Letter to Lord Fairfax, Text
To the Right Honourable, THE LORD FAIRFAX, AND His COUNCELL OF VVARRE: THE HVMBLE ADDRESSE OF HENRY HAMMOND.
LONDON.
Printed for Richard Royſton in Ivie-lane. 1649.
My Lord, and Gentlemen,
HAving by the Weekly occurrences of your proceedings, not onelyonly taken notice of the weighty matters which you have of late choſen to be the ſubject of your Debates, ſuch as never any Councell in this Kingdome are known to have taken into their cognizance, or conſideration; but withall, diſcern'd the cheerfull and hoſpitable reception of one meane Perſons advice, which pretended to have received ſome counſell from God to communicate to you: And having alſo as ſincere a deſire and zeale to your good, (teſtified by my daily prayers to God, that he will incline your hearts to thoughts of true Chriſtian meekneſſe and charity) and conſequently, as deep an intereſt in the due management of your Affaires, as any others; and as great an aſſurance, that what I ſhall ſay to you, proceeds from a peaceable, and an humble ſpirit; and which tends more immediately to your welfare, and honour, both before God and man, than any thing which is knowne of late to have been repreſented to you: And laſtly, having among you ſome of the neereſt of my bloud, whoſe eternall weale muſt needs be very deare and pretious to me; I am in the feare of God, and the proſecution and diſcharge of my duty and conſcience, deſirous to make this ſhort addreſſe to you, to deſire you, in the name, and in the bowels of Jeſus Christ, and by all the obligations of Chriſtian duty and Charity, to review ſome of the principles by which you ſeem to be acted, and whereon to ground the high enterpriſes which you have now in hand.
And 1. whereas you ſeem to believe, that God by his Spirit hath put it into your hearts to do what hitherto you have done, and what now you profeſſe to deliberate to doe further againſt His Majeſty, and all others, who are now fallen into your hands; I beſeech you to conſider in the preſence of that God, to whoſe directions and Spirit you pretend, what ſafe ground you have for ſo doing. For, I ſhall ſuppoſe that the plaine words of Scripture are not that voice of the Spirit which is your onelyonly guide in this matter: or if it be, I deſire that Charity from you for my ſelfe and others, that you will point us out thoſe Scriptures: and I muſt profeſſe to believe you bound in duty to God, and man, and to your ſelves, to ſatisfie this deſire, to produce that voice of the Spirit in the received Scriptures of God, which may ſay that to other Chriſtians alſo which it appeares to doe to you. But if Gods Spirit be by you conceived to have ſpoken to you any other way than in, or by ſome part of the written Word; then my ſecond requeſt is, that you will declare to others the ground of this your perſwaſion, that you have received any ſuch Revelation from God; that ſo that pretended Spirit may according to the rules preſcribed by God in his acknowledged Word be tried and examined regularly, whether it be of God, or no? before the ſubject-matter of ſuch Revelation be believed infallible, or accordingly built upon by you as your warrant or principle of acting any thing. For, there are evill Spirits that come into the world, and which many times are by God permitted to ſeduce men, and that they may doe ſo the better, they conſtantly pretend to come from God, and aſſume divine Authority to recommend and authorize their deluſions; (a thing ſo ordinary in all Ages, that the Poet that would expreſſe the Imbroyling of a Kingdome, thinks he cannot doe it better then by bringing in Alecto, a Fury, with a Meſſage from Heaven, to avenge ſuch or ſuch an injury.) And of theſe our Saviour forewarns us, and tells us, that we ſhall know them by their fruits; and ſo directs us to judge of the truth of their pretenſions by the goodneſſe and commendableneſſe, at leaſt, juſtifiableneſſe of their actions, and not to judge of their actions by their pretences. And beſides theſe evill ſpirits from without, there is alſo an evill ſpirit within, a great deale of diſguiſed wickedneſſe in the heart of man, which when it remaines unmortified in thoſe who believe themſelves to be Gods choſen Saints, and taught by him, is very apt to be miſtaken for an inclination of Gods Spirit, and a flame of zeale, when it is really the moſt contrary to it: and becauſe there is ſo much danger, that what is not fetcht from the acknowledged Word of God, may thus flow from one of theſe contrary principles: my next requeſt is, that it be conſidered, whether when an Angel from Heaven, in caſe he ſhould teach any other Doctrine, than what had been by Saint Paul preached to his Galathians, were-to be anathematized, and when the judgments are ſo fearfull, which are pronounced againſt them which ſhall adde to the Words of that Propheſie, which we now reteine under the title of the Apocalyps or Revelation (which being the laſt Writing which is knowne to be dictated by the Spirit, may very probably conteine a ſevere denuntiation againſt all thoſe, who pretend to any Revelation or Propheſie after that, concerning the Chriſtian Church) whether I ſay it