A Memorial Offered to John Williams, Part of biography 2 · Letter 9 – Letter 11

A Memorial Offered to John Williams · Part of biography 2 · Letter 9 – Letter 11

p. 69Moſt Mighty and Dread Soveraign,

IT becometh me, of all the reſt of your Subjects, having been ſo infinitely obliged to Your Majeſty, to caſt my ſelf down at your Feet, and oppoſe no Interpretation Your Majeſty ſhall be pleaſed to make of any of my Actions whatſoever: Howbeit, before the receipt of my Lord Keeper's Letter, that I had carried my abſence from the Parliament with as much Humility and Reſpect to Your Majeſty, as ever Subject of England did towards his Soveraign. The delivery of my Proxy to the firſt Biſhop Your Majeſty named, I excuſed mannerly to Your Majeſty, but with a private Reaſon to my Lord Keeper, not to be replied againſt. The ſecond Lord Biſhop is directly uncapable of that part of my Proxy, which concerneth the Houſe of Convocation. Theſe two Lords, now named by Your Majeſty, are without exception: Were it not divulged in the Upper Houſe, that I am to have a Proctor thruſt upon me, againſt all Preſidents; and that I dare not refuſe him, becauſe I am guilty of (I know not what) Crimes? When I wrote unto Your Majeſty humbly, as became me, my Letter, deliver'd by Your Majeſty to the Duke, was publiſh'd by him, as an Effect of a dejected and guilty Conſcience. When I ſhall obey your Majeſty in the diſpoſal of my Proxy, my L. Duke may uſe that Act alſo, not only to ſerve himſelf (which I deſire he ſhould with all my Heart) but principally to wound and deprave me. Diſpleaſures of Favourites, which are without Ground, are alſo without End. Hoc habent animi magnâ fortunâ inſolentes, quos laeſerunt, & oderunt. His Grace hath told Your Majeſty, that I call'd the Chapter at Weſtminſter, againſt the12th of May,to have a Colour to come to the Parliament; whereas the Chapter is appointed to be held at that day, by the Statutes of the College. He hath told Your Majeſty, that I held correſpondence with the Earl of Briſtol; from whom I have received neither Letter or Meſſage theſe two years, as I will anſwer it with my Head. He hath told Your Majeſty (and all the World beſide) that I ſtirred the Lower Houſe at Oxford, and have my ſecret Inſtruments againſt his Grace even in this Parliament. If he be able to prove either of theſe Charges, I will loſe not only my Biſhoprick (which his Grace hath threatned, againſt the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, to take away from me) but withal my Life alſo. My Caſe (Dread Soveraign) is miſerable, and the more, becauſe it is not mine alone. Your Commands come immediately in your own Name, and therefore muſt be readily obeyed. Your Graces are ſtreined through the Hands of another, and therefore are either not at all, (as in my Caſe) or not ſo purely, and ſincerely received. And when Your Majeſty puniſheth, (pardon a Truth plainly deliver'd, which you were wont to love, Dread Soveraign) you do it not like your ſelf, becauſe you do it not your ſelf. A King, be he never ſo ſevere, when he chaſteneth his Subjects, doth puniſh them with Juſtice, becauſe they are his Subjects; but yet with Mercy, becauſe they are his own. An angry Lord, that makes bold with the King's Authority, lays on Load, as upon Men, and that without Mercy, as upon the Subjects of another. It was a Complaint of Vinius Galba's Favourite, and it is moſt worthy Your Majeſties remembrance, Minore licentiâ graſſatus eſſet T. Vinius, ſi ipſe imperaſſet: Nunc & ſubjectos nos habuit, tanquam ſuos; & viles, ut alienos. And in my caſe for the preſent, if I ſhould ſtand upon my Right, and refuſe Your Majeſty, I muſt expect all Severity, becauſe another hath your Rod. If I ſhall yield and obey, I muſt hope for no acceptation, becauſe another holds the Garland. And for this other, if I ſeek him, my Letters are ſhew'd, and I am made foul and guilty: If I let him alone, I am deprived of the Sun and the Rain, the ordinary Graces and Influences of Your Majeſty. Laſtly, When I know, and all the World beſide, that I ſink only under the cauſeleſs Malice of a Subject, yet doth that great man waſh his Hands, and publiſh (to the vexation of my honeſt Soul) That I lye buried under the immediate Hatred of my Soveraign. And therefore, with an humble Proteſtation againſt Fear of Puniſhment, which cannot fall upon my Innocency, or Hope of Favour, ſure to be kept back by the Greatneſs of my Adverſary; I do, out of religious Duty, and mere Obedience to Your Sacred Majeſty, and no other Reſpect whatſoever, ſend this Proxy for my L. ofWincheſter, which I humbly beſeech Your Sacred Majeſty to direct not to be ſent to his Lordſhip, until ſuch time as there ſhall be Uſe thereof, &c.

p. 7070. Such as knew the Duke of Buck. Metal, will ſay, that this was like to be anſwer'd with a Miſchief. But it may be his Grace gave the other the more Liberty to write what he would, becauſe he had ſtopt his Mouth from ſpeaking in Parliament. Which was a Benefit: For Athenagoras was not deprived of Athens, but Athens was deprived of Athenagoras. There is much Weight in the worth of one man: And much might have been expected from one that was ſo active, and well verſed to ſtop the Breaches of Contentions, if he had been uſed and ſought to. The Duke was ill advis'd, to keep them out of the Houſe by threes and fours, of whoſe Oppoſition he was jealous, and could not tye up their Tongues, that fell upon him by hundreds. Sir Edward Cook, Sir T. Wentworth, Sir Robert Philips, were prick'd to be High-Sheriffs of Buckingham, York, Somerſet Shires, to put them into Incapacity to be Members of the Commons-Houſe. What ſaid our Biſhop to it, being in a merry Pin, when one told him, For certain he ſhould be reſtrain'd from his Place in the Houſe of Peers? What then? Am I made High-Sheriff of Huntington-ſhire? Such minute Policies are frivolous, and may ſerve among Huntſmen, to ſave the life of a Hare, when a ſew of the old Dogs are tied up, and not brought into the Field. But were there now enow able men in both Houſes, though half a ſcore were ſpar'd, to follow their Game without changing? This was that Parliament, that ſpent the beſt part of 18 Weeks in drawing up a Charge, and proſecuting it againſt the L. Duke. What ſhould this Biſhop have done there, being neither fit for the offenſive nor defenſive part? How far he was from intending to offend, he expreſt in a Paſſage about his Proxy, that he deſired the Duke ſhould ſerve himſelf by it with all his Heart. And I heard him my ſelf diſpute it with one of the ſharpeſt Antagoniſts of his Grace, in the time of the Seſſion, and ſtagger him, That it was the ſafeſt way for the Publick Good, to deſiſt from that vexatious Charge with this ſubtle Similitude; That if a Beaſt were got into a Field of Wheat, if the Neighbors ran in, and hunted it about with their Dogs, they would tread down more Corn than five Beaſts could devour, if they were let alone. So, to ſpend ſo much Time and Pains upon a Charge againſt one Peer, did let Opportunity run by, wherein many good Laws might be made, and loſt the Common-wealth more than it could gain by this Impeachment. Neither would he diſpleaſe the King, to appear againſt a Lord that was unto him in a manner his whole Court. Una fuit nemus arbor, Ovid. And as Illuſtrius the Pythagorean records it, that Tyberius the Emperor wrote his Letter thus for Polemo the Philoſopher, foreign. He that will do Polemo wrong, let him conſider if he can give me Battel. So His Majeſty had wrapt up the Lord Duke, as it were, in his own Royal Robe, to preſerve him: Yet if the Biſhop had been in the Parliament, and had ſtood up to defend him, where there was openly ſuch defiance of Enmity between them, he had been cenſur'd by all Judgment for double-mindedneſs, or ſawning. And as Lanfrank charged one of his Predeceſſors, Remigius Biſhop of Lincoln, Quod officio emerat Epiſcopatum: So the World would have cenſur'd this Prelate, that he kept his Place by Service; Simony, as Mr. Fuller calls it. And with what Safety and Liberty he could appear, let one Paſſage demonſtrate: The Duke demanded, that the Attorney-General might plead for him, in the Houſe of Peers, againſt the Charge tranſmitted by the Commons; which was oppoſed, becauſe the Attorney was one of the King's Learned Council, and ſworn to plead in Cauſes concerning the King, and not againſt them: And the King is ſuppoſed to be ever preſent in the noble Senate of the Lords. It was rejoyn'd, That His Majeſty would diſpenſe with the Attorney's Oath: It came to be a Caſe of Conſcience, and was referr'd to the Biſhop's Learning. Some of them judged for the Duke, that this was not an Aſſertory-Oath, which admits no alteration, but a Promiſſory-Oath, from which Promiſe the King, if he pleas'd, might releaſe his Learned Counſel. Biſhop Felton, a devout man, and one that feared God, very learned, and a moſt Apoſtolical Overſeer of the Clergy whom he governed, argued, That ſome Promiſſory-Oaths indeed might be relaxed, if great cauſe did occur; yet not without great cauſe, leſt the Obligation of ſo ſacred a thing as an Oath ſhould be wantonly ſlighted. And in this Oath, which the Attorney had taken, it was dangerous to abſolve him from it, leſt bad Example ſhould be given to diſpenſe with any Subject, that had ſworn faithful Service to the Crown; for which plain Honeſty he was wounded with a ſharp Rebuke: And the reverend Author told me this with Tears: Yet the Archb. Abbot ſaid as p. 71much, and went farther, for whom Budaeus would ſtand up, a great Scholar, and a Stateſman, De Aſſe lib. 3. fol. 102. Ne que turpe eſſe credo cos homines obſervare, quibus apud Principem gratiâ ſlagrare contigit, ſi non coſdem apud populum & ordines infamiâ & invidiâ ſlagrare videamus: As who would ſay, it is Duty to love a Favourite for the King's ſake; and, it is Duty to deſert him when he becomes a publick Scandal; For, no man will be happy to ſtick to him, who is ſo unhappy to become a common Hatred. All that Parliament was a long Diſcontent of eighteen weeks, and brought forth nothing but a Tympany of ſwelling Faction, and abrupt Diſſolution; whereby the King ſaved that great Lord, who loſt His Majeſty in ſome expeditions Honour abroad, and the love of his People at home. This was another Fire-brand kindled, after the former at Oxford, to burn down the Royal Houſe, and the moſt piouſly compoſed Church of England. For a wife Oratour ſays, it is Iſocr. Orat. foreign. p. 243. The cauſe of an Evil muſt not be aſcribed to things that concur juſt at the breaking out, foreign; but to the forerunning Miſchiefs, which were ſoaking long to ripen the Diſtempers. Well was it for Lincoln that he had no hand in this Fray; for as the Voyagers to Greenland ſay, When the Whale-fiſhing begins, it is better to be on the Shore, and look on. E terrâ magnum alterius ſpectare laborem, than to be employed in the Ships to ſtrike them, and hale them to Land.

