A Reply to the Catholic Gentlemans Answer, Chapter 7
CHAP. VII. An Anſwer to the Exceptions made to the ſeventh Chapter.
Sect. I.
King Henry's deſire of Reconciliation to Rome. The ſacriledge, &c. no argument against Regal power to remove Patriarchies. Poſſeſſion in the belief of the Popes ſupremacy. Preſcribing for errour. Napier's teſtimony. Poſſeſſion, if granted from Auguſtine's coming into England, no argument of truth. Confeſſions of Popes. Auguſtine required it not. Pope Gregory's teſtimony. Many evidences that this belief was not received after Auguſtine's time.
Num. 1 WHat in the next place is replied to that part of Chapter 7. which concerned Henry VIII. his act of ejecting the Power of the Pope, will be full matter for a firſt ſection of this Chapter. He begins thus,
Num. 2 In his ſeventh Chapter he intends a juſtification of the breach whereof as he doth not teach the infamous occaſion, and how to his dying day the ſame King deſired to be reconciled,Begun in Hen. 8. as alſo that it was but the coming two daies ſhort of a Poſt to Rome, which hindered that the reconcilement was not actually made, as may be ſeen in my Lord of Cherbery's Book fol. 368. and that the moderate Proteſtants curſe the day wherein it was made, ſo the very naming of Hen. VIII. is enough to confute all his diſcourſe,Sir Walter Raleigh in Prefito Hiſtor: of the World. one of the darlings of his daughter having given him ſuch a character, as hath ſtamped him for England's Nero to future poſterity, and as it was ſaid of Nero in respect of Chriſtian religion, ſo might it be of him respecting the unity of the Church, viz: it muſt be a great good that he began to perſecute and aboliſh: and as for the Acts paſſed in the Vniverſities, Convocation, or Parliament, let the blood ſhed by that Tyrant bear witneſſe what voluntary and free Acts they were especially thoſe two upon his Seneca and Burrhus, Biſhop Fiſher, and the Chancellor More, that he might want nothing of being throughly para…eld to Nero.
But methinks the Doctor differs not much in this, ſeeming tacitly to grant the Biſhops were forced, awed by that noted ſword in a ſlender thread, the praemunire which did hang over their heads, though in the concluſion of that Sect: he ſaies we ought to judge charitably, viz: that they did not judge for fear nor temporal Intereſts, yet after waves the advantage of that charitable judgment, and ſaith, That if what was determined were falſly determined by the King and Biſhops, then the voluntary and free doing it will not juſtifie, and if it were not, then was there truth in it, antecedent to, and abſtracted from the determination, and it was their duty ſo to determine, and crime that they were unwilling: laying the whole weight of the argument upon this, that the pretenſions for the Popes ſupremacy in England muſt be founded either as ſucceſſor to S. Peter in the univer ſal Paſtorſhip of the Church, ſo including England as a member thereof; or upon paternal right respecting S. Auguſtine's converſion, or upon conceſſion from ſome of our Kings &c. To which I anſwer, that we relie on the firſt as the foundation and corner-ſtone of the whole building, On the ſecond as an action worthy the ſucceſſor of S. Peter, which requires a gratefull conſideration from us; And on the third not as a conceſſion, but as a juſt acknowlengment of what was neceſſary for the good of Chriſtian Religion, taught our Kings by thoſe who taught them Chriſtian Religion; of which belief, I mean that the Pope as Succeſſor to S. Peter is head and governour of the Vniverſal Church, we have been in poſſeſſion ever ſince the converſion of our Engliſh Anceſtors, then Saxons, to the Chriſtian religion, made by Auſtin the Monk ſent hither by Pope Gregory for that purpoſe; untill that good King Henry the VIII. out of ſcrupuloſity of conſcience (no noubt) was pleaſed to cut the Gordian knot of thoſe bonds, within which all his Anceſtors limited themſelves; neither ſhall all that the Doctor and his fellows have ſaid, or can ſay, justifie themſelves ſo, but that ſuch a poſſeſſion, as I here ſpeak of, will convince them of ſchiſme, though all thoſe replies, which by ours have been 40 times made to every one of thoſe arguments the Doctor uſes, ſhould bear but equal weight in the ſcale, which we think hoiſes it up into the aire, for the arguments muſt be demonſtrative and clear to men of common ſenſe, that muſt overthrow ſuch a poſſeſſion; and therefore it is that the Puritans, who are much leſſe friends to the Church of Rome than to the Church of England, Napier on the Revelation.wave all diſputing out of Antiquity, and confeſſe that the Church of Rome hath born a ſway without any debatable contradiction over the Chriſtian world 126 years, a time that no King in the world can pretend to by ſucceſſion from his Anceſtors for poſſeſſion of his crown, and yet I believe the Doctor would conclude thoſe ſubjects guilty of rebellion, which ſhould goe about to deprive ſuch a King of his Crown, though he could not ſhew writings evidently concluding for him 12, 14, 15, or 1600 years agoe, how much more if he could ſhew them demonſtrating his right, in the interpretation of as wiſe and learned men as the world hath, and 20 times the numbers of their adverſaries.