be not a matter of fear and juſt apprehenſion, to all thoſe, who ſhall affix or impoſe upon the Spirit of God (or pretend to be revealed to them from that) any matter of Doctrine or Practice, which acknowledges not the Spirit of God ſpeaking in the Scripture for its onelyonly warrant or foundation. Or laſtly, if from the Scriptures you conceive it may be proved, that any part of the Ʋnction mentioned there ſo farre belongs to you, that it ſhall ſurely lead you into all truth: then firſt, I beſeech you to conſider, whether you doe not oblige your ſelves by the ſame, or ſome other Scripture to prove to others (and not onelyonly your ſelves to be perſwaded) that you are thoſe ſpeciall Saints of God, to whom that priviledge peculiarly belongs, and as clearly to demonſtrate that all others who conceive that that Unction teaches them directly the contrary to that which you profeſſe to be taught by it, are impious Perſons poſſeſt with that deluding Spirit, which I now deſire you to beware of. And ſecondly, to examine whether this differencing of your ſelves from others, this bearing witneſſe to your ſelves, and judging others (beſide that it will looke like an act of moſt Phariſaicall preſumption, and the very thing, which from Simon Magus downward, hath been obſerved in all Hereticks, calling themſelves the Spirituall, and all others Animal, carnall Men) will not be alſo a great injuſtice at this time toward them who pretend not to learne any thing from this Unction, but what they receive from the Doctrine of the Goſpel, in thoſe Books, which have in effect, and in the laſt reſult, the teſtimony of God from Heaven, that they are his true infallible Word, and dictate of his Spirit; and which deſire to make no other uſe of this to their owne advantage, but onelyonly topreſerve them in a quiet poſſeſſion of what by Law belongs to them, and a capacity of making good their Allegiance to Him, to whom they have often by Law been required to ſweare it.
A ſecond principle which I muſt deſire you to review, is that, upon which you conclude that God hath borne teſtimony to your Cauſe by the many Victories which he hath given you: this concluding of yours, firſt, proceeds upon a premiſe directly falſe in matter of fact. For, you ſay that the King by taking up Armes made His appeale to Heaven, which 'tis moſt certain that He never did, (but onelyonly uſed a ſtrength which God put in his hands to repell them, whom He look'd on as His Subjects declining their duty to Him, and invading the ſetled Lawes, and never referred the right of the Cauſe to be judged by the ſucceſſe of His Armes) nor indeed could rationally have occaſion to doe ſo, any more than any one of you would make ſuch appeale, when a violent Perſon ſhould invade, what you conceive to be your undoubted right; nor could He religiouſly, or Chriſtianly have done this, when thoſe Lawes that allow'd of ſuch appeales by Ordeale, or Duell, and the like, have been juſtly cenſured as unchriſtian and barbarous. Nay ſecondly, this concluding of yours will by the ſame reaſon infer that Chriſtianity is not, and that Mahumetiſme is the true Religion, becauſe when the Turkes aſſerted one, and the Greek Church the other, and that difference begat a Warre betwixt them, 'tis cleare that the Turkes were ſucceſsfull, and the Greeke Church was moſt ſadly waſted and ſubdued by them, and ſo remaineth to this houre in that unreturn'd Captivity. Which will therefore be a fit opportunity to make you revert to the trying of that Spirit (which inclines you thus to argue) by this touchſtone. 1. By conſidering and examining whether in the written Word any thing be more frequent and viſible than the ſufferings of Gods people, the ſhedding the bloud of the Saints, the faſtning all kind of cont…ties on ſuch, particularly that reproach of [you bloudy man] upon David, who was a King after Gods heart, the ſending or permitting an Hoſt againſt the daily ſacrifice to caſt down the truth to the ground, and to practice and proſper. 2. Whether it were not Rabſhekeh's Argument againſt the Peoples adhering to their lawfull King Hezekiah, that his Maſters Armes had been invincible. 3. Whether that ſaddeſt fate of Nebuchadnezzar, who for conquering of Gods people, and others, was by God ſtiled his Hammer, and Battleaxe of the whole earth, may not be expected the finall lot of others alſo; firſt, to deſtroy men, and then to be caſt out into the field, to inhabit among Beaſts. 4. Whether it were not a crime complained of by the people of God, in thoſe, which, when God was a little diſpleaſed, did as Adverſaries, help forward their affliction. And 5. whether the Pſalmiſt lay not the like ill character on all, who perſecute thoſe whom God hath ſmitten, and talke how they may vex them whom God hath wounded? By all which it is moſt evident, (without any neceſſity of defining or demonſtrating any thing of the juſtice of the Cauſe) that moſt commonly the proſperity of Armes hath not been the lot of the moſt righteous, but that either the chaſtiſement of the Sword is thought fit to be their diſcipline, or the comforts of peace (and not the triumphs of warre) their bleſſing in this life.