71. Say then, that he neither did harm, nor receive any, by being ſhut out of this turbulent Parliament: Yet his Advice had been worth the asking, becauſe of the Plunges that His Majeſty was put to upon the Diſſolution; but he heard of no Call to ſuch a purpoſe: For no man looks on a Dyal in a cloudy day, when the Sun ſhines not on it. God's Mercy was in it; for he ſate ſafer at home, than he could have done at the Council-Board at this time, where much Wiſdom was tryed, to help the King's Neceſſities out of the Peoples Purſes, by a Commandatory Loan, and with the leaſt Scandal that might be; for not to run into ſome Offence was unavoidable. Pindar the Poet was call'd out of his Houſe, to ſpeak with ſome Friend in the Street, (Caſtor and Pollux, ſays the Taleteller) ſearce was his Foot over the Threſhold when the Building ſunk, and all that were within periſh'd. Thus, upon a time, the leaſt Shelter gave the moſt Safety; as did the leſſer Honour procure this man the more Peace. But as Camillus in Livy thruſt out of Rome, and retired to Ardea, prayed that they that had caſhier'd him might have no need of him, ſo this forlorn Stateſman would have been ſatisfied to have his place at the Council-Table ſupplied by others, if the King's Affairs had not wanted him at this inſtant, when he ſuddenly ſlid down from his former value in the love of this People. The Biſhops (moſt likely it came from them) adviſed His Majeſty firſt to fly to God, and to bid a publick Faſt firſt at Court, then over all the Land about the fifth of July. Biſh. Laud, whoſe Sermon was printed, preach'd before the King upon the 21ſt Verſe of the 17th Chapter of St. Matthew, This kind goeth not out but by Prayer and Faſting. The Preface of the Book, and the Exhortation publiſh'd to the obſerving that ſolemn Faſt, ſtirred up all good Chriſtians to entreat God, not to take Vengeance on the Murmurings of the People; to keep their Spirits in Unity; to divert the plague of immoderate Rain, like to corrupt the Fruits of the Harveſt; and chiefly, to preſerve us from the Bloody Wars that Spain intended againſt us. Intended, ſays the Book; for depredation of Merchants Ships was the worſt they had done us. Let the Reader gather this by the way, That a publick Faſt had not been indicted before by the Supreme Authority, upon the Alarums of our Enemies Preparations. In Eighty eight an Order came out, call'd, A Form of Prayer, neceſſary for the preſent Time and State, to be uſed on Wedneſdays and Fridays; that is, certain Collects to be added to the Common Prayer. Yet no Faſt was bidden, ſaving thus far, That Preachers, in their Sermons and Exhortations, ſhould move the People to Abſtinence, and Moderation in their Dyet, to the end they might be more able to relieve the Poor, &c. The firſt Form to be uſed in Common Prayer, with an Order of publick Faſt for every Wedneſday in the week, for a time, was ſet out by Queen Elizabeths ſpecial Command, in Aug. 1563. when the Plague, called The Plague of New-haven, was riſe in London. In which Book is a paſſage to illuſtrate our Common-Prayer-Book, for the firſt Rubrick prefixt to the Order for the Holy Communion; That ſo many as intend to be Partakers of the Holy Communion, ſhould ſignifie their Names to the Curate over night, or elſe in the morning, either before the beginning of Common Prayer, or immediately after. That (immediately after) means, that in the firſt ſettling p. 72of our Church in the Queens days, Morning Prayer ſtopt at the end of the three Collects after the Apoſtle's Creed; then the People had leiſure, before the Litany began, either to retire, or to betake them to private Prayers. In this Interſpace ſome Communicants had time to give in their Names to the Curate; this is plain in that firſt Order for a publick Faſt, anno 5 Eliz. the words are, After the Morning Prayer ended, the Miniſter ſhall exhort the People aſſembled, to give themſelves in their private Prayers and Meditations; for which purpoſe a Pauſe ſhall be made of one quarter of an hour and more, by the diſcretion of the Curate, during which time as good ſilence ſhall be kept as may be. That done, the L…tany is to be read, &c.

Now, after the pauſe of ſcarce a minute, made by this digreſſion, let the main ſcope of the King's Faſt, indicted in July, be remembred, that great Humiliation, with Faſting and extraordinary Prayer, ſhould be joyn'd together, to avert the Peril of a Spaniſh Invaſion; therefore, that we, on the defenſive, ſhould be ready, with our Bodies and Purſes, to avert the Fury of our Enemies. Though the Land was admoniſh'd of this in a religious way, yet they condeſcended to part with Money very hardly. They did only hear of an Enemy, but they ſaw their Coyn collected from them. Well did Tully write, lib. 3. Ep. 24. Nulla remedia tam ſaciunt dolorem, quae vulneribus adhibentur, quàm quae maximè ſalutarta. Say it was a Wound to our great Charter to call for Contribution without a Parliamentary way; yet it was not the worſe for the Wound, that the Injection was ſharp that cur'd it. What we loſt in the Privilege of Liberty, it was preſum'd we got in Safety.

72. But the moſt did want that charitable Preſumption, and paid the irregular Levy with their Hand, and not with their Heart. A Prince that grieves his Subjects with a ſconcing Tribute, takes up Moneys at a dear Intereſt; who ſhould not live extempore, but upon premeditation to act to day what ſhall be ſafe and honourable for ever. Grotius is very political in a Paſſage to be found in his Proleg. De jure belli & pacis. Qui jus civile pervertit utilitatis praeſentis causâ, id convellit, quo ipſius, & poſteritatis ſuae perpetuae utilitates continentur. The People are unpleas'd upon this Levy, and the Ink of a Remonſtrance could not kill the Tettar. A third Parliament is called, to juſtifie the King's Act from Neceſſity, in the face of the Kingdom. It was determin'd by ſome about His Majeſty, that our Biſhop ſhould not ſit in it: The great Favourite knew his Diſcontents were encreaſed; the Biſhoprick of Wincheſter had been void, and conferr'd upon another. Archbiſhop Abbot, removed for ſome months to Ford in Kent, is brought to Lambeth, to the Court, to the Parliament. Lincoln not only wanted theſe Sweetnings, but was tir'd with defailance of Promiſes, and defied with Threatnings; ſo it was thought beſt to keep him out of the Parliament, againſt all Right, rather than ſuffer one, with the Powers of his Parts, to argue and vote againſt exorbitant Perſons and Cauſes. The Biſhop ſtood upon his Place as a Spiritual Lord, and reſolv'd to let his Right be infring'd no longer. Utrumne eſt tempus aliquod, quo in Senatum venire turpe ſit? ſays Cicero, pro domo ad Pontif. It can be no ſhame to come into the Senate; it is a Diſgrace to be kept out. Therefore yielding all Obedience to Soveraignty, unto the utmoſt of that which was due, he diſputed the Right of his Order ſo ſtoutly, that he came to the Houſe and continued in it to the laſt; which he obtained the more reſolutely, becauſe he look'd upon the King's Affairs with a deſire to help him. The L. K. Coventry had order to ſtop him by a Letter, if he could, which the other anſwered in theſe words.

R. H. and my very good Lord,

I Have received your Lordſhips Letter of the 17. of February but this day, being the 25. of the ſame; and although I could not deſire more comfortable News from your Lordſhip, than Leave of Abſence from that Parliament, in which my preſence may be ſuſpecled, either by the King (which my Innocency will not ſuffer me to believe) or by any other near unto His Majeſty; yet being the Right of a Peer in this Kingdom, that never convicled, impriſon'd, or queſtion'd for any Offence, is not withſtanding now, againſt a ſecond Parliament, kept from his lawful and indubitable Right of ſitting in that Houſe, and may be (for any Comfort he doth receive from your Lordſhip) intended to be debarr'd for ever from the ſame. I muſt crave ſome time to reſolve, by the beſt Counſels God ſhall give me, whether I ſhall obey your Lordſhip's Letter, though mentioning His Majeſty's Pleaſure, p. 73before mine own Right, which, by the Law of GOD and Man, I may in all Humility maintain. Eſpecially His Majeſty's Writ and Royal Proclamation of a far later date, do either of them imply, as your Lordſhip beſt knoweth, an authentical Command. I do know that of my Obedience to my Gracious Soveraign, as of late I have found ſmall acceptance, ſo could I never find any limit or bottom: And therefore I beſeech your Lordſhip to make this no Queſtion of the Act, but of this Object only of my Duty and Submiſſion: But if I find I may without prejudice abſent my ſelf, I will deal clearly with you, my noble Lord, in the ſecond point, I do refuſe, with all humble Duty and Vaſſalage unto His Majeſty reſerv'd, to appoint for my Proctor the Biſhop propoſed. And ſo I humbly take my leave.

The Courtiers knew not what would follow upon this Anſwer; but a Courſe was follow'd by the Biſhop, as in the like Caſe before, to cut a way between two Extreams; Inter abruptam contumaciam, & deforme obſequium: For the Parliament newly ſitting, the L. Keeper being demanded by John Earl of Clare, whether this Biſhop had a Writ ſent to him, and that being affirm'd, the Peers call'd for his Aſſiſtance, and without more ado, the Parliament beginning March 17. he came to it before the end of that Month, breaking the Reſtraint upon him, not by attempt of his own Will, but becauſe it was the Pleaſure of the Lords; and as ſoon as he came, he was quickly ſet a work; for the upper Houſe appointing to meet together at the Holy Communion, Apr. 6. 1628. he preach'd the Sermon at that Solemn Occaſion, the Text being Gal. 6.14. and at the next Seſſion he preacht again, by their Lordſhip's order, at a Faſt kept on Aſh-Wedneſday, Feb. 18. 1628. in the ſame Church, upon Job 42.12. entituled, Perſeverantia Sanctorum. Both theſe Sermons were printed by their Lordſhips direction; two pieces ſo full of Learning and Piety, that they were fitter for a longer peruſal, than for the ſhort time wherein they were utter'd.

73. At this great and high Aſſembly our Biſhop is cenſured for over-doing his part in Popularity, yet only by ſuch as will calumniate all, that act not according to their mind. Some things were offer'd at him, which might have tranſported him to that exceſs; for, the Van-curriers of my L. Duke's Militia had prepar'd Petitions to diſorder him in a light Skirmiſh, but were never preferr'd. Since no Fault could be charg'd upon him, when he delivered up the Seal to the King, Malignants had ſmall encouragement to ſlander his Footſteps before a Parliament. To borrow Pliny's Similitude, lib. 28. c. 2. A ſcorpione aliquando percuſſi, nunquam poſtea à crabronibus, veſpis, apibuſ que feriuntur. He that happens to be ſtung of a Scorpion, and eſcapes it, the ſmaller Inſecta of Hornets, Waſps, and Bees will never trouble him. Beſide, in Equity they could not have blamed him to be ſure to himſelf, ſince that Lord that preferr'd him, and that Biſhop whom himſelf had preferr'd, did puſh with all their Violence againſt him: Yet his Good bearing between the King's Power and the Subjects Rights (the great Tranſaction of the high Court at this time) needed no ſuch Anſwers. Though he was earneſt, yet he was adviſed in all his Actions, and conſtant, as any man living, to his general Maxims. Tua omnia geſt a inter ſe congruunt, omnia ſunt uná forma percuſſa, ſays Caſaubon to K. Henry the Fourth, before his Edition of Polybius. So the Biſhop never varied, whether in favour, or out of favour, in his Counſels to the King, to hang the Quarrel even upon the Beam of Juſtice between him and the Common-wealth: As it was his Saying to K. James, ſo he went on with the like to K. Charles; Rule by your Laws, and you are a Compleat Monarch; your People are both ſenſibly and willingly beneath you: If you ſtart aſide from your Laws, they will be as ſawcy with your Actions, as if they were above you. The Fence of the great Charter was lately thrown down, by taking a Loan by Commiſſioners, without a Statute to authorize it. And ſays the Remonſtrance of Decemb. 15, 1641. Divers Gentlemen were impriſoned, for refuſing to pay it, whereby many of them contracted ſuch Sickneſſes, as coſt them their Lives, p. 10. When the Body of the Lords and Commons were at work, to redintegrate the empailment of the Laws, if the Biſhop had not appeared, that the King would return, to walk upon the known and trodden Cawſey of the Laws, he had forſaken himſelf, and left the neareſt way to do him Service. His care was, that no Diſhonour ſhould be caſt upon His Majeſty's Government, nor Cenſure upon the Commiſſioners of the Loan, his Miniſters, and yet to remove the publick Evils of the State: To mend them, would bring a Reformation to be bluſh'd at; not to mend them, a continued Confuſion to be griev'd at. The Biſhop had the Praiſe from the Wiſeſt that his Dexterity was eminent above any of the Peers, to pleaſe all parties that p. 74would be pleas'd with Reaſon. He diſtinguiſh'd the Marches of the two great Claims, the Prerogatives of the Crown, and the Liberties of the People; and pleaded for the King, to make him gracious to all; as it is in his Sermon on the Faſt, p. 55. That he was a man as like Vertue it ſelf, as could be pattern'd in Fleſh and Blood; and juſtified him for good Intentions in all his Proceedings. The Errors that were to come to paſs, he named them to be Errors; for what Government was ever ſo ſtreight, that had no crookedneſs? With this Cunning Demetrius appeared for his Father Philip of Macedon, before the Roman Senate, Juſtin. lib. 32. The Senate accuſed his Father for violation of the laſt Articles of Peace; to which Demetrius ſaid nothing, but bluſh'd. Et veniam patri Philippo, non jure defenſionis, ſed patrocinio pudoris obtinuit. And how unreaſonable was it, that the emulous Biſhop, who did upon all occaſions derogate from this man, blamed this perſon to the King, for doing no more good to his Cauſe, whereas himſelf did him no good at all? Like to Critias in Xenophon, and his Dealings againſt Theramenes, lib. 2. Hiſt. ſays Theramenes, I labour to reconcile divided Factions, and he calls me a Slipper to fit the right Foot, and the left, becauſe I ſet my ſelf to pleaſe all ſides. foreign: What ſhall I call him that pleaſeth no ſide, that can do a pleaſure to no ſide? They that were preſent at all Debates, did diſcern, that no Service could be done to the Crown, without a mixture of Moderation. A dram of ſuch Wiſdom was worth a pound of Flattery: For, as one ſays wittily, A beſmeared Dog doth but dirty him upon whom he fawns.