Num. 3 The firſt thing here objected to my diſcourſe, is, as Orators are wont to doe for the raiſing of paſſions, a mention of ſome circumſtances, which though extrinſecal to the matter, may yet hope to have ſome influence on an unwary Reader, and infuſe no ſmall prejudices into him; ſuch are the infamous occaſion of the breach begun by that King, and ſuch is the odious character faſtned on him of England's Nero &c.
Num. 4 But it cannot be neceſſary for me to offer an Apologie on either of theſe two heads, If that which he did in this particular of ejecting the Papal power, be in it ſelf juſtifiable, both in reſpect of the matter of the action, and the competency of the power that did it, it matters not what moved him to doe it, or how inclinable he was to have reſcinded it. The farther he were from a truly pious man, the more likely it is, he might be brought by ſecular intereſts (and the leſſe likely that it was by any religious) to undoe all that upon the weightieſt grounds of reaſon, had been eſtabliſht by him. Without examining therefore the truth of that ſuggeſtion, that to his dying day he deſired to be reconciled, and without demanding what is meant by that phraſe, deſired to be reconciled, whether any overture to receive the Popes on his owne termes, into full poſſeſſion againe, or onelyonly a deſire to approve himſelfe to the Pope, that he ſtill maintained the Catholike, nay Roman Faith (as we know he put men to death for denying ſome Doctrines profeſt at Rome) that what he had done was no whit injurious to him, prejudiciall, or derogatory to any right, which could juſtly be chalenged by the Pope in this Kingdome; without either of theſe inquires, I ſay, If I ſhall take for granted the utmoſt that can be pretended, that for a long time together he deſired to have reſcinded what he had done, I ſee not what diſadvantage this can be to our pretenſions.
Num. 5 For 1. I ſhall demand, was he all this while, that he thus deſired to be reconciled, a truly changed and Pious Prince, was that principle of wicked life ſo ſoone eradicated, which even now denominated him a Nero, and made it fit to eſteeme that a great good, which he began to aboliſh, and did he thus continue a new, reformed penitent to his dying day? If ſo, then truly Sir W. R. was very unkinde and unchriſtian in recording his crimes, and omitting his repentance; and it is no excellent port of this Gentlemans character, that he thought fit to imitate and quote him in this; the ſame injuſtice in an Hiſtorian or Obſervator, that it had been in Euſebius to take ſo much of the life of Conſtantine out of Zoſimus or Julian's Caeſars, as ſhould render him juſtly odious, and to omit the whole latter part of his life, which was ſo eminently vertuous and Chriſtian.
Num. 6 But if this Prince ſtill continued to be like that image, which here is pourtrayed of him, then ſure I ſhall with the ſame evidence of proofe be allowed to object thoſe vices, and thoſe no excellent Chriſtian motives that incited it, to his deſire of being reconciled or his willingneſſe to re-admit the Papall power into this Kingdome, and conclude, that the ejection of it muſt be a great good, which he was ſo inclinable to aboliſh, and ſo the faith of the reformed, which he ſo more than began to perſecute, and all this as regularly as his perſonall vices, and the infamus occaſion, be it never ſo truly ſo, can be objected to that act of State, which paſt in that Kings reigne, for the diſclaimig the Papal powers among us.
Num. 7 Nay, if that paſſage in his ſtorie had acquired a yet farther degree of Truth, if the Poſt had come two dayes ſooner to Rome, and ſo had actually compoſed the difference between that King and that Pope, ſo as had been moſt for the intereſt of Rome, yet it is evident, that my diſcourſe had no way been concerned in this; This evidently had been no more, than what afterwards came to paſſe in Queen Marie's dayes, and it would ſtill be in the power of King Henries immediate ſucceſſor, to remove the power from Rome to Canterbury, as it had been in the power of Henry either to doe it, or undoe it againe.
Num. 8 And therefore the whole matter ſtill divolves (as it did in the tract of Schiſme) to that one queſtion, whether the Biſhop of Rome had at that time any real authority here, which the King might not lawfully remove from him to the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, and muſt be decided as there it is, by the view of Evidences, whether that pretended from Peters Vniverſal Pastorſhip, or that from Auguſtines planting Chriſtianity here, or that from the voluntary con…eſſion of ſome Kings, and each of them is ſo diſproved there, that till ſome competent anſwer be rendered to thoſe particulars, (which certainly is not yet done by this Gentleman, who onelyonly here tells us the manner how he relyes on each of theſe, and the poſſeſſion they had of the beliefe that the Pope was head of the Vniverſal Church) 'tis perfectly unneceſſary farther to conſider what is here added, onelyonly to inflame paſſions, but not to ſatisfie Conſcience, to exasperate, not to argue.