The third principle is, your perſwaſion that the community of the People is the Supreme power, and that the KING is inferiour to them, and to them accountable for His breach of Truſt, of which you now affirme Him guilty. In this procedure of yours, there be many things worthy of your ſerious pondering: As whether 1. by Scripture: or 2. by Reaſon: or 3. by Story of times it can be concluded, that the Supreme Power was ever by God put into the hands of the community of the People. For the firſt way of concluding it, (the teſtimony of Scripture) I cannot but take notice of one place, which hath been produced to that purpoſe, 1 Pet. 2. 13. Be ſubject to every humane Ordinance, or Creature, or Creation, &c. This place I have ſome reaſon to believe to carry ſome weight with you, becauſe it was 6 years ſince for the juſtifying the Cauſe againſt the King's party, produced by a Perſon of great dexterity, That very Perſon, who hath now undertaken to juſtifie your late proceedings ſo farre as not onelyonly to clear them from all blame, but alſo to pretend to demonſtrate the honour and worth of them, and to lift them up to an high pitch, not onelyonly, 1. of a bleſſed victory (the higheſt that Chriſtians are appointed to aſpire to) of overcomming evill by doing good: but 2. of calling to mens minds the unparellable example of the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, who went downe into the Chambers of death, from thence to bring up with him a loſt world: and 3. of being a lineament of the face of Divine goodneſſe, in the doing good to ſo many, as well Enemies, as Friends: and 4. deſerving that place at the table of honour, which the Roman Orator ſaith, all Nations beſtowed on the Aſſertors of their Countries liberties, even next to the immortall Gods themſelves: and 5. of imitating the method of the warfare of Heaven, and ſeeking to reconcile a Nation to themſelves by not imputing their unthankefulneſſe. The largneſſe and exorbitancy of theſe expreſſions I was my ſelfe ſo amaz'd at, that I cannot but mention them to you (by the way) as matters of horrour, which like the Peoples acclamation to Herod, or the Lycaonians to Paul and Barnabas, if they beget not in you a juſt indignation with the latter, may very probably bring the juſt fate of the former upon you, to be eaten up with Wormes, (after you have been thus deified) now, that you have no other viſible Enemy but your ſelves, and ſuch Flatterers, (that I ſay no worſe) to appeare againſt you, having craved your pardon for this not unſeaſonable excurſion, I return now to the view of that Scripture, produced from Saint Peter, to prove Kings to be a creation or creature of men, and ſo their power to be derived from the People. To which I Anſwer, 1. that there is a ſignall character in that very Text, that keeps it from concluding the ſupreme power to be originally in the People, not only by calling the King in the end of that Verſe, Supreme; ſuch as in Saint Pauls divinity, Rom. 13. are affirmed to be ordained of God, and ſo no humane Ordinance, but alſo by diſtinguiſhing the Governours, v. 14. from the King or Supreme, v. 13. by this that the Governours are ſent by (i. e. have Commiſſion from) the King, which might in like manner be alſo affirmed of the King, that He were ſent by the People, if He were the Creature, or creation of them, but is not ſo much as intimated by that Apoſtle; but on the contrary, ſupremacy affixt to Him, and ſubjection commanded to be paid Him (not for the Peoples, but for the Lords ſake) as ſubordination to, and miſſion from the King, is affirm'd of all other Magiſtrates. But then 2. to take away all colour of plea for populacy from this Text, it is to be obſerved what is the meaning of the Greek word in the New Teſtament, which is there rendred *foreignordinance, or creature, or creation. That word when it is ſet in its largneſſe without any reſtraint, ſignifies generally all mankind, Gentiles, as well as Jewes. Thus [the creation] and [the world] are all one, and [all the creation] (or every creature) Mar. 16. 15. the ſame with [the whole world] in the beginning of that Verſe, and [all Nations] in the parallel places of Saint Matthew and Saint Luke. And thus Rom. 8. 19. [the expectation of the creature, or creation] is the hope which the heathen world had, that at the revelation of the gracious priviledges of the Meſſias, they (i. e. the Gentiles) alſo ſhould be freed from the ſlavery of corruption (their villainous heathen ſinnes) unto the liberty, &c. that true liberty not from obedience to Superiours, but from ſlavery to luſts and paſſions, which Chriſt came to beſtow upon us; And ſo when v. 22. 