74. When the Commons fell roundly to ſiſt the exacting of the Loan, the Illwill gotten by it touch'd none ſo near as the Clergy: So ill was it taken, that their Pulpits had advanc'd it, and that ſome had preach'd a great deal of Crown Divinity, as they call'd it: And they were not long to ſeek for one that ſhould be made an Example for it. But to make that, which was like to be by conſequent leſs offenſive, they unanimouſly voted a Giſt of five Subſidies, before the King's Servants had ſpoke a word unto it. A Taſte of Loyalty and Generoſity, that willing Supplies ſhould rather come from a ſenſe of the King's Wants, than be begged. Straitway they called Dr. Maynwaring the King's Chaplain before them, for preaching (but rather for printing) two Sermons deliver'd before the King, the one at Oatland's, the other at Alderton, in the Progreſs in July; neither of them at St. Giles in the Fields, as Mr. W. S. might have found in the Title Page of them both. Theſe being in print, no Witneſſes needed to be depoſed, the Doctrine was above the Deck, ſufficiently diſcover'd. The Sermons both preach'd upon one Text, Eccleſ. 8.2. are confeſſedly learned, foreign, wherein Art and Wit have gone about to make true Principles beget falſe Concluſions. It was not well done, to hazard the dangerous Doctrine in them, for the Learning ſake, to the view of the World; for not the Seeds of a good Melon, but the good Seeds of a Melon ſhould be preſerved to be planted. No notice was taken of the King's Special Command to publiſh theſe Tractates, but ſevering the Author by himſelf, he is deſign'd to be cenſur'd; as Keepers beat Whelps before their Lions, to make them gentler: And the Charge is brought up to the Lords, That the Sermons were ſcandalous, feditious, and againſt the good Government of this Kingdom. The Reverend Biſhops, one and all, left him undefended. Yet that was not enough to correct the Envy which the Clergy did undergo upon it; ſo the Biſhop of Lincoln ſtood up, and gave reprehenſion to ſome Points of both his Sermons, in this manner: In the former of theſe Sermons, pag. 2. Dr. Maynwaring begins his Work upon the Loom with theſe Threads; That of all Relations, the firſt and original is between the Creator and the Creature, the next between Husband and Wife, the third between Parents and Children, the fourth between Lord and Servants. From all which forenamed reſpects there did ariſe that moſt high, ſacred, and tranſcendent Relation between King and Subjects. A ſtrange Expreſſion! which calls the laſt a tranſcendent Relation ariſing out of all the former, when the firſt of the four was between the Creator and the Creature. God is a great God, a King above all Gods. A good King indeed is a petty God, as a Tyrant is a great Devil; but far be it from us, to call the King's relation to his People tranſcendental, the Maker of all things, and his Workmanſhip being brought in before. Yet let that go not for a wilful Fault, but for an unwary Expreſſion. In the 19th Page he breaks out thus into a tranſcendent Error: If any King ſhall command that which ſtands not in oppoſition to the Original Laws of God, Nature, Nations, and the Goſpel (though it be not correſpondent in every Circumſtance to Laws National and Municipal) no Subject may, without p. 75hazard of his own Damnation, in rebelling againſt God, queſtion or diſobey the Will and Pleaſure of his Soveraign; for as a Father of the Country, he commands what his Pleaſure is, and out of Counſel and Judgment. So on to the end of that Leaf. The firſt words, If any King have a great failance, as if all Kings, all alike, had the ſame Command over their Subjects, without diſtinction of Government, meer and abſolute from mixt and reſtrained. The body of the Doctrin is worſt of all, that it concerns us upon our Loyalty, nay, upon our Salvation, (for elſe Damnation is threatned) to yield not only Paſſive Obedience (which is due) but Active alſo, if the King's Will and Pleaſure be notified in any thing not oppoſite to the Law of God and Nature: Wherein if he had inſiſted upon thoſe ſame things, that do not appear to be yet determin'd, and have no evil Sequel, it might be allow'd him: But, that we are bound to act whatſoever a King requires, where the Law and his Will are diametrically oppoſite, and be damn'd if we draw back or queſtion it, is as corrupt as it … ble. Under the ſame Monarchy in Spain an Arragonian will not believe that he is obliged to thoſe Edicts of his King, which are directed to a Caſtilian; the Laws have differenc'd them in the mode of their Duties. What Privilege is it to be born Free, and not a Bond-man, but that the Free-man knows how far he is to ſerve, and a Bond-man doth not? If Subjection is due as much to the King's Pleaſure as to his Laws, there is no bottom in Obedience. Says Stamford the learned Lawyer, Miſera ſervitus eſt ubi jus eſt vagum & incognitum. And is it but a Complement that a King ſwears at his Coronation, to govern by his Laws? Nay ſure, if Contracts and Promiſes bind GOD to Man, much more they bind the King to his People. The Anchor at which Obedience rides is the Law; it is good Divinity, Where there is no Law, there is no Tranſgreſſion: And it is good Morality, Vir bonus eſt quis? Qui conſulta patrum, qui leges, jura que ſervat. This Dr. tells us again, pag. 26. That this Sacred and Honourable Aſſembly is not ordain'd to contribute any Right to Kings to receive Tribute, which is due to them by natural and original Law and Juſtice: That our meeting is only for the more equal impoſing and exacting of Subſidies: If the ſupreme Magiſtrate, upon Neceſſity extream and urgent, require Levies of Moneys, beſide the Circumſtances which the Municipal Laws require, he that doth not ſatisfie ſuch Demands, reſiſts the Ordinance of God, and receives Damnation to himſelf. The Foundation is well laid, but his Superſtructure is crazy; for where it were Sin to ſay, that Relieſs and Aids were not due to ſome perſons, it is no Sin to ſay they ſhould not be their own Carvers. Teſtatus a great Biſhop, a great Counſellor, a great Scholar, writes upon the noted place, De jure regio, 1 Sam. c. 8. That Tribute is due to a Prince by his original Right, but with moderation for the quantity, and with the Conſent of the Subjects for the manner, time, and other circumſtances. Says St. Paul, Who goes a warfare at his own charges? 1 Cor. 9.7. yet as well the General, as the Rout of the Army, muſt not preſcribe their Pay, but be contented with their Wages, as John Baptiſt told them, Luk. 3.14. A Son doth not honour his Father, if he do not ſuccour him in his Poverty; but the Son is not bound to let him take what he will in purveyance for himſelf. The Author whom this Dr. quotes, Saravia hath inſtanc'd in Samoiſius, in the Poets Iliads; foreign. He was ſlain a young man, and liv'd not long, becauſe he did not cheriſh his Parents. A Paſſage to make us think, that Homer had read the firſt Command of the ſecond Table. Thoſe foreign, foſtering Allowances were due to Parents, becauſe they were Parents, yet by free apportionating them according to the Duty and Wiſdom of the Children, as they might provide for their own Poſterity.

75. More of this is ingeminated in the ſecond Sermon, from pag. 24, to 26. as in theſe words: Religion doth often aſſociate God and the King; Firſt, from the communion of Names; Secondly, from the near bordering of Offences that reflect upon God and the King; Thirdly, from the parity of Beneficence, which men enjoy from God and ſacred Kings. Upon this laſt he doth expatiate in three points: 1. That as Men cannot, in way of Juſtice, recompence God, nor Children their Parents, ſo nor Subjects their Kings for legal Providence. 2. Juſtice, ſo properly call'd, intercedes not between GOD and Man, nor between the Prince, being a Father, and the People as Children: It cannot be a Rule or Medium to give God and the King his Right. 3. Juſtice is only between Equals. To begin at the laſt, this Poſition, Juſtice is only between Equals, is a miſtaking of Ariſt. lib. 5. Eth. c. 6. Who there makes them Equals, which are not under one man, for that he denieth totidem verbis, but under one Law, to the p. 76which he doth ſubject the Magiſtrate, as all the School-men do the King; that is, to the direction of it, not to the penal coaction. And if Juſtice be not, but between Equals, how can there be any Juſtice at the Kings-bench, Exchequer, Starchamber, Court of Wards, &c? To go back now to his other two Poſitions, mingling them together, obſerve two things; Firſt, All that he ſpeaks of God, and his being unrecompenſable by ordinary way of Juſtice, he borrows it out of Suarez, as his Margin confeſſeth, lib. 3. de Relig. c. 4. and of his own Head applieth to the King without Suarez, or any other Writer. Nor can Suarez Reaſon be applied to the King, which is this: Man, for his weak Condition, in compariſon of God, and becauſe all that he is and hath is God's, cannot render what he owes unto God, in equality of Juſtice. And all that he ſpeaks of a Father, in regard of his Children, between whom Juſtice in one Acception doth not intercede, he borrows out of Suarez, Suarez out of Cajetan, Cajetan out of Aquinas, 2 vol. qu. 57. art. 4. not art. 8. as he miſquotes him. But he adds, The King, out of his own Brain, (who is but a metaphorical Father, Benevolentiâ & animo pater eſt, naturâ rex pater non eſt, ſays Saravia, lib. 2. c. 12.) without the Authority of his Authors, nay, flatly contrary to Aquinas in that place; for he allows, that Juſtice and Law may be ſtated between Father and Son. Says he, As the Son is ſomewhat of the Father, and the Servant of the Maſter, Juſtum non eſt inter illos per commenſurationem ad Alterum: ſed in quantum uter que eſt homo, aliquo modo eſt inter eos juſtitia. He goes on, That beſide Father and Son, Maſter and Servant, there are other degrees and diverſities of Perſons to be ſound in an Eſtate, as Prieſts, Citizens, Souldiers, &c. that have an immediate relation to the Common-wealth, and Prince thereof, and therefore towards theſe, Juſtum eſt ſecundum perfectam rationem juſtitiae. So Suarez, lib. 5. de leg. c. 18. Some will ſay, that Tribute is not due by way of Juſtice, but by way of Obedience: Hoc planè falſum eſt, & contra omnes Doctores, qui ſatentur hanc obligationem ſolvendi tributa, ubi intervenit, eſſe juſtuiám. And which is more than the Judgment of meer Man, it is St. Paul's, Rom. 13.7. For this cauſe pay your tribute, render therefore to every man that which is his due. Redditio ſui cui que is the very definition of Juſtice. And he makes foreign, Juſtice to intercede between Fathers and their Children, Epheſ. 6.1. Children obey your Parents in the Lord, foreign, for this is juſt. This is the firſt Obſervation how he falſifieth his Learning. The next is this, That his end to bring us to the caſe of Creatures, and Children towards the King, is to take away all Propriety; as it appears clearly, by what he muſt draw out of his own Authors. Suarez, ubi ſupra, Man cannot render to God his due by way of Juſtice; Quia quicquid eſt, vel habet, totum eſt Dei. Apply it with Dr. Maynwaring to the King; Whatſoever the Subject is, or hath, is all the King's by way of Property. Aquinas in the place before, Quod eſt filii eſt patris, ideo non eſt propriè juſtitia patris ad filium. Apply it to the King, Juſtice doth not interceed between the King and his People, becauſe what is the Peoples is the King's. This is the Venom of this new Doctrine, that by making us the King's Creatures, and in the ſtate of Minors, or Children, to take away all our Propriety: Which would leave us nothing of our own, and lead us (but that God hath given us juſt and gracious Princes) into Slavery. As, when the Jews were under a meer Vaſſalage, their Levites, their Churchmen, complain to God, The Kings of Aſſyria have dominion over our bodies, and over our cattel at their pleaſure, Nehem. 9.37. Thus far the Biſhop making very even parts between all that were concern'd in the Queſtion. And becauſe the Chaplain's Doctrine had drawn up a Flood-gate, through which a Deluge of Anger and Miſchief guſh'd out, His Majeſty left him to the Cenſure of his Judges. No Wonder if one of the beſt of Kings did that Honour to his Senate, which one of the worſt of Emperors did to that at Rome; Magiſtratibus liberam juriſdictionem, & ſine interpellatione conceſſit, ſays Suetonius of Caligula. Neither had it been Wiſdom to ſave one Delinquent, with the loſs of a Parliament: Lurentius Medices gave better Counſel than ſo to his Son Peter, Magis univerſitatis quàm ſeorsùm cujuſ que rationem habeto, Polit. lib. 4. Ep. p. 162. Yet Dr. Maynwaring loſt nothing at this lift; his Liberty was preſently granted him by the King, his Fine remitted, the Income of one Benefice, ſequeſtred for three years, put all into his own Purſe, and was received in all his ordinary attendance again at Court, with the Preferments of the Deanry of Worcester, and after of the Biſhoprick of St. Davids; ſo willing was the King to forget that Clauſe in his Sentence paſt by the Lords, which did forbid it.