Num. 9 For what if moderate Proteſtants ſhould truly curſe the day, &c. or, in a more Chriſtian dialect, expreſſe their diſlike to the great Sacrilege, and ſome other enormities, which were committed in that Princes reigne, what prejudice will this be to any lawful exerciſe of that regal power? 'Tis certaine that all the Acts of a bad Prince are not invalid or null, and much more evident ſtill, that he that hath not offended in aſſuming the power which really belongs to him, may by being denyed that, be inraged, and laid open, to importune Temptations, and if he be not a through Chriſtian, conſtant and maſterly, fall, and that foulely under thoſe temptations. And if Henry VIII. did ſo, ſtill this is very extrinſecall to the preſent inquiry, whether he as King had power to remove a Patriarchy, and by that to remove all forraigne jurisdiction or authority out of this Church.
Num. 10 All that remaines in this Section, farther to be ſpoken to, is the poſſeſſion that is here pleaded, not in the power it ſelfe, (if it were, that hath formerly been ſpoken to) but in the beliefe, that the Pope as ſucceſſor to S. Peter, is head and Governour of the Vniverſal Church, This beliefe, ſaith he, they have been in poſſeſſion of, ever ſince the Converſion of our Engliſh Anceſtors, till King Henry; and for this, beſide his own bare affirmation, he brings no other proofe, than one teſtimony of Na…ier on the Revelation, confeſſing that the Church of Rome hath borne a ſway over the Chriſtian world above 1200. yeares.
Num. 11 And 1. for this kinde of Poſſeſſion, poſſeſſion in the beliefe of any thing, any farther than that which is believed is true, and that appeare ſome other way, than by our having ſo long believed it, certainly this is no matter of any deep conſideration to us; If it ſtill appeare to be true upon grounds of reaſon, thoſe grounds are the conſiderable, and not the beliefe; And if the grounds be diſcovered to be fallacious, and the contrary to be more reaſonable to be believed, then ſure this hath but the advantage of an Antient error, and the older it is, the fitter not to be longer continued in, it muſt be immediately depoſited. And againſt this, or inſtead of doing thus, to talke of poſſeſſion is unnatural, and irrational, the ſame plea that may ſerve for any ſinne that hath had the luck to get the firſt hold in us, the ſame that would certainly have held for all the Idolatry of the Heathens, when Chriſt came into the world; And he that hath long lived in obſcurity and miſery (he, and his Anceſtors) for many years together, and were now offered an advancement out of that ſad condition, would he ever be ſo unkinde to himſelfe as to refuſe that offer, upon this one account, becauſe it is the turning him out of a poſſeſſion? This preſcribing for Error, and preſcribing for Sin, and preſcribing for Miſery, are in effect the ſame, equally unnatural and irrational, ſuppoſing it to be truly Error and Sinne, and Miſery which we treat of.
Num. 13 But then ſecondly waving this, and applying our ſelves to the particular before us, how doth it appeare that the Romaniſt hath been in poſſeſſion in this beliefe, ſo long as he pretends? He here brings but one Teſtimony to confirme it, that of Napier; But for this teſtimony the anſwer is eaſie, that the affirmations or confeſſions of ſuch as Napier was (and is by this Gentleman acknowledged to be) in their arguing againſt the credit of Antiquity, or to make good other hypotheſes of theirs, are of as little authority with us, as I ſuppoſe they will be with them, when they are contrary to their pretenſions or intereſts; Secondly, that the Popes bearing a ſway over the Chriſtian world is not interpretable to ſignifie his Vniverſal Paſtorſhip; The Biſhop of the Prime imperial See, may juſtly be very conſiderable, and ſo beare a ſway, but it follows not thence that his ordinary jurisdiction hath been thus extended to the whole Chriſtian world.
Num. 14 Nay thirdly, the contrary to this hath been ſufficiently evidenced Chap: 4. and 5. both as concernes Saint Peter himſelfe, and the Biſhop of Rome as ſucceſſor to Saint Peter, and till thoſe evidences are refuted, the affirmation of Napier being ſo imperfect and infirme, both in reſpect of the teſtifier and the matter of the teſtimony, will be very unfit to bear ſway with any rational man.
Num. 15 And ſo the whole weight of this argument preſt with ſo much confidence is reſolved into the bare authority of the Speaker, this Gentleman, who ſaith it, that ever ſince the converſion of the Engliſh Nation, the Romaniſts have had poſſeſſion of this beliefe, that the Pope, as ſucceſſor to Saint Peter is Governour of the Vniverſal Church.