'tis added, that the whole creation groanes, &c. the cleare meaning is, that the Gentiles as well as Jewes did thus, as might be evidenced at large. Agreeable to this notion of the whole creation, or every creature, is this ſame phraſe (with the addition of humane, to take off all reſtraint, and to extend it as far as all mankind) to be underſtood, and ſo the meaning of the precept of Saint Peter to his Jew Chriſtians is clearly this and no more, that they muſt be obedient not onelyonly to Chriſtian Magiſtrates, but to Gentiles, Heathen alſo, (ſuch as they ſhould fall under in all their diſperſions) i. e. to all whatſoever they were, and that for the Lords ſake who conſtituted thoſe Heathens alſo, as Saint Paul ſaith. If to this it ſhall be objected, that by this way of interpreting, the precept will be extended ſo, as to ſubject us to all Heathens, and not onelyonly to Magiſtrates: I anſwer, that this, which is the onelyonly objection againſt this interpretation, is of little force, and is anſwered, 1. by obſerving the word [be ſubject] which relating to Magiſtrates will require our obedience to none, but thoſe, as v. 17. when he commands to honour all, it muſt be underſtood, all to whom honour belongs; Superiours, not Inferiours: or as, when ch. 5. 5. he commands them to be ſubject to one another, it muſt not be underſtood, that the Superiour muſt be ſubject to the Inferiour, as the Inferiour to the Superiour, but as the nature of the duty inforces to interpret, the Inferiour to be ſubject to the Superiour onelyonly: and 2. by the' Apoſtles expreſſe enumeration of thoſe to whom this obedience muſt be paid in the end of the Verſe, to the King as Supreme; and then, v. 14. to Governours, as inferiour Magiſtrates ſent by Him. That this is the full importance of that place, may (if there be any need) farther appeare by the occaſion of the Apoſtles diſcourſe, which was the confuting of the vile ſect of Chriſtians then calling themſelves Gnoſticks, (as a title of great perfection of knowledge in the Myſteries of Heaven) who taught the doctrine of liberty and manumiſſion to Chriſtian Subjects or Servants, from heathen (yea and Chriſtian) Maſters, and Kings; To which falſe doctrine of theirs this Exhortation thus interpreted is directly contrary (and cannot otherwiſe be pertinent to it) and very coherent to that Admonition in the 12 ver. immediately preceding, of having their converſation good among the Gentiles, that they might not ſpeake ill of them as evill Doers; which they would be juſtly apt to doe, in caſe they ſhould withdraw their obedience to their lawfull Princes, as ſoone as they were become Chriſtians; which, by the way, laies a very ill character upon thoſe, who by pretence of Chriſtianity, or piety, ſeeke, or claime to themſelves any other liberty, than what by the Lawes under which they are borne, doth confeſtly belong unto them.
Having thus farre enlarged to cleare that teſtimony of Scripture, and not knowing of any other which is thought favourable to your pretenſion, I ſhall, in ſtead of retorting the multitude of plaine places directly oppoſite, which will abundantly take away all force from this: proceed next to the ſecond plea, that of Reaſon. And there I ſhall deſire you to confider, 1. Whether if Adam had never fallen, and his poſterity remained in the ſame innocence, they would not yet have been capable of poſitive precepts in order to civill life; and conſequently, whether in reaſon ſome one or more men ſhould not have had ſuperiority over all others, Parents over Children, and the like; and to this purpoſe, whether the divers Orders, and ſubordination of the Angels, that never fell, be not an evidence that even in ſtate of innocence, God deſigned ſuperiority, not equality. But then 2. The paſſions of men being through ſin grown irregular, and ſo needing Rules and Lawes, and Rulers and Law-makers, it was both reaſonable, that God ſhould, and is moſt certaine that he did deſigne and appoint Government (as appears by what is ſaid by God to the firſt Woman, and ſecond Man, to Eve, Gen. 3. 16. and to Cain, Gen. 4. 7.) and ſo gave not all men that freedome which is the ſuppoſed foundation of that doctrine, which places ſupreme power in the People. And of any rationall perſon that yet thinks he did give this freedome to all mankind; I ſhould but aske this one queſtion, Whether ever any man were by God or nature inveſted with power of his owne life; I meane, with power to take away his owne life, or to kill himſelfe? In every thing elſe man may be believed to have a power over himſelfe, over his body, to cut or lance it, when that is for his turne, and particularly over that freedome which naturally belongs to him; whatever the degree of that be, a man may by act of his owne will, part with it irreverſibly. Thus might the Jew under Gods owne government, give himſelf up