p. 7776. No man elſe ſuffering for ſo common a Grievance, it made a glad Court at Whitehall. The Parliament uſed their beſt Counſels and Diſcretions at the ſame time to ſecure their Lives, Livelihoods, and Liberties from ſuch arbitrary Thraldom thereafter, Nunquam fida est potentia ubi nimia eſt. We muſt live under the Powers which God hath ſet over us, but are loth that any man ſhould have too much Power. Sir Ed. Coke made the motion (which will keep his noble Memory alive) to ſue to the King by Petition, the moſt ancient and humble Addreſs of Parliaments, that His Majeſty would give his People Aſſurance of their Rights by Aſſent in Parliament, as he uſeth to paſs other Acts, viz. That none ſhould be compell'd to any charge of Tax or Benevolence, without agreement of Lords and Commons; nor any Freeman be impriſon'd, but by the Law of the Land; with ſome ſuch other-like, which are enter'd into many Authors. The Duke of Buck. was forward to ſtop this Petition in the Houſe where he ſate; for which the Commons, having not yet meddled with him, reſolved to give him an ill Farewel before their parting. Neither did he recover his old Luſtre, nor carry any great ſway among the Peers, ſince his diſhonourable Expedition to Rhe; for evil Succeſſes are not eaſily forgotten, though proſperous ones vaniſh in the warmth of their Fruition. And not only that Duke, and the Lord Privy-Seal, with other great and able Officers, did repulſe this motion with all main, but the King's learned Council were admitted to plead their Exceptions againſt it. Six weeks were ſpent in theſe Delays, and Hope deſerred made their hearts ſick, Prov. 13.12. and their Heads jealous, who follow'd the cauſe, that there was no good meaning to relieve their Oppreſſions. At laſt the difficulty was overcome; the Petitioners had one Anſwer from the King, and look'd for a fuller, and had it in the end: So much ſooner had been ſo much better; as our Poet Johnſon writes to Sir E. Sackvile, of ſome mens Good-turns, They are ſo long a coming, and ſo hard. When any Deed is forc'd, the Grace is marr'd. The Subjects ask'd for nothing now which was not their own, but for Aſſurance to keep their own; which had it been done with a Smile, benignly and cheerfully, and without any caſting about to evade it, it had been done Princely. It is not impoſſible to find an honeſt Rule in Matchiavel, for this is his: Beneficia illa, quibus conciliatur plebis animus cò uſ que ne differantur, donec ea praeſtare cogi videantur. Paſſing right is Sir J. Haward's Hiſt. of H. IV. p. 4. ſays he, The Multitude are more ſtrongly drawn by unprofitable Courteſies than by churliſh Benefits. Among thoſe that argued for this Petition de Droit, I ſhall remember what paſt from two eminent Prelates: Archbiſhop Abbot offer'd his own Caſe to be conſider'd, baniſh'd from his own Houſes of Croydon and Lambeth, confin'd to a mooriſh Manſion-place of Foord, to kill him, debarr'd from the management of his Juriſdiction, and no cauſe given for it to that time; harder meaſure than ever was done to him in his Pedagogy, for no Scholar was ever corrected till his Fault was told him. But he had fuller'd the Laſh in a Meſſage brought by the Secretary, and no cauſe pretended for it: And what Light of Safety could be ſeen under ſuch dark Juſtice? The Biſhop of Lincoln likewiſe promoted the Petition, but he was a great Stickler for an Addition, that it might come to the King's Hands with a mannerly Clauſe, That as they deſir'd to preſerve their own Liberties, ſo they had regard to leave entire that Power wherewith His Majeſty was entruſted for the Protection of his People (which the Commons diſreliſh'd, and cauſed to be cancell'd). This cauſed the Biſhop to be ſuſpected at firſt, as if he had been ſprinkled with ſome Court-holy-water, which was nothing ſo, but a due Conſideration, flowing from his own Breaſt, that ſomewhat might be inſerted, to bear witneſs to the Grandeur of Majeſty. A Paſſage in Xenophon commends ſuch unbeſpoken Service, lib. 8. Cyrip. ſays he, Hystaſpus would do all that Cyrus bade, but Chryſantus would do all which he thought was good for Cyrus before he bade him.

77. In the Debate of this great matter among the Lords, this Biſhop hath left under his own Pen what he deliver'd; partly in gloſſing upon a Letter which His Majeſty under the Signet ſent to the Houſe May the 12th, partly in conteſting with the chief Speakers, that quarrel'd at the Petition. As to the former; Firſt the King ſays, That his Predeceſſors had never given Leave to the free Debates of the higheſt Points of Prerogative Royal. The Biſhop anſwered, The Prerogative Royal ſhould not be debated at all, otherwiſe than it is every Term in Weſtminſter-hall. Secondly, the Letter objects, What if ſome Diſcovery nearly concerning Matters of State and Government, be made? May not the King and his Council commit the Party in queſtion, without cauſe ſhewn? p. 78For then Detection will dangerouſly come forth before due time. Reſp. No matter of State or Government would be deſtroyed or defeated, if the Cauſe be expreſt in general terms: And no danger can likely enſue, if in three Terms the Matter be prepared to be brought to Trial. Ob. 3. May not ſome Cauſe be ſuch as the Judges have no Capacity of Judicature, or Rules of Law to direct or guide their Judgment? Reſp. What can thoſe things be, which neither the Kings-bench nor Star-chamber can meet them? Obj. 4. Is it not enough, that we declare our Royal Will and Reſolution to be (which, God willing, we will conſtantly keep) not to go beyond a juſt Rule and Moderation in any thing, which ſhall be contrary to our Laws and Cuſtoms? And that neither we nor our Council ſhall, or will, at any time hereafter, commit or command to Priſon, for any other cauſe than doth concern the State, the Publick Good, and Safety of our People? Reſp. Not the Council-Table, but the appointed Judges, muſt determine what are Laws and Cuſtoms, and what is contrary to them. And this gracious Conceſſion is too indefinite, to make us depend upon that broad Expreſſion of Juſt Rule and Moderation. Eſpecially be it mark'd, That all the Cauſes in the Kingdom may be ſaid to concern either the State, the Publick Good, or the Safety of the King and People. This, under Favour, is abundantly irreſolute, and ſignifies nothing obtain'd. Obj. 5. In all Cauſes hereafter of this nature, which ſhall happen, we ſhall, upon the humble Petition of the Party, or Signification of our Judges unto us, readily and really expreſs the true cauſe of the Commitment, ſo as with Conveniency and Safety it be fit to be diſoloſed: And that in all Cauſes of ordinary Juriſdiction, our Judges ſhall proceed to the delivery or bailment of the Priſoner, according to the known and ordinary Rules of this Land, and according to the Statutes of Magna Charta, and thoſe ſix Statutes inſiſted on, which we intend not to abrogate or weaken, according to the true intention thereof. Reſp. To diſcloſe the cauſe of Impriſonment, except Conveniency and Safety do hinder, are ambiguous words, and may ſuffice to hold a man faſt for coming forth. And if all Cauſes be not of ordinary Juriſdiction, (as I hope they are) who ſhall judge which be the extraordinary Cauſes? We are loſt again in that Uncertainty. So likewiſe for the Intention of Magna Charta, and the ſix Statutes, who ſhall judge of the true Intention of them? That being arbitrary, we are ſtill in nubibus for any aſſurance of legal Liberty. So the Conceſſions of His Majeſty's Letter were waved as unſatisfactory.

78. And the Biſhop went on to ſhew, that the Contents of the Petition were ſuitable to the ancient Laws of the Realm, ever claimed and pleaded, expedient for the Subject, and no leſs honourable for the King, which made him a King of Men, and not of Beaſts; of brave-ſpirited Freemen, and not of brokenhearted Peaſants. The Statute in 28 Edw. 3. is as clear for it, as the day at Noon-tide; That no man, of what ſtate or condition ſoever, ſhall be put out of his Lands or Tenements, nor taken, nor impriſon'd, nor diſinherited, nor put to death, without being brought to anſwer by due proceſs of Law. I know one Lord replied to this lately, That the Law was wholſom, for the good of private men, and ſometime it might be as wholſom for the Publick Weal, that the Soveraign Power ſhould commit to Cuſtody ſome private man, the cauſe not being ſhew'd in Law, upon more beneficial occaſion than a private man's legal Liberty: And though the Hand of Power ſhould ſeem to be hard upon that one perſon, a Benefit might redound to many. Firſt, be it conſider'd, if no Law ſhall be fixt and inviolable, but that which will prevent all Inconveniencies, we muſt take Laws from God alone, and not from men. Then be it obſerv'd, that to bring the exception of a Soveraign Power beſide the Laws, in Caſes determined in the Laws, takes away all Laws, when the King is pleas'd to uſe and put forth this Soveraign Power, wherewith he is truſted, and makes the Government purely arbitrary, and at the Will of the King: So ſhall this Reaſon of State eat up and devour the Reaſon of Laws. Shew me, he that can, how the affirmation of a Soveraign Power, working beſide the Law inſiſted upon, ſhall not bring our Goods and our Lives to be liable and diſpoſable by this Soveraign Power, and not turn England into the caſe of Turky. And if you affirm, that a man may be taken and impriſon'd by a Soveraign Power, wherewith a King is truſted, beſide the Law expreſt in the Statute; why ſhould you not grant as well, the Law being one and the ſame, that a man may be put out of his Lands and Tenements, diſinherited, and put to death by this Soveraign Power, without being brought to anſwer by due proceſs of Law? I conceive this Reaſon may be more fortified, but will never be anſwer'd and ſatisfied: Bore one hole p. 79into this Law, and all the good thereof will run out of it. Next I ſhew, that nothing was ever attempted againſt the Magna Charta, without great Envy and Grudging. Now, ſince a man's Liberty is a thing that Nature moſt deſires, and which the Law doth exceedingly favour, the 29th Chapter of that Charter ſays, Nullus liber homo impriſonetur niſi per legem terrae. What word can there be againſt theſe words? Why, it was ſaid here with Reſolution and Confidence, That Lex terrae is to be expounded of Actions of the King's Privy Council, done at the Council-Table without further Proceſs of Law. But did ever any Judge of this Land give that interpretation of Lex terrae in Magnâ Chartâ? Indeed, a great learned Lord in this Houſe did openly ſay, That all Courts of Juriſdiction in this Land eſtabliſh'd, and authoriſed by the King, may be ſaid to be Lex terrae. Which is granted by me, although it was denied by implication, by the reſolution of the Houſe of Commons. But then the Queſtion ſtill remains, whether the Council-Table at Whitehall be a forum contentioſum, a Court of Juriſdiction? I ever granted, they may commit to Priſon juxta legem terrae, as they are Juſtices of Peace, and of other legal Capacities. And I grant it alſo, that they may do it praeter legem terrae, as they are great Counſellors of State, and ſo to provide where the Laws are defective, ne quid detrimenti reſpub. capiat. Secondly, It was much preſt, that my L. Egerton did expound this Lex terrae to be Lex regis, which muſt mean ſomewhat, in his Poſt-nati, pag. 33. I have read the Book, and it is palpably miſtaken: That great Lord ſaith only this; That the Common-Law hath many Names ſecundùm ſubjectam materiam, according to the variety of Objects it handles. When it reſpects the Church, it is called, Lex Eccleſiae Anglicanae: When it reſpects the Crown, Lex Coronae, and ſometime Lex Regia: When it reſpects the common Subject, it is called Lex Terrae. Is not this his plain meaning? It muſt be ſo, by his inſtance p. 36. That the caſes of the Crown are, the Female to inherit, the eldeſt Son to be preferr'd, no reſpect of Half-blood, no diſability of the King's Perſon by Infancy. If his Lordſhip ſhould mean otherwiſe, his Authorities would fail him. Regiſt. fol. 61. the word Lex Regia is not nam'd, that's my Lord's Inference, but the Title is, Ad jura Regia; that is, certain Briefs concerning the King's Kights, oppoſite to Jura Papalia, or Canonica, all of them in matters eccleſiaſtical, as Advouſons, Preſentations, Quare-impedits, &c. all pleaded in Weſtminſter-hall, things never heard of in the King's dwelling Court, ſince the fixing of the Courts of Juſtice. Thus much for the Authorities. Now the reaſon offer'd out of them, which will never be anſwer'd, is this: By the Lex Terrae in Magna Charta, a man may be not only impriſon'd, but withal outlaw'd, deſtroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd; but a man cannot be outlaw'd, deſtroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd by any Order of the Lords of the Council; therefore the Orders of the Lords of the Council are not Lex Terrae. At this, and upon other occaſions the Biſhop ſpake to this matter, (till the Petition was moſt graciouſly conſented to by the King in all the Branches of it) and was more attended to upon the Experience of his Knowledge and Wiſdom, than at leaſt any of his Order. And as Theocritus ſays of his principal Shepherd, foreign. From that day Daphnis was accounted the Chief of his Calling, which filled the Court with the Report. But ſome men are in danger to be traduced with too much Praiſe.