Num. 16 And that I may apply ſome anſwer yet more particularly to this, I ſhall premiſe one thing, that if indeed this were granted, which is ſuggeſted, it would not be of any great force toward the inducing of this concluſion, that the Pope really was and is Vniverſal Paſtor. For ſuppoſing the Pope to have aſſumed that authority, at the time of Auguſtine the Monke his coming into England and making his plantation, and ſuppoſing him to have preacht this to King Ethelbert, and the reſt of his Proſelites, with the ſame gravity and confidence, that he uſed in imparting all the Doctrines of Chriſtian Faith (in the ſame manner as Xaverius the Apoſtle of the Indics imparted to them two Gospels, the one of Chriſt, the other of Saint Peter) I ſhall not doubt but upon theſe grounds it would be very conſequent, that all, that willingly imbraced the preaching of Auguſtine, and had no other Doctrine to compare it with, or examine it by, ſhould probably receive this branch of beliefe, and ſo all others from and after them, that inſiſted firmely and punctually on Auguſtine's way; and thus 'tis poſſible the poſſeſſion of that belief might be continued till the dayes of Hen. VIII.
Num. 17 But then this is no proofe that what in this particular Auguſtine affirmed was true, or that the beliefe of it had poſſeſſion in the whole Church before, Nay, the contrary will be moſt evident, that at that very time the Britiſh Biſhops acknowledged not any ſuch power over them in the Pope or any other, as is cited from the Abbate of Bangor, cap. 16. Sect. 5. and much more to the ſame purpoſe.
Num. 18 And 'tis no newes to remind him out of their owne Canon Law, that ſome of their Popes have diſclaimed (and that not without great averſation and deteſtation of the arrogance of it) the title of Vniverſal Biſhop or Paſtor, and acknowleged it is a very ominous Symptome in any that ſhall aſſume it, and conſidering the prejudices that lye againſt it, from the firſt oecumenical Councils, all the Ordinances whereof the Popes at their creations vow to maintaine inviolably, and againſt which to conſtitute or innovate any thing, ne hujus quidem ſedis poteſt authoritas, it is not in the power of this See, ſaith Pope Zoſimus, 25. qu. 1. c. Contra. I may juſtly conclude that all are obliged to doe the like.
Num. 19 But then ſecondly, what truth there is in it in theſi, that from S. Augustine's plantation to this time of Henry VIII. the Romaniſts have been in poſſeſſion of this belief of the Popes univerſal Paſtorſhip, muſt be conteſted by evidences. And 1. For Auguſtine himſelf it appears not by the ſtory in Bede, that he did at all preach this doctrine to the nation, nay, as upon Auguſtine's demand concerning ceremonies, Pope Gregory bindes him not to conform all to the Canons or practice of Rome, but bids him*Eccl: Hiſt: l. 1. c. 27. freely chooſe that which may moſt pleaſe God, whereſoever he findes it, ſive in Gallia…um, ſive in qualibet Eccleſi…, whether in France, or in any other Church, & haec quaſi in Faſciculum collecta apud Anglorum mentes in conſuetudinem deponere, make up a Book of ſuch Canons to be obſerved in England (which clearly ſhews that the Romiſh Canons were not to be in power in England) ſo when the difference betwixt him and the Britiſh Biſhops (of whom it hath been ſhewed that they acknowledged not the Pope to have any power over them) came to be compoſed, he required compliance and obedience from them but in three things, the *Ib: l. 2. c. 2.obſervation of Eaſter according to the order of the Church of Rome (and the Nicene Canon) the Miniſtration of Baptiſme, and joyning with him to preach to the Engliſh; Which is ſome prejudice to the founding of this belief in Auguſtine's preaching.
Num. 20 Nay when Bede comes to ſpeak of Gregory then Pope, by way of Encomium at his death, the utmoſt he faith of him is, that cùm primùm in toto orbe gereret Pontifieatum, & converſis jamdudum Eccleſiis praelatus eſſet &c. being Biſhop of the Prime Church in the whole world, and ſet over thoſe Churches which had been long ſince converted, and having now taken care to propagate that faith to England, he might juſtly be called our Apoſtle, and ſay as S. Paul did, that if to others he were not an Apoſtle, yet he was to us.