wholly into the power of his Maſter, and by having his eare bored thorough, become from a Free-man, a Slave for ever, and generally thorow the whole world the courſe hath been the ſame, that he which is moſt free hath power over his owne liberty ſo to diveſt himſelf of it, as that it ſhall never revert to him againe; and our Savionr that is thought to have brought liberty into the world, doth yet, by the quality of moſt of his precepts, given to Chriſtians by himſelfe and his Apoſtles, marke out this condition of ſubjection to them, as that under which they were generally to live, and from which the Chriſtian profeſſion ſhould be ſo farre from freeing them, that the ſtrict practice of obedience to heathen Rulers or Maſters, is oft preſcribed as a ſpeciall meanes to advance Chriſts maine end, to magnifie and promote the Goſpel. But for power over a mans owne life no man can be believed to be borne with it, for if he were, he might then as lawfully kill himſelfe (and if he might doe it lawfully, there are many caſes which might make it prudent for him to do it at ſome times) as pul out an aking tooth, or diſpoſe of his liberty or eſtate out of his owne poſſeſſion; a thing which no Chriſtian hath ever thought lawfull, but made this felonia de ſe, this ſelf-murther, or felony againſt ones ſelfe, a crime, as contrary to the ſixt Commandement, as the killing of any other man. Having proceeded thus farre, I ſhall now take that for granted, which, that I know of, is denied by none, I am ſure, which is not denied in the publiſht ſcheme of the deſigned Repreſentative, viz. that the ſupreme power includes the power of life, (I meane not ſuch an arbitrary power of killing whom they pleaſe without ſinne, but a power of putting capitall Malefactors to death, and ſo a power over every (call it Subjects or Free-mans) life in caſe of capitall crime) And the granting of this (as 'tis too viſible that it is by you a granted truth) being added to the former, doth to me irrefragably conclude, that the ſupreme power neither is, nor can be in the community of the People, or in their Repreſentative, by force meerly of their originall or naturall liberty; The inference is cleare, becauſe the power of life which is part of the Supremacy, is not part of that naturall liberty, and therefore is neither inherent naturally in that community of men, (which is but, in other words, ſo many particular men together, indow'd with that power (and no more) which every man hath ſingly over himſelf) nor conſequently by them communicable to any Repreſentative. And by this alſo it appeares, that ſupreme Magiſtracy, whereſoever 'tis truly placed, is the ordinance, and creation of God, (who alone hath power of all mens lives) and not of man, who hath no power of his owne, much leſſe of any others life, any farther then he is a Repreſentative, or Proxy, or Deputy of God, who hath that Power, not of the People, who have it not. For it is poſſible I may put you in mind of an evident truth, which perhaps you have not taken notice of; That, as the originall of Government in any particular place cannot be imagined to be by any more than two waies, Either Gods deſignment, or the Peoples act; ſo in either of thoſe two caſes 'tis God onelyonly, and not the People, that gives the power of the Sword, or power of Life to the Governour; when God himſelfe ſets a King over men, 'tis ſo cleare that be thus impowers that King, that that need not be proved; and when the community of a People (ſuppoſe in the Originall, ten men in the freedome of nature) chuſe one of themſelves, or more to rule over them; 'tis cleare, they doe not inveſt him with more power than themſelves had; & that he that was thus choſen by them, hath the power of life over any of them (which they ſingle, or all together in the community had not) muſt needs come from ſome other, and not from them; and if you will know from whom it comes, I anſwer, that it comes from Gods appointment (for the oeconomy of the world) that the ſupreme Magiſtrate ſhall as his Deputy have this power from God communicated to him, as an endowment neceſſary to that power which is deſign'd to protect, and governe others. And in caſe it were the act of the People, and not of God immediately, that deſignes or nominates the Perſon to that Office, yet doth not this nomination beſtow this power, but God who alone hath that power, beſtowes it on him who is thus nominated. In this caſe all that the People beſtow, or part with by their act is their owne liberty, or that part of it of which they voluntarily diveſt themſelves, that they may by obedience empower him, whom they have ſet over them; & that they may reaſonably part with for that greater benefit of protection from him, which, while he is obeyed by