79. One thing ſtruck in unhappily, which made this Seſſion riſe without a good cloſe in the ſhutting up; it was a Remonſtrance preſented to the King by the Houſe of Commons, of many Complaints; the moſt offenſive being thoſe that were perſonal, againſt two Biſhops that were about the King, and againſt the L. Duke, That his exceſſive Power, and abuſe of that Power, was the cauſe of all Evils and Dangers among us. Though this came very croſs to the King's Affections, yet the worſt word that he gave to the Remonſtrance was, That no wiſe man would juſtifie it. How many Kings of England had treated both Houſes more ſharply upon leſs provocation? Yet now the chief Tribunes ſpake their Diſcontents aloud, That they had given a bountiful Levy of five Subſidies, and were called Fools for their labour. The Gift was large, the Manner, the Allegiance, the Willingneſs were better than the Gift; yet might not His Majeſty touch mildly upon a Fault, without ſuch a ſcandalous Paraphraſe? The Galatians would have pulled out their own Eyes to do Paul good, yet he ſpared them not for it, but upon Errors crept into the Doctrine of their Faith, he called them fooliſh Galatians. The ſowreſt Leaven, not ſeen in the Remonſtrance, but hid in the Houſe, was, That ſome ſeditious Tongues did blab their meaning, to cut off the payment of Tonnage and Poundage, by the conceſſion of p. 80the Petition of Right; againſt which His Majeſty ſpake, and declar'd, That his Predeceſſors had quietly enjoy'd thoſe Payments by the Royal Prerogative, which both Houſes did proteſt to leave inviolable; That the Grant of the Petition did meet with Grievances, ſaid to entrench upon the Liberty and Property of the People, to give them aſſurance of quiet from paying Taxes or Loans without Order of Parliament. To go further it was not his Meaning nor their Demand. The Biſhop of Lincoln appeared very much to concur with the King's Interpretation, and was very zealous to have had an Act paſt for it before the Parliament was prorogued: Nay, he forbore not to chide his Friends in the lower Houſe, whoſe Metal he found to be churliſh, and hard to be wrought upon. Ut erat generoſae indolis nihil frigidè, nihil languidè agebat; as Clementius ſays of renowned Salmaſius, in his Life, p. 61. But the Biſhop's Motion was laid by, and with no good meaning: Yet ſince it was ſeen, that his Endeavours were real, to have wound up the Bottom at that time, without that ſcurvy knot in it, he had the Favour to kiſs the King's Hand, and to have Words both with His Majeſty and with the Duke in private. O hard Deſtiny! this he had long ſought, and now the Words which paſt between the King and him in Conference, were the Seed of all his Troubles in the Star-Chamber; for the King conjuring him to deliver his Opinion, how he might win the Love of the Commons, and be popular among them, the Biſhop anſwered readily, That the Puritans were many, and main Sticklers; if His Majeſty would pleaſe to direct his Miniſters, by his ſecret Appointment, to ſhew ſome Connivance and Indulgence to their Party, he might poſſibly mollifie them, and bend their Stubbornneſs; though he did not promiſe that they would be truſty very long to any Government. The King ſaid. He muſt needs like the Counſel, for he had thought of it before, and would uſe it. Two months after the Biſhop regulated his own Courts at Leiceſter, with ſome ſuch Condeſcentions, and told Sir J. Lamb and Dr. Sibthorp the reaſon, that it was not only his own, but the Royal Pleaſure. Theſe two Pick-thanks carried theſe words to Biſhop Laud, and he to the King, being then at Biſham. The Reſolution was, That upon the Depoſitions of theſe two, (no Saints in my Almanack) a Bill ſhould be drawn up in the Star-chamber, againſt the Biſhop, for revealing the King's Counſels, being a ſworn Counſellor. But that he was ſentenc'd, becauſe his Tongue betrayed him into Speeches that entrencht upon Loyalty, as the Hiſtorian H. L. ſays, p. 152. (upon whoſe Truſt W. S. writes the ſame) is utterly miſtaken, upon the word of Holy Faith; and let all Ear-witneſſes of the Cauſe, and Eye-witneſſes of the Records, judge between us. Nor do I ſay, that the Bill of diſcloſing the King's Counſels held Water, for it was laid aſide: There the Troubles began, and did run through Motions, Meanders, and Alterations, till ending at laſt in tampering with Witneſſes, as will be ſhewn in due place.

80. To make this ſeem a Jubilee to our Biſhop, wherein all Bonds of Malevolence ſhould be cancell'd, he had a very courteous Interview with the L. Duke, nothing of Unkindneſs repeated between them, his Grace had the Biſhop's Conſent with a little asking, that he would be his Grace's faithful Servant in the next Seſſion of Parliament, and was allow'd to hold up a ſeeming Enmity, and his own Popular Eſtimation, that he might the ſooner do the Work. Bleſſed be God, that they parted then in perfect Charity, for they never met again; the horrid Aſſaſſine J. Felton, fruſtrated whatever might have followed; a mean, deſpicable, unſuſpected Enemy: Sed nihil tam firmum eſt, cui non ſit periculum ab invalido, ſays Curtius, lib. 7. What Strength is there in a Cedar, ſince every weak Arm can cut it down? And though I am perſwaded none but the Devil and this melancholy Miſcreant were in the Plot, yet in foro Dei, many were guilty of this Blood, that rejoiced it was ſpilt. Tully confeſt of himſelf, that he was as much a Murderer of Caeſar as Brutus and Caſſius, 2 Philip. Quid intereſt utrum voluerim fieri, an gaudeam factum? So did God ſee that Thouſands were guilty of this Sin, which made the whole Land Nocent, for the violent death of an Innocent; for every one is innocent in right of his Life, till the Law hath tryed him. Felton's Impulſive was impious, from the allegation of the late Remonſtrance, that the Duke was the principal cauſe of our Evils and Dangers. As the Commons had no power to take his life away, ſo they never intended it, but to remove him from the King, if it were poſſible. I will be bold to cenſure the Romans, that many things were uncivil in their Laws, barbarous in their Valour, and odious in their Juſtice. Let this be the Inſtance out of p. 81Budaeus, lib. 2. Pandec. c. 28. Si quis eum qui plebiſcito ſacer ſit occiderit, homicida non eſt. As if every man had the power of a Magiſtrate, to cut off him whom the People had devoved: A Maxim for the Sons of Cadmus, or for the Sons of Romulus, not for the Sons of God. Be they Jeſuites, Anabaptiſts, or of whatſoever Race of new Zealots, they have not learnt ſo much good Divinity as is in Ariſtotle, 3 Erh. foreign. No Pretence can juſtifie Manſlaughter, no End or Intention can excuſe it. Was it ſo lately enacted in Parliament, that no Freeman ſhould be impriſon'd without due courſe of Law, and did Hell break looſe at the other end, to make it meritorious, or popular, to kill without Law? For ſuch another Outrage had paſs'd but two months before, upon the Body of one Lamb, in the day-light, and in the Skirts of the City beaten cruelly to Death by a ſcum of Vagabonds, being no Conjurer for certain, (though the Fry fell upon him for that ſuſpicion) but a notorious Impoſtor, a Fortune-teller, and an employ'd Bawd, (two Qualities that commonly make up one pair of Sciſſors to cut Purſes) as was evident by his Books, Papers, Schemes, Pictures, Figures, Glaſſes, the Utenſils of his Trade, found in his Lodgings near the Horſe-ferry in Weſtminſter: But, that he was a Creature of the Duke's, and commended to him by Biſhop Williams, the Hiſtorian is ſtrangely out again. It is poſſible an Ear-dropper might hear ſuch things talk'd at Cock-pits and Dancing-ſchools, miſerable Intelligence to thruſt into an Hiſtory. This Lamb living in the Verge of the Deanry, was once admitted to ſpeak with this Biſhop, and as ſoon as he began to impeach ſome of the Biſhop's Acquaintance for Falſhood, he was bidden be gone, for a meddling Knave, and a Sower of Diſſentions, and had Warning to come near him no more. And for the Duke, his domeſtick Creatures have avowed to me, that Lamb was ſo little their Lord's Creature, that they were ready to take an Oath of Credulity, that the Duke never ſaw him. I would all the Tales that got his Grace Ill will had been as falſe as this: That which did undo him, was chiefly that which made him, the immoderate Favour of two Kings, and not moderately uſed; as many a Ship is loſt, that's overſet with too much Sail. After Thirteen years triumphing in Grace and Gallantry, one Stab diſpatch'd him. So Symmachus ſpeaks of the ſad Cataſtrophe of ſuch a mighty man, Fortunae diu lenocinantis perfidus finis, quem ultimâ ſui parte ut ſcorpius percuſſit, lib. 2. ep. 13. Great Felicities not ſeldom go out ſuddenly in a Flaſh, like a Silk-worm, that dyes in three months after it is quicken'd. God would have us look after better things, when we behold the ſudden and prodigious Eclipſes of Human Glory, and brought to paſs, like Buckingham's, by vile and wicked Inſtruments. A foreign Writer gives very hard words to our whole Nation upon it, that we are ſavage and frentick in our Fury: And will he ſay as ill of the Kingdom of Iſrael, for Joab's ſake, that murder'd Abner? It might be replied to him, That the Loyalty of his Nation is beſmeared with the Blood of two Kings of France, deadly wounded with a Knife. But that we have worſe to anſwer for, I will depart with this mournful matter, adding only, that the Duke being taken away, our Biſhop never deſiſted to do Obſervance, and ſuch Help as he could, to his deſolate Kindred and Family; which the Counteſs of Denby his Siſter would often confeſs to me, and ſpeak of it to his great honour. At this time, preſently upon the diſmal Tydings, he diſpatch'd a moſt melting Letter to the Counteſs, his Grace's Mother, whoſe Anſwer to his begins thus:

My Lord,

IT is true Nobleneſs that makes you remember ſo diſtreſſed a Creature as I am, and to continue a true Friend in harder Fortunes. You give me many Reaſons of Comfort, for which I kindly thank you, for I have need of them all.

The reſt is long, and very choicely endited under her own Hand, which I paſs over more willingly, becauſe her Ladiſhips revolting to the Romiſh Religion was none of the leaſt cauſes, that brought her Unfortunate Son into the diſtaſte of the People. Pace tuâ fari haec liceat Rhamnuſia Diva, Catullus.