Num. 21 As for that of Vniverſal Paſtorſhip certainly we may take Gregory's own word, that no ſuch thing was then thought to belong to him, in his Epiſtle to Eulogius Biſhop of Alexandria, viſible among his works, and inſerted in the*B. Gre: Ep: ex regiſt: l. 7. Indict: 1. c. 30. body of their Canon Law. Nam dixi &c. I told you that you were not to write to me or any other in that ſtyle, and behold in the Preface of that Epiſtle directed to me who thus prohibited, you have ſet this proud appellation, calling me univerſal Pope or Father, which I deſire you will doe no more, for it is a derogating from *par: 1. diſt: 99. Ecceyou, to beſtow on another more than reaſon requires, I count it not my honour, wherein I know my brethren loſe their honour, My honour is the honour of the univerſal Church, My honour is that my brethren ſhould enjoy what fully belongs to them (ſo I render fratrum meorum ſolidus vigor) then am I truly honoured when the honour, which is due to all, is denied to none. For if you call me univerſal Pope, you deny that to your ſelf which you attribute all to me; And farther tells him, with expreſſions of averſation, Abſit and recedant—, that this honour had by a Councel been offered to his Predeceſſors, the Councel of Chalcedon (that gave it equally to him and the Biſhop of Conſtantinople, which is in effect to give to neither the power or ſenſe, but onelyonly the title of it) but no one of them would ever uſe this title. This ſure i… evidence enough, that if at that time any ſuch belief of the Vniverſal Paſtorſhip of the Pope entred this Nation, it muſt needs be the belief of a known acknowledged falſity, and ſo farre from a bonae fidei poſſeſſio.
Num. 22 After this, what poſſeſſion this belief had among us, may be judged by ſome of thoſe many*l. de diff: Reg: et Eccl: Poteſt: inſtances put together by the Biſhops in Henry VIII. his daies, as the premiſes whereon that King built his concluſion of ejecting that Power which was then uſurped by the Pope.
Num. 23 Firſt a ſtatute, that for Eccleſiaſtical appeals they ſhall in the laſt reſort lie from the Archbiſhop to the King, ſo as not to proceed any farther without the Kings aſſent.
Num. 24 Secondly, that Tunſtan Archbiſhop elect of Yorke, asking leave of the King to go to a Councel deſigned by Calixtus, had it granted with this reſerve, that he ſhould not receive Epiſcopal benediction from the Pope.
Num. 25 Thirdly, that the Kings of England from time to time, had and exerciſed authority of making lawes in Eccleſiaſtical matters; Eight ſuch Lawes are there recited of Canutus his making, the like of King Ethelred, Edgar, Edmund, Aethelſtane, Ina King of the Weſt Saxons, and King Alfred.
Num. 26 Fourthly, that William the Conquerour instituting and indowing the Abbey of Battell, gave the Abbat exemption from all juriſdiction of any Biſhops, aut quarumlibet perſonarum dominatione, from all dominion or rule of any perſons whatſoever, ſicut Eccleſia Chriſti Cantuarienſis, in like manner as the Church of Canterbury; Which imports two things, 1. that the Church of Canterbury had no ſuch Ruler over him (but the King) and 2. that the Abbat of Battell was by regal power inveſted with the ſame privileges.
Num. 27 But I ſuppoſe all theſe, and many the like inſtances, which might be brought, derogatory enough to the poſſeſſion in this belief here pretended, will but adde one more to the number of ſuch arguments, of which this Gentleman ſaith, that they have fourty times had replies made to them; And truly this is a good eaſie compendious way, which as it ſecures him againſt all that can be produced, ſo it doth not incourage me to ſpend time in collecting and producing more, and therefore this ſhall ſuffice to have added now concerning this matter, being apt to flatter my ſelf, that theſe arguments are demonſtrative and clear enough to men of common ſenſe, to diſprove, and ſo to overthrow this Poſſeſſion.
Sect. II.
Queen Mary's retaining the Supremacy. Power of refuſing Legates, unreconcileable with the Popes Supremacy.
Num. 1 THE next Paragraph is an account of a paſſage cited by me from the ſtory of Queen Mary, Thus,
Num. 2 Queen Mary's titular retaining of the Supremacy untill ſhe could diſpoſe the diſordered hearts of her ſubjects to get it peaceably revoked, is no authority for the Doctor, ſhe never pretending it to be lawfully done, but that ſhe could not doe otherwiſe, no more is her refuſing of a Legate, which in all Catholick times and countries hath been practiced and thought lawfull.
Num. 3 What civil or ſecular motives they were, which kept that Queen ſo long from rejecting the title of ſupreme in her own Kingdome, I ſhall not need to inquire; If it were no unpardonable ſin in her to continue the title, and exerciſe of that power, which was incompetible with the Pope's univerſal Paſtorſhip, then why ſhould it be ſo hainous in her Father to aſſume it? Her never pretending that it was lawfully done, ſignifies very little, as long as ſhe pretends not the contrary, that it was unlawfull; The truth may well lie in the middle, that ſhe thought it lawful to retain it, yet lawful alſo to beſtow it on the Biſhop of Rome, and upon the ſtrength of the former perſwaſion, my charity obligeth me to think, that ſhe did the former, and in force of the latter it is poſſible alſo, that ſhe did the latter, though poſſible too, that ſhe did it upon reaſon of ſtate, the validity of her mother's mariage, and conſequently her legitimation depending upon the acknowledgment of the Pope's abſolute power in this Nation.