all, he may by their united obedience to his commands be able to afford them, and could not probably without it; now this giving up their liberties to one, or more, makes that man, or men a Ruler over them; and being a Ruler, to him belongs (derived from God, not from them) that power of life, and death, which Gods forementioned decree hath enſtated on the ſupreme power, or Ruler; who is therefore in that relation (of Avenger for wrath, or puniſhment) ſtiled by the Apoſtle, the Miniſter of God, Rom. 13. and not of the People. By this it appeares that (for the originall of power) the utmoſt that comes from the People, is that of which they have the power, till by ſome act of Gods, or their owne, they have parted with it, the liberty or power of their Perſons (or in ſome ſort and degree, as they ſhall part with it, of their bodies, or poſſeſſions in like manner) but not of their lives; For that other is of an higher origination; and therefore, ſuppoſing the power they had parted with, ſhould, upon any emergent, revert to them againe, yet the power of life and death, or of the Sword can never revert, becauſe it never proceeded from them, but as the ſoule that came from God doth at the falling of the body back to its elements, or earth, from which it was firſt taken, returne to the hands of God that gave it, ſo the power of life, the prerogative firſt, and then the gift or inveſtitute of God, muſt at the dlſſolution of any Government, and the ſuppoſed poſed reverting to its principles againe, returne to its proper fountaine, to God, and none but him. And to imagine it to divolve to the community of the people, is the ſame unreaſonable, as to conceive the immortall ſoule, that one beame of divinity (as this power of life and death is another) to accompany the carcaſſe to the grave alſo. I have inſiſted the longer on this to make the miſtake the more palpable, and the more impoſſible not to be diſcerned by you; and if I could foreſee any colour of reaſon, that could poſſibly pretend againſt this evidence, I ſhould yet enlarge yours, and my owne trouble, to diſcover it; but being, I profeſſe, unable to mention any thing, which the grounds, which are already laid, have not prevented: I ſhall now proceed to the third and laſt way of examining this truth.
By the hiſtory of times, and there I ſhall be forced to retract, at leaſt to ſuſpend the acknowledging of that, which, that I might examine it by reaſon, I was willing to ſuppoſe, but not grant, and ſhall now demand,
1. Whether by any authentick ſtory it appeares, that there ever were any Nation or People in the world, who can be preſumed or proved to have had this ſupreme power veſted in the whole community originally, or from their firſt comming together? or if ſo, whether Gods judgment ſo viſibly interpoſed, and the example of his inſtituting of Judges, and of Kings, (neither of them accountable to the People) be not to be preferred before all ſuch preſidents?
2. If 'twere granted, that in ſome one, or more places the power hath been originally in the People, yet it will never appeare by the originalls of all, or of this Kingdome, that in all or in this it was ſo; or if men will ſtill opiniate, and affirme againſt the evidence of the Lawes, and conſtitution of this Kingdome, and againſt thoſe Oaths which have for ſo many yeares acknowledged the ſeat of the Supremacy in the King, and not in the People; yet that, which is ſo falſe in matter of fact, being taken for truth alſo, there will againe be matter of inquiry, in point of reaſon, which will deſerve your farthermoſt ſerious pondering:
1. Whether, after that the People have upon deliberation, and from choice intruſted ſome one or more Perſons (in any certaine courſe of ſucceſſion by Law deſigned) to rule over them, and after the Law hath declared the perſon of that Supream Magiſtrate not to be accountable, but his Miniſters only, (which may be a prudence of State, more advantagious to a peoples peace, then poſſibly is well underſtood) whether, I ſay, in this caſe any number of men whatſoever, can, upon any pretence, re-call that Truſt, and void that Law, by which that KING, and His Heires for ever, were conſtituted the Ruler of them? or if they might, whether this were not moſt contrary to the end of all Government, quiet, and peace, and probably the parent of all confuſion in the world, which is much worſe than the hardeſt ſubjection?
Nay 2. if it ſhould be ganted ſtill, that the community of people have power to recall, or void that truſt, yet 'twill be matter of more than doubt againe, whether at this time in this Kingdome there be any way for the whole community to act, or whether it can by any man be reaſonably believed, that what is now done, is acted by the community of the People?