81. The Duke being now at reſt in his Grave, it was conceived this Good at leaſt would come of it, that the next Seſſion of Parliament would be very quiet, which began on the 20th of January: Yet they that thought the Ship was lightned of Jonas, ſaw the Storm encreaſed: Let them that will know the occaſion of a wide Breach, read it in the Hiſtories and Life of King Charles, eſpecially in His Majeſty's Declaration to all his loving Subjects, printed 1628. p. 82wherein the intelligent ſhall find, that the Commons were rather ſtubborn than ſtiff, rather violent than eager againſt the King's Affairs; and that the King was ſo provok'd with the heat of one morning, that he would not allow a day, nor an hour, to let them cool again, but diſmiſt them with Menaces, and thruſt them away from him with ſuch diſpleaſure, that in twelve years he ſent out no Writs to call another Parliament. It is too late to wiſh it had been better then, it is not too late to give Warning that it may be better hereafter. Who did beſt or worſt many will take the liberty to determine, as their addictions carry them to loyal Duty or popular Liberty. I judge neither ſo high above me in their potential Orbs, but relate what the Prudent did obſerve upon their Paſſages: This was the Biſhop of Lincoln's Opinion, who wept the ruine of the State, and was able to ſee through the preſent to the future, that it was ill in the People to offend ſo good a King, and unhappy for the King to cloſe again no ſooner with a bad People. The open face of both theſe ſhall be ſeen. The Commons were no ſooner come together, but like Ajax's Rhetorick in the Poet, Proh Jupiter inquit, they were as hot as an Oven in their exordium, and ſpake loudly, That the Petition of Right was not maintain'd, becauſe Tonnage and Poundage were taken, and Merchants Goods diſtrein'd for non-payment, a Revenue not due to the Crown till paſs'd by Bill. The King's Council ſhew'd Preſidents, that it had been taken in a proviſional way before the Parliament had granted it; but that His Majeſty did deſire to receive it by the Grant of his People, and pray'd a Bill might confirm it, to remove this Block out of the way, in which all Controverſies would be ſopited. Hereupon it was promis'd it ſhould be conſidered, and the framing of a Bill be referr'd to a Committee; yet they drew back their Hand, till they had gather'd a Particular of things diſtaſted in the Eccleſiaſtical and Civil Government: An Affectation which Appius Claudius diſcover'd in the Tribunes, Liv. dec. 1. lib. 5. Qui ſemper aegri aliquid in Rep. eſſe volunt, ut ſit ad cujus curationem à vobis adhibeantur: Which the King hath put into Engliſh, Declar. p. 25. Like Empericks, that ſtrive to make new Work, and to have ſome Diſeaſes on foot, to keep themſelves in requeſt. Their Inſpections about Religion were not only troubleſome, to make the Bill ſtick in the Committee, the only means to keep all quiet, but ſo inauſpicious, that I fear God was not near. Arminianiſm was complained of, that it was openly maintain'd, not ſuiting with the Articles of the Churches of England and Ireland: A ſtrange Spell, which raiſed up the Spirit that it would conjure down. As they that mark the encreaſe of Nile can tell at what day it will begin to overflow, ſo they that watcht the encreaſe of Arminianiſm, ſay conſidently, that from this year the Tyde of it began to come in. Then they complain'd, that the Biſhops of London and Winton, prevail'd to advance thoſe to great Preferments that ſpread thoſe Errors, while the orthodox part was depreſt, and under inglorious diſdain. Never was this verified by a clear and notorious diſtinction, till this Challenge was made, That all Preferments were caſt on that ſide. Then it began to be palpable, that there was no other way to fly over other mens Heads in the Church, but with thoſe Wings: And here the forlorn part might ſay to the Parliament as Balak ſaid to Balaam, What haſt then done unto me? I took thee to curſe mine Enemies, and behold, thou haſt bleſt them all together, Numb. 23.11. Thirdly, They did regret at the obtruding of ſome Ceremonies, which waxed in more requeſt and authority upon that oppoſition; as ſome Flowers open the more, when the Wind blows ſtrongeſt upon them. I believe ſuch Remorſe as was in Joſeph's Brethren would make ſome of them ſay, We ſaw the arguiſh of the King, when he beſought us, and would not hear, therefore this Diſtreſs is come upon us, that all our Counſels are improſperous. The proſecution of Civil Grievances miſcarried as much, and as wiſe men gueſs'd, becauſe Sir John Ellict ſtood up to manage them. Few lead on to remove the publick Evils of a State, without ſome ſpecial feelings and ends of their own. Nor was it any better now, ſo far as an action may be known by vulgar paſſes, and every bodies Diſcourſe. foreign, ſays Menander. High Probability is the ſecond degree of Truth. Sir J. Elliot of the Weſt, and Sir Tho. Wentworth of the North, both in the prime of their Age and Wits, both conſpicuous for able Speakers, claſht ſo often in the Houſe, and cudgel'd one another with ſuch ſtrong Contradictions, that it grew from an Emulation between them to an Enmity. The L. Treaſurer Weſton pick'd out the Northern Cock Sir Thomas, to make him the King's Creature, and ſet him upon the firſt ſtep of his riſing; which was Wormwood in the taſte of Elliot, who revenged himſelf upon the King in the Bill of Tonnage, and then fell upon the Treaſurer, and declaimed p. 83againſt him, That he was the Author of all the Evils under which the Kingdom was oppreſt. Some body muſt bear that Burden as the Duke had done; yet this Lord was not like to be the man, who had been in his great Place but about ſix months, unleſs he could conjure, and work Miracles in a trice. The Biſhop of Lincoln, who had Spies abroad in many private Conferences, inform'd the L. Weſton before, who was his Adverſary, what Coals he was blowing at the Forge, and proffer'd himſelf to bring Sir J. Elliot to him, to be reconciled, and to be his Servant; for which Sir T. Wentworth ſpleen'd the Biſhop, for offering to bring his Rival into favour; but L. Weſton took it as a Courteſie as long as he lived, and bade the Biſhop look for more Favour from the King than it was his luck to find; for the Treaſurer was noted to be a Servant to his Maſter of great uſe and diligence, but a Friend to his Friends of ſmall aſſiſtance. Now, when great Affairs did run upon the Wheels of theſe private Grudges, what was like to become of the Publick Weal? To be overturn'd in the hurry.

82. For ſuch a Duſt was rais'd about the Bill of Tonnage, &c. that the way could not be ſeen for that Cloud, to come to a quiet end. Long Speeches, full of hydropical ſwellings, took up the time to delay it. Of which Ariſtotle gives warning to all Political Governments, Polit. lib. 5. foreign, that nothing overthrows them ſo ſoon, as the petulancy of their Orators. Let impartial Poſterity ſit in the Chair of Judgment, and examine theſe things. The Lords unanimouſly diſſented from the Commons: lookt ſadly at the ſlowing of the Bill, at the quarrels againſt the Accomptants of the Cuſtom-houſe. Inſomuch that the King told their Lordſhips, That he took as much content in their dutiful demeanour, as he was juſtly diſtaſted with the proceeding of the others. And what bred all this Anger? was it a new Project? alas no; but an ancient Supply of ſome hundred years old, never grudg'd at, but cheerfully granted for the Safety of the narrow Seas. Quod à principio beneficium ſuit, uſu atque aetate fit debitum, ſays Sym. ep. p. 58. That which was free Gift at firſt, being conſtantly given, Cuſtom makes it a Debt. The King's Actions were ſtrongly warranted with the wiſdom of former Ages: for the Subſidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not granted to Edward the Fourth by Parliament, till the end of the third year of his Reign, yet anſwer'd to him from the firſt year. And, to ſay more, all Kings and Queens enjoy'd it from the day of the precedent Princes Death, before ever a Parliament ſat: and the legitimate receiving it was never queſtion'd. And yet now the Commons pleaded, That until the King would put himſelf out of all the Right of it, the Subject ſtood not in ſit caſe to grant it; Decl. p. 28. That is, ſhut himſelf out of Doors, and ſtay till, God knows when, they let him in again. And wherefore was the Petition objected? which was granted to ſecure all men in their Property for the Subject's Right, not for the King's wrong. They that were reaſonable and thankful men will allow him to interpret his own meaning, which was not to take from his Liege people what he ſhould not, but not to give from himſelf what he would not. As eloquent Lyſias ſays, foreign. The mind of them that judge by a Law, muſt be the ſame with his mind that made the Law. 'Tis all the right in the World. His Majeſty was willing to take this Payment as the Gift of the Parliament, would thankfully embrace it with that Formality. But it were folly to let them poliſh his Revenue, and file away the beſt part of it. They knew he could not want this Stock, as well to guard the Kingdom, as to ſupport his own Dignity. Take heed they thruſt not upon that Neceſſity, which loving Compliance might avoid. Omnia quae reipub. ſalutaria ſunt, legitima & juſta habentur, Tull. Philip. 12. To render good for evil, and to bring them all within one Circle of Love and Clemency, a gracious and general Pardon was appointed by the King to be drawn up, which paſt the Houſe of Lords; but the Gentlemen beneath did not ſo much as read it. Yet no Innocency is ſo ſafe, which may not deſire to be lookt upon with the Eye of Mercy. Some of the Members did want it after their Diſſolution. Which ſtraightway follow'd upon ſhutting their Door againſt the King's Meſſengers, and holding the Speaker by violence from obeying his Majeſty's Order to leave the Houſe. So dying Lamps expire with enlarged Flames. This was unwonted, and no honour to ſo wiſe a Senate, if the Rule of the Orators be true: Quae poteſt eſſe homini major poena à Diis immortalibus furore & dementiâ? Dehoſparus. Our Biſhop was wont to ſay, That Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments were moſt tractable, which ſate but a ſhort time, ended before they were acquainted with one another Intereſts, and had not p. 84learned to Combine. Which makes me allude it to Theophraſtus Date Tree, foreign. The young Trees bare Dates without Stones, but the older they grow, ſo much the harder is the Stone that is in them. Wo is to us, this Rupture was not a Date-ſtone, but a Mill-ſtone, whoſe Conſequences have grounded us to Duſt. Which the King's troubled Spirit did divine. Will you hear the Swan ſing his own Dirge, Cantator funeris ipſe ſu…? Declar. p. 41. All this is done to abate the powers of our Crown, and to bring our Government to obloquy, that in the end all things may be over-whelmed with Anarchy and Confuſion. Prophetical, or rather Oraculous, for Miſeries are ſometimes foreſeen, never prevented by the Dictates of Oracles.

83. Look now in the procedure upon the way that the King choſe to go in, with an Eye of Reverence, but with an Eye of Reaſon. The Biſhop of Lincoln moved the Lord Weſton to carry his mind to the King, much after this ſort: That the Parliament might meet again for all this, and that there might be a Conference between them and the Lords, to debate upon Differences. He hoped that their own Houſe would give a check, if not a cenſure to ſome that had exceeded in ſuch a rude and unparliamentary uprore: that they would in no long ſpace of time be aſhamed of their own work, and make amends with ſubmiſſion. Neat that run about, as if they were mad in the Paſtures, ſtroke them, and they will come of themſelves to the Milk pale. Fury waſteth as Patience laſteth. He would not pray for them if their ſin were a ſin unto death, whereof they could not repent. Pliny can tell us of an Image in Chios, Cuyus vultum intrantes triſtem, exeuntes exhilaratum vident, Lib. 3. Nat. Hiſt. cap. 5. It ſeem'd to frown on thoſe that came in to behold it, and to ſmile upon them when they departed. To ſhew what variety may fall out in the firſt and laſt Experiment of Human Affairs. God alone knows what the event of this Counſel might have been. The King would not know it, for he would not uſe it. Kings have another Sentiment of Wrongs then common People. Yet one Rulo is as good for them, as for their Vaſſals, to let Counſels mellow, and to grow unto a taſte by leiſure: waiting for time and opportunity are ſuch advantages, as tire out the ſpirits of others, till we have melted their metal. As every ſweet thing mixt with Oil will keep its odour the longer, ſo Deliberations, the longer they are compounded with Patience, in the end they will be the ſweeter. The King ſays for himſelf, Declar. p. 40. He would have expected longer, if there had been any hope in them to return to their duty. It is as the Spaniſh Proverb ſays, A crooked Cucumber will never grow ſtraight. But are all crooked? What was in his heroick Mind to think, that no Parliament would be right for ever after? which appeared becauſe he ſummoned none in twelve years; nor then, but when extremity forc't him. When did he expect a better Generation, that deſpaired of all for ſo many years? This was to fall out with a whole Nation. But ſays Cyrus to Cyaxares in the Cipher of an abſolute King, Lib. 5. Cyr. P. foreign. It is a great fault in a Ruler to be at odds with all his Subjects. He may have his will by taking all Empire into his own hands, but with no good will of others. The laſt Tarquin rob'd the Senate of their power: omnia in domo regiâ privatim tractabantur, Mach. Reſp. lib. 3. cap. 5. for which Brutus and his party take up Arms, till they proſper'd in their ſin. In more recent memory H. Grotius writes, Hiſt. Belg. lib. 1. p. 7. That the diſuſing of the Aſſemblies of the States by Philip the Second, was the beginning of the Revolt of the Netherlands. Diſcontents that fell in ſhould not aboliſh Courts fundamental for the Maintainance of Juſtice. We have had moſt corrupt general Councils for ſome Ages in the Church; therefore ſhall we never hope to obtain a good one? Well did Warſovius ſpeak in his Oration to Stephen King of Polonia, Millies licet homo defraudetur ab homine, utique hominem cum homine vivere debere: Though we have been cheated over and over, we muſt trade again with men. It is to be prais'd and admir'd that while Parliaments were laid aſleep ſo long, we could not ſay that we wanted Juſtice, Peace, and Plenty, much leſs the true worſhip of God. But for want of that politick Court, the People thought they were under a new ſhaped Monarchy, like to an Arbitrary Government, which loſt the King their Affections, more then he could loſe them by a ſeditious Parliament. For better to endure frowardneſs then hatred. As Suetotonius ſays of Caeſar, De ampliando imperio plura & majora indies cogitabat: ſo great Ones, both Male and Female, carried ſuch Tales out of the Bed-chamber, that a more abſolute Empire was intended then England had known ſince the Norman Line. All that the King's incomparable Vertues could plead for him, would not ſatisfie for that Suſpicion. Men love themſelves, and like a good Governour p. 85better then a Godly. Our Bolton writes, That not a year of Nero's Reign but was ſtained with ſome foul fact of manners; but the Senators finding content in his Government, he was redeem'd into their ſufferance, and the tolerable Opinion of the People. Faults of an impious Life oppreſs not the Subjects, but oblique ways of Government gall them. Holy King Charles was full of conſtant and great Vertues, all of them Pearls of a clear water, but he did not ſtudy to oblige the Generality, to gratifie, to inſinuate, nay to go down ſo low as to ſlatter them: foreign, Ariſt. Eth. lib. 5. cap. 3. That is, ſome are of rare worth, take them ſingle and alone, that fall ſhort of that perſection in thoſe things which they do, that relate to others. Our King would not buy Applauſe ſo cheap, as with Blandiſhments and Courteſie. He would not diſſemble with the Nobles that had offended him, and win them in with Art to recover them. He would not purchaſe the People with fineneſs of words, but purpos'd a more real ſatisfaction. Yea, a few drops of water infuſed into Wine makes it not ceaſe to be Wine, nor do a few drops of Cunning …er the Eſſence of Honeſty. A King of a moſt nice Conſcience ſhall ſtill …in the Servant of God, and yet, by the verdict of wiſe men, he ſhould be the Servant of the People. The Duke of Millain, the King of Naples about our Grandfathers days, loſt their Principalities for not woing their Citizens, and eſpouſing their hearts ſtrongly to them. The Scepter of the old Latin Princes was a Lituus, an Enſign of Majeſty crooked at the ſtronger end, becauſe a little bending Policy is neceſſary in a Magiſtrate. Which Xenophon makes to be the Opinion of his exact Cyrus, foreign, lib. 8. That ſometime he muſt couzin the Multitude into good frame, and quiet obedience. So might our Joſiah have done with good ſucceſs, and ſincerity of heart preſerv'd. Such as ſaw to what he was inclin'd, made him abhorrent the more from Parliaments, by remembring them with all diſadvantage of flirts and contumelies. And what did they in it, but piſs into the common Well, from whence all the Neighbourhood drew water? John Major pleading for the Authority of a General Council breaks off, and ſays, he knew that many more would plead very ſtiffly for the Pope, Quia Concilium rarò congregatur, nec dat dignitates Eccleſiaſticas: Councils met ſeldom, and gave no Preferments as the Pope did. So Flatterers and Ambitious Perſons ſtuck to the ſurer ſide, and deſired the King would forget Parliaments, and act all himſelf: for the King could promote them, ſo could not a Parliament. But in fine, to ſay a very little upon the whole caſe; as St. Auſtin is quoted by Gratian for this Sentence, That it is too great an attempt for Church Diſcipline to excommunicate a Nation of People; ſo it was no fit Puniſhment to exterminate, or lay aſide the Parliaments of a Nation. No Parliament for twelve years, and too much Parliament for twelve years put all out of order.