Num. 4 But the truth is, her opinion or practice is of no more force one way, than the other, and therefore was taken in as a ſupernumerary obſervation, and not ſuch as on that alone to found any grand argument.
Num. 5 As for the power of refuſing a Legate from the Pope, I cannot diſcern how that is reconcileable with the Popes pretenſions to ſupreme power in this Kingdome; Can it be lawfull for any Province to refuſe a Procurator, or Praetor, or Proconſul, ſent ſolemnly commiſſionated by the Lawfull Prince? Was it lawfull for the tenants or dreſſers of the vineyard to deny entrance to the King's ſon or but ſervant? Is not this a derogation to ſupreme power and domination? If this be practiced and counted lawful in all Catholick times and Countreys, this is to me an indication, that in no time or countrey there hath been poſſeſſion of this belief that the Pope is the ſupreme Paſtor of all, for ſure if he were, his Legate which is his image, might in power of the original require admiſſion, and he that is foreign thus ſent and commiſſionated by him, muſt by S. Peter's precept be allowed obedience from all his ſubjects, and ſo from that Queen, if ſuch ſhe were, and ſuch ſhe muſt be, ſo farre as he had the ſupremacy.
Num. 6 So again when Cardinal Petou was ſent to be Biſhop of Sariſbury, the denying him that Biſhoprick was a check to the Pope's abſolute ſupremacy, but of that this Gentleman was in prudence to take no notice.
Sect. III.
King Edward his Reformation. The Duke of Somerſet. The Duke of Northumberland, his Treaſon no prejudice to the Reformation under that King.
Num. 1 HIs next exception is to the paſſages concerning King Edward VI. King Henry's immediate ſucceſſor, Thus,
Num. 2 King Edward a childe of nine years old fell into the hands of wicked and ambitious traytors, who knowing the Kingdome affected for religion ſake to Queen Mary, to cut off her ſucceſſion, and introduce their own, thought ſit to ſtrengthen their faction, which beſide what they might hope from abroad, conſiſted of many Lutherans and Calviniſts at home: thoſe two ſects having by opportunity of that rupture in Henry VIII. his time, ſpread and neſt led themſelves in many parts of England.
Num. 3 What is here ſaid hath little of truth in it, and as little of argument, if it were truth. That the youth of the Prince can be no foundation of argument againſt the Legality of what was done by the Duke of Somerſet his uncle, the Protector, in his nonage, was ſufficiently ſhewed before, and might be exemplified through all times and places. That this Protector ſhould at this time, when the young King legally fell into his hands, be ſtyled a wicked ambitious Traytor, hath not any degree of truth in it, the crime, for which he afterward loſt his life, being farre from any diſloyalty to his Sovereign.
Num. 4 As for the Duke of Northumberland, who obtained the King's conſent to ſettle the inheritance on Jane Grey, and accordingly, after the King's death, proclaimed her Queen, and ſuffered as a traytor for ſo doing, all that I ſhall need to ſay is this, 1. that this act of his, how trayterous ſoever, cannot juſtifie what is here ſaid, that the King at nine years old fell into the hands of traytors, for that one Duke cannot truly be called traytors in the plural, and the King at that age did not fall into his hands, but into the hands of Edward Seymour Duke of Somerſet, under whom the ſix Articles and other acts of ſeverity againſt the Proteſtants were called in, and the Acts againſt the Papal authority confirmed, the Romiſh Maſſe abrogated, the Bible tranſlated, and publiſhed in the Engliſh tongue, the Liturgie reformed, and the publick offices performed in Engliſh, the ſacrament of the Lord's Supper adminiſtred in both kindes &c. And ſo whatſoever was afterward done (were it never ſo trayterouſly) by the Duke of Northumberland, could have no influence on this change, and is therefore very impertinently here inſerted, after the manner of the Orator, not the hiſtorian, to raiſe paſſions, inflame diſlkes and averſions in the Reader, and not to give him any exact view of the truth of the ſtory.
Num. 5 Secondly, that the deſigne of the Duke of Northumberland not ſucceeding, but coſting him ſo dear, the loſſe of his own life and hers, whom he ſet up to be Queen, and the ſucceſſion regularly deſcending on Queen Mary, there can be no reaſonable account given, why this treaſon of that Duke ſhould here be propoſed as the one conſiderable, it being evident in the ſtory, that all things were compoſed to the full ſatisfaction of Queen Mary, and juſt as they ſhould have been, in caſe that trayterous attempt had never been made by that Duke.
Num. 6 To which I might adde, that this treaſon of his was founded on that very act, which in the next paragraph this Gentleman thinks fit to vouch as authentick, and if it were ſo, that could be no treaſon in that Duke, viz: the Act whereby Mary as well as Elizabeth were adjudged illegitimate, and ſo uncapable of the ſucceſſion. But theſe are conſiderations very extrinſecal and remote from the matter, as it lies here in the conteſt between us.