For if (to that purpoſe) it be conceived, that the Houſe of Commons is (or that the two Houſes together are) the Repreſentative of all the People; Then firſt, it is to be conſidered that there is a great number of men in this Kingdome, that are not repreſented by theſe, and who never put (nor can by any interpretation be thought to have put) into their hands that Power, which is ſuppoſed to be in every free Commoner in this Kingdome. 2. That you your ſelves have expreſt your opinion, that this, which now is, is an unequall Repreſentative, and have on that conſideration thought your ſelves obliged to propound another Forme. 3. 'Tis ſure, that (whatever poſſibly might have been) yet they, that have ever till this time choſen Knights or Burgeſſes to the Parliament, did never actually put into their hands, as into their Repreſentatives, all that power, which (in this caſe of the Peoples being the Supreme Power) is naturally ſuppoſed to be veſted in them, but only a power of doing thoſe things, for which the Writ (ſent out under the Broad Seal) did command them to be returned, i. e. to conſult with the King of the difficult affaires of the Kingdome, not to ſettle any part of it without, or againſt Him. And 4. 'Tis clear, that in ſuch an acknowledged conjuncture of time as this is, a ſmall (farre leſſe) part of thoſe that were returned by the Countries, cannot be ſaid to be that entire company, or body, by which the whole community is repreſented; Or if it be ſaid, that the godly People of the Land, who by Petitions to the Generall, the Lord Fairfax have expreſt their deſires, that Juſtice be executed upon thoſe, whom they call Delinquents, are to be reputed as the community of the People: then firſt, it will be clear, that thoſe that have ſo Petitioned (beſide, that they are moſt of the body of the Army) are not the thouſandth part of the people of this Kingdome, and therefore cannot by any rule of Judgement or Eſtimation be reputed as the whole Community; and if this preſident might be admitted, that a few perſons, under the title of the Godly, may pretend to the right of the whole, tis very well worth foreſeeing, how dangerous ſuch examples may prove to the peace of Poſterity. 2. All the evidence of their godlineſſe that we can perceive, is only their deſiring liberty for themſelves and others, and therefore Juſtice on thoſe who ſtand in their way to that liberty; and I conceive it demonſtrable that a quiet ſubmiſſion and obedience, and a deſire not to caſt off their duty, but ſtill to continue under it, rather then to be their own carvers, or contrivers of liberty, is a farre ſurer ſigne of true godlineſſe. And thirdly, there hath yet been no fair indifferent meanes uſed to know whether there be not farre greater numbers of ſuch godly meek men, who would rather deſire that the KING ſhould be reſtored to His Government, then that any courſe ſhould be taken by any, without, or againſt the KING. And the plain truth is, that if you will go on in the courſe you are in, and yet deſire freely to appear, and be accounted the Conſervers, and not Conquerours of the liberty of your Country-men, if you will not impoſe upon the people, as you ſay Kings have done; Nothing can be more ſutable to thoſe pretences, then to declare moſt publickly, that it ſhall be free for every man to ſubſcribe, whether he doth deſire this totall change by you tendred in the draught of your Repreſentative, or the continuance of the preſent eſtabliſhed Government, (with an aſſurance of your ſubmiſſion thereunto.) 4. 'Tis (upon ſuppoſition that all power is originally in the People) moſt undeniable and clear, that nothing but the conſent of each perſon (at leaſt of a major part of the whole being convoked together) can diveſt any one, or more men of that their ſuppoſed Originall right; and conſequently, that other mens ſaying that they are not Godly, and that themſelves are ſo, can never exclude them from their Birthright; By which it will infallibly be concluded, that all thoſe that have adhered to the KING all this time, or that favour'd the Votes of the two Houſes, which reſolved the KING's late Conceſſions at Newport to be a fit ground of peace (whatſoever cenſure or brand is by you ſet upon them) are as much to be conſidered to the making up the community of the People, as any others. And if ſo, Let it then be conſidered by all equall minded men, what a violation it is of thoſe Rights, which you pretend to vindicate, what an invaſion of the naturall freedome of your Brethren (by you acknowledged, the inheritance of each man) to force them againſt their wills, with their very great incommodation and detriment, to revert to that liberty, which is by you ſuppoſed to belong to all naturally, but without which we of this Nation have happily lived, under the farre greater advantages of Regall government. And yet ſo contrary to this principle have you now proceeded, that when you have thus throwne us back into our firſt chaos againe, onelyonly that you may reduce our liberty, you then immediately by your Repreſentative ſo bind us up, that we are not permitted, upon whatſoever emergency, to caſt our ſelves into any new forme, although the exchange ſhould appeare never ſo advantageous, and gainfull to us; which beſides that, it is an evidence of your inward feare, that the change now deſigned will be ſoone repented of againe, is certainly ſo farre from being an enlarging, that it is the retrenching of our liberty, and denying us that freedome, of which the moſt barbarous and the moſt civilized People have been equally partakers, when ſubjection ſeemed better for their turnes. As beſide the examples of the Servants in Exodus, which are there ſuppoſed ſometimes to preferre their ſervitude to their Maſters before the priviledge of the Sabbaticke yeare, we find practiſed by the Campanians, who voluntarily caſt themſelves at the feet, and ſurrendred themſelves into the power of the Romans, to purchaſe thereby that right of being protected by them; & by many Barbarians in Appia,, who ſent Embaſſadours to Rome on purpoſe to petition the favor of being receivd into the number of their ſubjects.