84. Which Court, formidable to Oppoſers, being like a Bow ſo long unbent, ſome eminent ones, that abuſed the greatneſs of their power, and ſome ignoble ones that lived upon the impurity of ſecure Times, ſeared not the Arrows of its Juriſdiction, nor to come under account for their Actions at that Tribunal. Says Quintilian lib 12. Quaedam animalia, in anguſtiis mobilia, in campo deprehenduntur: Some Creatures can ſhift in their own holes, but are ſnapt up eaſily in the open Fields. So ſuch as could do miſchief in their Court, had no hope to eſcape in ſo publick Examination. The Biſhop of Lincoln felt it, who fell into troubles, not for want of Innocence, but for want of a Parliament to keep him from Malef;icence. The cauſe of his unceſſant Moleſtations for twelve years would diſcover himſelf, though I ſhould conceal him, by an open affectation to be known his Enemy, I mean Biſhop Laud. Could he ſo ſoon forget him that firſt made him a Biſhop? and in twelve years could he not forget an Injury (I know of none) if the other had treſpaſs'd againſt him? The undoing of his Brother and Colleague in dignity did ſo run in his mind, that it was never out of his dreams, to be ſeen in the Notes drawn with his own hand in Mr. Prinn's Breviate. He dream't the Lord Keeper was dead Octob. 23. 1623. that is, being interpreted, in the Duke's Affections. June 14. 1626. He dream't the Biſhop of Lincoln came, he knew not with whom, with Iron Chains, but, returning freed from them, he leapt upon an Horſe, and departed, neither could he overtake him. March 17. 1627. Sir G. Wright whiſper'd in his Ear in his ſleep, that he was the cauſe that Lincoln was not admitted again into Favour in the Court. Jul. 13. 1633. He dreamt at Anderwick that this Biſhop came and offer'd to ſit above him at the Council Table, Tibul. lib. 3. El…g.(Quae Deus in melius …rudelia ſomnia vertat) that the Earl of Holland came and placed him there. Some hearken to Dreams which themſelves p. 86cauſed to be dream't, ſays the Prophet Jeremiah, cap. 29. v. 8. Sabini quod volunt ſolent ſomntare, ſays the Adagy: The Sabines dream what they would have. But for this Viſion at Anwick, it was not what my Lord wiſh't, but what he feared. Let Babie; be frighted with ſuch Viſors, Ecquid, ait, vani terremur imagine viſus? ſays the Preacher Eccl. 5.3. A Dream cometh through the multitude of Buſineſs. That which the Fancy is troubled with moſt in the Day, it rencounters in the Night, yet without any deliberation of Reaſon; and therefore muſt be moſt groundleſs to collect an obſervation from it, of any act that hath an intellectual touch in it. I except the infuſions of Prophetical Inſpiration, which commonly who can ſuppoſe he hath attained without Enthuſiaſtical Preſumption? Juggling Aſtrologers, that will fly at any game for profit and credit, held the People in a Dream, how they could interpret Dreams, which would hit, and which not by the Planet; as Salm…ſius ſays Clymact. p. 789. that it was Hepheſtions proſeſſion to unfold, foreign, in what nights of every Moon they will happen to be true. But he that records his Dreams, as if he weigh'd a thing ſo light in the Balance of Obſervation, his Wits are built upon Fairy Ground, and needs no other Aſtrology to deceive him, but his own Superſtition. Iſaiah ſays, That which ſhall come to nothing, ſhall be as the dream of a night viſion, c. 29.7. Ens ſiclum, a Toy of no Entity, that hath no place in a Predicament. The greater is their Sin, that make it ſome part of a Quarrel, if they dream that another was ominous to their Life or Honour: As Plutarch relates in Dion's Life, how Dionyſius the elder dreamt, that one Marſyas had killed him, which made him take opportunity to kill Marſyas to prevent it. I am certain it was for no Good-will, that the Biſhop of Lincoln was notch'd ſo often upon the Tally of ill-boding Dreams: God did promiſe, that old men ſhould dream Dreams of holy revelation, Act. 2.17. But theſe came from the old man, which is corrupt, Eph. 4.22. who had Art and Part, as the Scottiſh Indictment runs, in all our Biſhops Perſecutions. After my L. Biſhop Laud had begun to go a ſharer with the Duke to ſuppreſs him, he knew not how to ſound a Retreat and deſiſt; like to Pope Julius the Second in his Character, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur, recedendum putavit, Match. Prin. c. 26. Whatſoever he ſet himſelf about, though unpleaſing and dangerous, he never look'd back to Repentance; and it was beyond his Sufferance to let a parallel Line ſide with him, but he ſaw, if he did not cut this man down, he was like to grow to as much heighth of Glory as himſelf: Beſide, being dazled with too much Light of Royal Favour, he did not ſee that he needed to make Friends, leaſt of all to fear an Enemy. Whether he had little or ſufficient inſight into Government, is diſputable, but he knew how to govern the King: Like Anaximander the Soothſayer to Alexander the Great, Cui credulitatem ſuam rex addixerat. Alexander believ'd any thing that Anaximander told him, Curt. lib. 7. Mediators were not wanting, that endeavour'd a renewing of Friendſhip between theſe two Prelates; which the Haughtineſs, or perhaps the Diſſidence, of Biſhop Laud would not accept; a Symptom of Policy more than of Chriſtian Grace, not to truſt a reconciled Enemy: Which is not approved by a good Heathen, Tul. Ep. lib. 3. Ep. 37. Si quis eſt qui neminem in gratiam putat redire poſſe, non is noſtram perſidiam arguit, ſed indicat ſuam. He that will not truſt, is not to be truſted.

85. Many did ſuſpect that there was ſmall hope to unite theſe, becauſe the one was hard Wax, the other ſoft: Biſhop Laud would not connive at the Puritans, nor ſeek them with fair Entreaties, but went on to ſuppreſs the Ringleaders, or to make them fly the Kingdom. Biſhop Williams perceived that this made the Faction grow more violent, to triumph againſt Juſtice, as if it were Perſecution, that the cutting of ſome great Boughs made the Under woods grow the faſter. His way to mitigate them, was to turn them about with the fallacy of Meekneſs: If they came to him, they had courteous Hoſpitality; if they ask'd his Counſel in Suits of Law, he gave them all aſſiſtance; if ſome Ceremonies would go down with them, he waited till their queaſie Stomachs would digeſt the reſt; he thought it no diſhoneſt thing, if he might win his weak Brethren, to ſhift a Point of the Compaſs, when the Winds blew overthwart, and to fetch them in, not always by a ſtreight courſe, but ſometimes by Obliquity. Another Diſuniſon was this: Biſhop Laud was not only a great Patron of them that maintain Arminius, or, as they would have it, Melancthon's Doctrin, but a great diſcountenancer of the oppoſite part. And ſince he ſhook the Box, they were but Duices and Trays in all Church-Preferments. The Indraught of this Partiality wax'd into a new Faction, never known before he ſate at the Stern: The King's p. 87Declaration, pag. 21. ſpeaks not a little to it, that Biſhop Montague's Book did open the way to thoſe Schiſms and Diviſions, which ſince have enſued in the Church. Some, both then and at this day, are ſo alien'd from the Followers of Calvin, as they call them, that the Samaritans were not more ſtrange to the Jews; foreign. They will not ſhake Hands with a diſſenting Dogmatiſt. This our prudent Biſhop did both diſlike and deſpiſe, as a very cauſeleſs Breach maintain'd by them, Qui eruditionem diſcordiâ metiuntur, as Aventine ſays of the Schoolmen, Annal. lib. 6. And therefore he ſays in his Sermon at the Faſt, p. 56. We have a knowing, learned, and right venerable Clergy, the buſie Meddling of ſome few in matters of no moment excepted; for though it is not about ſo ſmall a thing as a ſtrife of Words, yet it is ſo great a thing, as no Words could ever determine. Even Knot the Jeſuite writes ſo to Dr. Potter, upon thoſe Queſtions eagerly contended in, between the Dominicans and his Order, Who hath aſſured you, that the Point wherein theſe learned men differ is Revealed Truth, and capable of a deciſion? Or, is it not rather by plain Scripture indeterminable? Or by any Rule of Faith? There came out an Order from the King, (and every one knew who ſuggeſted it) to ſuppreſs all Preaching, or Reading in the Univerſities, upon the Queſtions decided at Dort, which was ſtraightway parallel'd with an Hiſtory in Baronius, A. 648. N. 12. That Paul, Patriarch of Conſtantinople, ſeeing his Opinion of a Monothelite decried every where, he perſwaded the Emperor to ſet out an Edict, to ſilence the diſputing on either ſide. This Direction of His Majeſty's our Biſhop obeyed, but with a foreſight, that ſuch a Reſtraint would make Zealots of each Opinion be more importunate to advance their Doctrin, and that every Spark would kindle another, and ſpread apace to a general Combuſtion. We are told by Camerarius, Mel. 6. p. 270. that Charles the Firſt had Melancthon moſt in Jealouſie, for declining his Interim, though he ſaid nothing. So my L. of Lincoln was moſt ſuſpected for a Gain-ſayer of the King's Order, though none did keep it with ſtricter Duty: Neither did it make him innocent to ſit quiet, ſince he did not appear to favour it: He that did not tune his Mind, as well as his outward Carriage, to the preſent Harmony, was cenſur'd to be out of Tune, and not fit for the Quire. So it was contriv'd, that this Prelate, no meddler that way, muſt be knock'd down, as the Supporter of the Adherents to the Dort Synod, and others for fear would veil their Top-fails. Like to Agelaeus's Speech in Homer, to his Fellows the Suitors of Penelope, Let us throw all our Darts together at Ulyſſes, and kill him: foreign, Odyſſ. X. No matter for the reſt, if he were fallen. Whereas the way to keep him from all oppoſition, had been to grant him his Peace as a Top goes down of it ſelf when it is no longer ſcourged: Or as Charmides ſaid in Plautus, Nunquam aedipol temerò tinniit tintinnabulum: niſi quos illud tractat, aut movet, mutum eſt, & tacet. If you will not hear the ſound of a Bell, let it alone, and do not pull the Rope. Theſe are the true Diſcloſures wherefore Biſhop Laud took the other Biſhop not to be a man after his own Heart, and thruſt him out of Favour, out of Power, out of Houſe and Home, and out of all he had. I find more pag. 10. of Mr. Prinn's Breviate, that the potent Biſhop ſhew'd Reaſons to the King for printing the Papers of Biſhop Andrews (Cujus memoriâ recreor) concerning, that Biſhops are jure divino, contrary to that which the Biſhop of Lincoln miſerably, and to the great detriment of the Church, ſignified to the King Which is a great miſtake; for Lincoln ever defended the divine Right of his Order, that it was neceſſary in a Church rightly conſtituted, that it was a main defect in them that had not that Preſidency among them, but the leſs, if they did deſire it, and could not enjoy it: Yet he would not unchurch thoſe Chriſtians, but wiſht them a better Mind, that had ſet up another Diſcipline. If Biſhop Laud was more rigid, he did worthily incur the Rebuke of Dr. Holland, in Oxford, anno 1604. for maintaining, there could be no true Church (vera, non verax) without Dioceſan Biſhops. Theſe being all the Incentives of his diſpleaſure againſt this Brother and Advances, what little Grains they be! what ſmall Occaſions! and the Evil he brought upon him being ſo great, and proſecuted ſo many years, how indefenſible is ſuch Anger? His ableſt and beſt Friends did wiſh it had never been: If among many whom he preferred and obliged, ſome will dreſs it with Extenuations and Excuſes, I do not condemn their Ingenuity; for, as Xenophon writes lib. 7. hiſt. foreign: Commonly men would have thoſe appear to be good, who were their Patrons and Benefactors. But I conclude it as Seneca did upon the Praiſes of Alexander the Great, when you have ſaid all you can for him, Caliſthenem interſccit.