Num. 7 I ſhall onelyonly, for concluſion, obſerve, that if, as he ſaith, the Kingdome were for Religion's ſake affected to Queen Mary, it could not certainly be skilfull, or popular, or any way Politick in them that thus deſired to ſtrengthen themſelves, to introduce this change in Religion. For whatſoever aid they might hope for, either from Lutherans or Calviniſts at home or abroad, ſure they might have hoped for more by the other way, if it be true what he affirms of the Kingdome indefinitely, that it was affected to Queen Mary's Religion. For that other Kingdomes of Europe generally were ſo at that time, there is ſmall queſtion.
Sect. III.
Queen Elizabeth's illegitimacy anſwered. The unpolitickneſs of her Councels of Reforming.
Num. 1 NOW follows his exceptions to that part of the ſtory which concern Queen Elizabeth; The firſt by the by, Thus,
Num. 2 Queen Elizabeth being by Act of Parliament recorded a Baſtard, and ſo pronounced by two Popes, and therefore miſtruſting all her Catholick ſubjects, who ſhe feared did adhere to the Queen of Scots title, in which ſhe was then likely to be ſupported by the King of France her husband, was by the advice of men partly infected with Calviniſme or Lutheraniſme, partly ambitious of making their fortunes, cast upon that desperate counſel of changing religion; desperate I ſay, for ſee amongſt what a number of rocks ſhe was, in conſequence of that Counſel forced to ſail, witneſs her adhering to the rebels of all her neighbour Kings, ſo provoking them thereby, as if the French King had not been taken out of this world, and winde and weather fought againſt the Spaniſh Armado, in all likelihood ſhe had been ruined, especially her Catholick ſubjects being ſo provoked as they were, by moſt cruell and bloody Laws: but this by the by: though from hence the Reader may judge of reaſon of changing religion in her time, and what a ſolid foundation the Church of England hath.
Num. 3 That Queen Elizabeth was by Act of Parliament recorded a baſtard; hath no farther truth in it, than is of force againſt Queen Mary alſo, The ſame Act of Parliament affirming the mariages with Queen Katharine, and Anne of Bolen void, and their children Mary and Elizabeth illegitimate, and ſo involving them equa'y under the ſame cenſure.
Num. 4 Nay, if there were any force in this (as this Gentleman by mentioning it is obliged to think there is) it muſt be much more to Queen Maries diſadvantage, for 'tis certain that upon the birth of Queen Elizabeth, 'twas enacted by Parliament, that the marriage with Katharine was null, becauſe inceſtuous, and ſo this with Anne lawfull (which certainly it was, if the former was inceſtuous and the reſolution of the Vniverſities and moſt learned men, not onelyonly in England, but at Paris, and elſewhere was, that it was of ſuch a nature, as it could not by the Pope's power be dispenſed with, being ſo contrary to the law of God) and by the ſame act Elizabeth is declared heir of the Kingdome, in caſe the King ſhould have no heir male, and Oath of Allegiance taken to the King and to his heirs by Anne the mother of Elizabeth. And to conclude, the ſubſequent act, that decreed the ſucceſſion, and eſtabliſht it firſt in Edward, then in Mary, then in Elizabeth, by which it was that Mary did actually aſcend to the throne, was equally favourable to both of them.
Num. 6 And ſo ſtill if any thing were to be concluded from this Gentleman's prooemial conſideration, it ſtill lies more againſt Queen Mary, than againſt Queen Elizabeth, if not in reſpect of the merit of the cauſe (on which this Gentleman will give me leave to ſuppoſe it was, that our ſtories tell us, that the Pope had given Cardinal Campeius his Legate a Private Bull, much in favour of the King's pretenſions, but kept it under ſome reſtraint till he ſaw how the Emperour's affairs in Italy would ſucceed) yet in reſpect of the ſeveral declarations againſt the one, and but one onelyonly againſt the other, and that how well founded, is eaſie to diſcern, if this were a place for ſuch disputes.
Num. 7 But it is not ſo, much leſſe for the other Politick conſiderations that here follow, whether the counſel of re-excluding the Papacy, and proceeding to a farther Reformation in her Kingdomes, were a desperate Counſel or no, For if to this Gentleman's arguments I ſhall grant it were ſo, the concluſion will be onelyonly this, that her action was unskilful in ſecular conſiderations, from which it is no way conſequent, that it was more than, as Prince, ſhe had power to doe, or impious in the ſight of God, or that that, which being built on ſo feeble a foundation, proved yet competently ſucceſsfull, is by this means concluſible to have been unlawful and null, for in that alone can be founded the truth of the ſuggeſtion here, that we that adhere to her Reformation, muſt be adjudged ſchiſmaticks.
Sect. IV.
The Ordination of Biſhops in Queen Elizabeths time. Mr. Maſons Record. Introducing of Turciſme.
