, not to thrust himselfe into danger, but to bring him out. Hee was accused of dependence upon Sejanus, and of complying with him, and he denied not the accusation, but strengthned it, and came off better by extremitie of confession then others could doe with the utmost of excusing. I loved, said hee, and honoured Sejanus, because Tiberius loved him and did him honour: So that if hee did well I did not amisse, and if the Emperour that knoweth all things exactly, were deceived, it is no wonder if I were d…ceived with him. It is not for us to regard or search, for what cause the Emperour promoteth such a man: to him belongeth the propertie of that judgement, to us the glory of obsequiousnesse. His treasons against the commonwealth, and plots against the Emperours life, let them beare the punishment they have deserved, but as for friendship and observance, the same end will acqu…t Tiberius and us, &c.

And in this straine and boldnesse proceeded hee on, still driving on his affections to Sejanus thorow Sejanus to the Emperour, that hee led the accusation the same way to light upon him also, insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him, for they were accused and hee discharged.

Sect. VIII. Other Occurrences of this yeare.

But Tiberius his humour was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetorick, in behalfe of any more, though this prevailed for Terentius himselfe. For presently come accusatory letters against Sex. Vestilius, as a libeller against C. Caesar, who to avoyd death, by the hand of some other man, would prevent it with his owne, and so cut his veines: but tying them up againe and repenting his fact hee sent a supplicatory petition to the Emperour that hee might live: of which receiving but a comfortlesse answer, hee let them open to bleed againe. Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio, Appius Silanus, Scaurus Mamercus, Sabinus Calvisius: Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consull, put to death for nothing but for bewayling the death of her owne sonne; Vescularius and Marinus executed in Capre…. And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatall ends towards the end of the yeare. In this yeare there was a booke of the Sibyls offered to the Senate, but hee that offered it was sharpely checked by the Emperour for his paines. Some scarsitie of provision oppressed the Citie, and plentie of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperour, but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both, and for the latter sooner then the former. Scribonianus his place of Consulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering pleasure, the politician craftily shaking and unsetling that ancient government, that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster. Flaecus Avilius was made Governour of Egypt, an Iberian by birth as may bee collected from Dion, and a future scourge of the Jewes, as will appeare hereafter. Rubrius Fabatus when hee saw the Citie in so desperate an estate, betooke himselfe to fall to the Parthians, but was apprehended by the way, and yet escaped punishment, being forgotten rather then forgiven.

Sect. IX. Tiberius perplexed.

Among all the troubles of that Citie (that hath beene ever the troubler of the world) that befell her this yeare, when she slew the Prince of quietnesse and peace, it may not bee amisse to looke a little upon the disquietnesse of him himselfe within himselfe that caused this disquiet to her, and imbrewed her so oft in her owne blood: And this wee may doe by the Anatomy that Tacitus hath read upon his intralls, spying the thoughts of his heart, through the words of a letter, that hee wrote in behalfe of Co…ta Messalinus an old favorite of his, the letter bearing the date of this yeare, as appeareth by the same Tacitus, and the words this tenour, as is attested both by him and Suetonius. Sueton in Tibe. c. 67.Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut quomodo scribam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me, Deaeque peius perdant, quam perire quotidie sentio, si scio. What I shall write to you O fathers conscript, or how I shall write, or what I shall not write at all at this time, the gods and goddesses confound me worse then I feele my selfe to perish daily, if I can tell. Whereupon Suetonius saith that being weary of himselfe, hee almost confesseth the summe of his miseries: But my other author thus largely. Thus did even his villanies and flagitiousnesse turne to punishment to himselfe. Nor was it in vaine that the wisest of men was wont to affirme, that if the mindes of Tyrants were but opened, tortures and stripes might bee spied there: seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty, lust and evill projects, as the body is with blowes. For, not solitarinesse, not fortune, could protect Tiberius, but that hee confesseth the torments of his breast, and his owne punishment.