I have inſiſted the longer upon this, in obedience to your owne invitation; which was alſo a great motive and encouragement to make this whole addreſſe to you, and gives me aſſurance of your kind reception of it.
The laſt principle to be review'd is this, That there having been much bloud ſpilt in this Kingdome in the late Warres, there muſt now be ſome ſacrifice offer'd to God (i. e. ſome more bloud ſhed) for the expiation of that ſinne of bloudguiltineſſe, before God can be pacified, or reconciled to the Land. On which particular, it will firſt be worth your ſerious enquiry, how it ſhould appeare that that great iſſue of bloud, let out in the late Warres (which hath with great reaſon been lookt on, as the ſharpeſt of Gods plagues, and the ſaddeſt part of puniſhment of the former ſinnes of this Nation) is now the maine, and onelyonly ſinne of the Land, with which God is not reconciled: Or 2. if it were ſuppoſed to be ſo, yet how it can be thought that a generall Reformation of that ſinne, an humiliation before God for it, through the whole Land, and a reſolution never to ſpill one drop more, were not a more Christian probable meanes to pacifie God, than the proceeding in cold bloud to the effuſion of more: The bloud of men being never thought a fit ſacrifice for any, but the evill Spirit; and peaceable-mindedneſſe, and charity, and the contrite heart being the ſpeciall, if not onelyonly ſacrifices, which we find mention'd in the Goſpel. Or 3. how it can appeare that if God require any ſuch ſacrifice, you, or any but thoſe whom the knowne Lawes of the Land have placed in a Tribunall (and that legally erected for ſuch cognizances) have any right to put your ſelves into the office of Gentile Prieſts, as the onelyonly Perſons appointed to ſlay that ſacrifice. Nay 4. it will be worth your obſerving, that Chriſt diſclaimed the office of a Judge, and thereby rendred very unfit for any of you to put your ſelves unto that office by vertue of no other title, but that of being his Diſciples. And laſtly, it is worth your ſaddeſt thought, Whether by your preſent Councell, and the neceſſity by you ſuppoſed of changing the former Government, it doe not now appeare, that the defence of the eſtabliſhed Lawes was on the KING's part the occaſion of His taking Armes, and on Your parts, the deſigne of altering thoſe Lawes, and introducing others more ſutable to your inclinations. And if now by a civill or martiall courſe, in an arbitrary way of triall, contrary to the Lawes eſtabliſhed, it ſhould be by you thought fit to proceed to bloud againſt thoſe whom engagements have been for the defence of thoſe eſtabliſht Lawes: Let it be conſider'd, how impolitick this may be, and what matter of diſcouragement to all that ſhall be intruſted with the managery, or defence of future Government: Which ſingle conſideration will, I hope, abate much of your deſigned ſeverity. But if God ſhould permit you to go on undiſturb'd to the ſhedding of more bloud, as the Jewes did from other lower acts to the crucifying their King: How poſſible were it, not onelyonly that this ſhould prove the provoking of God to deliver you up for ever to your owne hearts luſts, but be to the whole Nation a filling up the meaſure of our iniquities, and the forerunner of all the calamities, that can befall a People.
Having mention'd the weakneſſe, and fallibleneſſe of theſe few principles, I ſhall leave you to the farther conſideration of the frailneſſe, and danger of thoſe ſuperſtructures, which ſhall be erected on any, or all of theſe. And if there were never a God in the world to avenge them, yet the experience now before your eyes, how eaſie it is for principles taken up for mens preſent advantages to prove within a while moſt diſadvantageous, and pernicious to them (as the weapons of a diſarmed man turn'd into his owne breaſt) may infuſe into you that feare and temper, that caution, and moderation, and timely wiſdome, which the Authour of this Addreſſe may be otherwiſe too unskilful to impreſſe on you: Who yet, if he might any way be uſefull to you, doth profeſſe to be ready to contribute his utmoſt endeavour to your ſervice, if it be but thereby to demonſtrate to you, how juſt it is for him (and what a duty, and obligation of charity toward you) to intercede daily at the throne of grace, that God would mollifie your hearts toward the KING, and all His conſcientious faithfull Subjects, or elſe interpoſe his hand, to reſcue His Royall Perſon out of your power; believing confidently, that, if God have any remainders of mercy for this Kingdome, or the true Proteſtant profeſſion in it, he will in his good time heare and anſwer this prayer of all true Engliſhmen, and among them of
Jan. 15. 1648. Your Lordſhips humble Servant, H. HAMMOND.
FINIS.
End of the text · Henry Hammond, Letter to Lord Fairfax (1649)