Num. 1 WHat remaines on this head of Queen Elizabeth, as the narration after this long Prooeme, the foreign after an acknowledged (yet at large) foreign, will be ſoone diſpatch't; It is thus,
Num. 2 How far Maſter Maſon can juſtifie the ordination of Queen Elizabeths Biſhops, I will not now examine; but certaine it is, that the Record (if there be ſuch an one) hath a great prejudice of being forged, ſince it lay ſome fifty years unknowne amongst the Clamors againſt the flagrant act, and no permiſſion given to Gatholikes to examine the ingenuity of it, but howſoever it is nothing to our purpoſe, for whatſoever material miſſion they had by an external conſecration, thoſe Biſhops, who are ſaid to have conſecrated them, are not ſo much as pretended to have given them order to preach the Dectrine, or exerciſe the Religion they after did, which is the true meaning and effect of miſſion. I cannot end without noting in his 24. Parag: the foundation upon what he himſelfe ſaies his whole deſigne relies; which is, that becauſe the receſſion from the Roman Church was done by thoſe, by whom, and to whom onelyonly the power of right belonged legally, viz the King and Biſhops of this Nation, therefore it is no Schiſme, that is, what ſoever the reaſon of dividing hath been, even to turne Turkes, or for violating never ſo fundamental points of Religion, yet it had not been Schiſme.
Num. 3 What Mr. Maſons Records are, and of how good and unqueſtionable authority, I leave to the view of his Book, which ſets downe all ſo particularly, and irrefragably, that nothing can be more contrary to the Gentlemans intereſts, than the moſt ſtrict examination of that whole matter, in order to the vindicating and juſtifying this truth, that the ſucceſſion of Biſhops, and order Eccleſiaſtical hath been regularly preſerved in our Church, at that time, when alone the Romaniſt accuſeth us for the interruption of it, i. e. in Queen Elizabeths reformation. (To which head of diſcourſe it is not amiſſe to adde the reſolution of Cudſemius the Jeſuite, de desper: Calvini cauſà, cap. 11. that the Engliſh Nation are not Hereticks, becauſe they remain in a perpetual ſucceſſion of Biſhops.)
Num. 4 Which being the onelyonly thing that in that Sect. 16. I purpoſed to conclude from Mr. Maſons worke, and the Records by him produced, it lyes not on me to prove that they which ordained thoſe Queen Eilzabeth-Biſhops, gave them order to preach the Doctrine they after did, or to examine the truth of his ſuggeſtion, that this is the true meaning and effect of Miſſion. It may ſuffice that they which conſecrated them, gave them the ſame power which themſelves derived by ſucceſſion from the Apoſtles, and that was ſufficient to authorize them to preach all Apoſtolical doctrine, and if they preacht any other, let it appeare, and I ſhall never juſtifie their preaching. But that is not attempted here, and therefore I have herein no farther matter, that exacts reply from me.
Num. 5 For as to his parting blow, which he cannot omit, in reply to Sect 20. certainly it hath little impreſſion on my diſcourſe in that place, which doth not inquire what is unlawful or criminous Univerſally, for then ſure I ſhould have acknowledged that the bringing in Turciſme, or violating fundamental points of Religion had been ſuch, but peculiarly and preciſely this, what is Schiſme, in that one notion of Schiſme, as that is a voluntary ſeparation from our Eccleſiaſtical Superiours; of which that we are not, or cannot be guilty, when we act in perfect concord, compliance and ſubordination to all thoſe to whom the right of ſuperiority legally belonged, is I ſuppoſe, ſo manifeſt, that it can need no farther proof.
Num. 6 As for any ſuch act of lawful Superiors in bringing in Turciſme, or violating fundamental points, I ſhould not be apt to ſtyle that Schiſme (any more than I would call perjury, lying, or inceſt, ſimple fornication) it being in the firſt part of the inſtance, Apostaſie and total defection from Chriſt, which I hope is a little more than denying the Popes Vniverſal Paſtorſhip, or Infallibility of the Church (in which conſiſts his grand ſpecies of Schiſme) and in the ſecond, Hereſie, and the groſſeſt ſort of Schiſme together, that of departing from the unity of the Faith, which being by me Chap. 8. diſtinctly handled, as a ſecond ſpecies of ſchiſme, all that I need here ſay to this Gentleman's exception, is, that I indevoured to ſpeak as diſtinctly, and not as confuſedly as I could, and therefore did not mix things that were diſtant, and therefore did not ſpeak of that ſecond kinde of ſchiſme at the ſame time when I propoſed to ſpeak of the firſt onelyonly, and upon this account onelyonly ſaid nothing to it in that Chapter. And I hope this was but my duty to doe, agreeably to all rules of method, and ſo that he might very well have ſpared that animadverſion which he ſaith he could not end without noting.