p. 8886. After our Biſhop was cut off from all Place in the State, and wither'd away in a happy Retirement, he that watch'd him a…l the harm he could, aſſiſted many (and they were many) to pelt him with ſlight and bald Complaints, like the Clowns about Virgil's Aſh-tree, Crebriſ que bipennibus inſtant certatim eruere agricolae: With all their hewing they got not a Chip from the Defendant, but had their Wages from him that was the Setter; as Fulgentius ſays in the Life of Fryar Paul, Many ſhewed Hatred againſt the innocent Father, looking to get Favour for it from the Court of Rome. It was hard, and yet not ſtrange, for ours, that being vext with many Suits, he could not obtain Orders, or not ſo full as his Cauſes did merit; for Archbiſhop Abbot, his Copartner in Sufferings, cries out in his Manuſcript, That his own Suit for the Privileges of his Church, againſt the Townſmen of Canterbury, was ſlopt, and wanted that Juſtice which was not to be denied to any Subject. Had he, good man, ſuch a Sentiment of one Wrong? How then did Lincoln take ſo many? The Heathens ſay, That Conſtancy in Suffering wears out the Cruelty of the Gods. I will not compare a poliſht Statue, that hath no life, with a living Man; yet the Heathen preſum'd of better things from their Imagegods, than he could find among the living gods, that ſit in the Congregation of Princes, Pſal. 82. Is it worth it, to take his Wrongs in a general ſum? Expect them. He could not cenſure a Miſdemeanour in his Eccleſiaſtical Courts, but he was called in queſtion for it by Reference, Petition, or Appeal; and yet the Appellants very Rake-hells upon Fame and Proof: But, as we ſay of ill Cloaths, they are good enough for the Dirt; ſo theſe could not be too bad to be taken into the Service for which they were uſed. And yet Xenophon did eſteem it a Baſeneſs in the Athenians, lib. Abb. Reſp. foreign; becauſe they would cheriſh thoſe that were ſit and helpful to them, though they were Knaves. He could not inſtitute a Clerk to a Benefice of value, but a Quarrel was raiſed by one Scholar, or more, that pretended to it, knowing it would be well lookt upon by no little body. What an Uneaſe it was to be troubled with the humming of ſo many Gnatts? Pliny relates it for a marvellous Story, That Cato major anſwer'd againſt Indictments four and forty times, lib. 7. c. 21. Compare him with this Lord, and he eſcaped well; whoſe Suits hung upon him like Fruits on the Citron Tree, as Servius ſays upon Virgil's Ecloges, Omni tempore plena eſt pomis, quae in eâ partim matura, partim acerba, partim in ſtore ſunt. It bore ſome ripe ones, and ſome ſour ones, ſome in the Knot, and ſome in the Bloſſom altogether. No matter though the Biſhop came off without a Scratch in Credit, it was enough that he was impoveriſh'd, for Coſts he could get none. And it was held to be a Shred of Policy, to make him ſpend away his Subſtance; for, by taking away as much Earth as they could about the Tree, it would cool the Root. The Biſhop looking into the Throng, and variety of ſuch bad Humors and Diſpoſitions, was aſhamed to ſee ſo many in holy Calling brought up in Faction and Flattery: Qui pro hierophant is ſycophantae, eſſe decreverunt, as Eraſmus writes to Bovillus, Ep. p. 61. Yet further, he could let no Leaſe, chiefly if it were devolved to him, by expiration of Years or Lives, but that the Tenants, or their Heirs, ſought to enforce him to their own Conditions, before His Majeſty and Privy Council. Who ever ſaw ſuch a thing in the face of former times? A Gentlewoman, by the Intereſt of a Daughter, match'd to one of a mean Place in the Preſence-Chamber, purſued him many years, to enforce his agreement to her own asking, and never prevailing, had leave to take out her Penniworths in ill words: Like the Poet's Frogs, lib. 6. Metamor. Quamvis ſint ſub aquâ, ſub aquâ maledicere tentant: But of all Attempts, thoſe Suſpicions plied him on the weak ſide, that chaſed him upon the wrong ſcent of Corruption, and taking Rewards. He had undergone as ſtrict an Inquiſition as ever was, of Thirteen Commiſſioners, to ſearch if he had taken but one Bribe, while he kept the Seal, and they broke up with a Non-inventus, yet is now impeach'd for taking the Gratuity of a Saddle, a piddling Trifle; for all that, the Enquiry about it coſt more than a good Stable of Horſes, with all their Furniture; and when all came to all, it was found the Proſecutor importun'd the Steward of the Houſe to receive it, who laid it by, and never preſented it to his Lordſhip, becauſe it was too gaudy for his uſe. The Complainant was a Doctor, preferred by this Patron to a good Parſonage, thro' the interceſſion of Sir W. Powel the Biſhop's Brother-in-Law. For the reſt, I leave the man in Obſcurity, without a Name, as St. Hierom ſaid to Heliodor, Grown into note by defending an Hereſie; Quis te oro, ante hanc blaſphemiam noverat? So let this Party ſink in Forgetfulneſs, p. 89that his Memory may not be preſerv'd by the advantage of his Vice. If Homer had ſpared a few Verſes, Therſites had never been known. Any one may gather now out of the Premiſſes, that when one ſingle perſon was beſet on every ſide, it was not an ordinary Fortitude, nor an ordinary Wiſdom, that broke all their Ranks: But was it not a craven Spirit that turned looſe ſo many Mirmydons againſt him? Honour is leaſt where Odds appear the moſt, ſays our great Poet Spencer, Lib. 2. Cant. 8. He had no Favour, but Innocency to bear him out; as thoſe places under the Poles have no Light in Winter, but from the whiteneſs of the Snow upon their own Ground, not the leaſt …eam of the Sun ſhining upon them. And which is eminent, charitable, and generous, he never ſhew'd himſelf offended againſt any of theſe Adverſaries when the Brunt was over. An Obſervator, as he calls himſelf, the Wolf that howls againſt this Biſhop both living and dead, remembers what pleaſant and courteous words he had with him, anon after he came out of the Tower. Upon which I will compare him once again with Melancthon, according to Camerarius, p. 57. Nullum dictum aut factum alicujus tam duriter unquam accepit, ut ab illius benevolentia, ac familiar itate recederet. And my L. Bacon tells us well what a Gallantry it is; For in taking Revenge a man is but even with his Enemies; in paſſing them over he is ſuperiour. Had this Example been follow'd by Churchmen, and by Theophilus Churchman, our Foes had not enter'd in upon us at thoſe Gaps, which our ſelves did cauſe. Biſhops driving out Biſhops was that which the Devil watch'd for, ſays Euſeb. lib. 8. Praep. Evan. cap. 1. foreign. By the Jars, and Joſtlings, and ambitious Contentions of the chief Fathers among themſelves, their Inheritance was given to Strangers.

87. Our Biſhop being Storm-beaten without intermiſſion, he requeſted the Lord Cottington to inform him what he ſhould do to get his Peace, and ſuch ordinary Favours as other Biſhops had from His Majeſty; this noble Lord returned him anſwer in two Points: Firſt, the Luſtre wherein he lived, the great Company that reſorted to him, and his profuſe Hoſpitality were objected; that it was not the King's Meaning, that one whom he had pluck'd down ſhould live ſo high. Secondly, His Majeſty did not like that he ſhould be ſo near a Neighbour to Whitehall, but would be better contented if he would part with his Deanry. In the firſt he took him out a Leſſon, which he would never learn, to live in a dark and Miſer-like faſhion. The Italians have had a meeting of Academicks at Rome, called Compagna della Leſina, the thrifty Congregation, of which Profeſſion he could never have been a Member. Nor did he abate from living in Decorum and Liberality in the worſt Times; as Mr. A. Cowly writes to him in his Miſcellanies, p. 13.

You put Ill Fortune in ſo good a Dreſs,

That it out-ſhines other mens Happineſs.

Yet this was no ill Counſel if it had been follow'd; for Princes will diſlike (it muſt not be call'd Envy) if any live fortunately under their Puniſhment: As both Dion. lib. 58. and Tacitus, An. lib. 6. have made it known in the Caſe of Junius Gallio, that being baniſh'd, he was brought back to Rome, and confin'd, Quia incuſabatur facilè toleraturus exilium, delectâ inſulâ Lesbo nobili & amaenâ. As to the other touch, to relinquiſh his Deanry, he was utterly deaf unto it; whoſoever ask'd it was a hard Chapman, but he did not ſtand ſo much in need of his Ware, to grant him his Price. St. Auſtin, it may be, would teach him otherwiſe, out of a Punick Proverb, which was uſed, he ſays, where he lived, Ut habeas quietum tempus perde aliquid. And they tell us from the Caravans that travel in Arabia, if they meet a Lion, they leave him one living Creature for a Prey, and then they may go on their Journey without Fear. But this man thought otherwiſe of a moſt wakeful Eye, and able Obſervation: foreign. Oduſſ. w. Mneſtorides, that ſaw behind him and before him: For, ſays he, what Health can come from ſuch a Remedy? Am I like to be beholden to them for a ſetled Tranquility, that practiſe upon the ruine of my Eſtate, and the thrall of my Honour? If I forfeit one Preferment for fear, will it not encourage them to tear me piecemeal hereafter? Memet ipſe non deſeram, was well reſolv'd of Philotus in Curtius: Nor will I ſet ſo great a Mulct upon mine own Head. What hurt can my Neighbourhood do to the Court, and being ſo ſeldom in Town? No greatneſs of Power, when it would extreamly abuſe it ſelf, which is not glad to think of Means how to avoid the note of Injuſtice. In this there is not one ſyllable to p. 90accuſe me, much leſs to make me guilty. It is not my caſe alone, but every mans, even his that is the prompter, and puts it into the King's Head to ask it: If the Law cannot maintain my Right, it can maintain no mans. This was his Conſtancy: Nor did he let go his faſt-hold in this Deanry, till the King received it from him in Oxford, anno 1644. As Livy ſays of Spain, Hiſpania primò tentata eſt à Romanis, ſed poſtremò ſubacta; It was the firſt Kingdom the Romans invaded, and the laſt they conquered: So this was the firſt of Lincoln's Preferment ſet upon, and the laſt which he delivered up. Since he would not be forced out of it, it was carried with a Stratagem to keep him from it; for in four years he was not admitted to preach a Sermon in Lent before the King, the courſe for his Place being uſually on Good-Friday; and three years together, when he came to the Chapters, or to the Election, to ſee it fairly carried for the choice of the beſt Scholars, he could not reſt above a day in the College, but Secretary Coke, either viva voce, or by his Letters, which are yet ſaved, commanded him from the King, to return to his Biſhoprick: As terrible a Prophet as Eliſha was to the Noble-man of Samaria, upon the Plenty of Corn predicted, Thou ſhalt ſee it with thine eyes, but thou ſhalt not eat of it, 2 Kin. 7.2. This might fret the Biſhop, but not affright him. And he ask'd the Secretary ſo ſtoutly, what Law he brought with him to command him from his Freehold; that the good old man was ſenſible that he had done an Injury. In fine, the chief Agitant ſaw, that this Tryal, upon ſo firm a Courage, was uneffectual and ridiculous: Neither was it a little Breath that could ſhake him from his Stalk, like a Douny Blow-ball.

88. Yet the more he did thruſt off this Importunity, the more it did follow him, and a finer ſhift was thought of to eſloign him from Weſtminſter. Archbiſhop Abbot had Directions from the King to preſs him to Reſidency upon his Biſhoprick by the Statute; the Archbiſhop of the Province having the overſight of the ſaid Statute, to ſee it put in execution. And ſome words were dropt in the Archbiſhop's Letter, to ſignifie, that it was preſumed, that being in the Place of Lord Keeper, he had paſs'd a Diſpenſation under the Great Seal for himſelf, to enjoy the Commenda of the Deanry, for his better accommodation in that Office. His Anſwer hereunto, as followeth, is his own in every word.