The Lord Cravens Case, Pages 50-100

The Lord Cravens Case · Pages 50-100

p. 50And whereas my Adverſary alledges, that I urged as p. 51an argument to this purpoſe, that till then, the City would not bee in quiet: If hee ſay that I uſed theſe words to Holliſter, (for I never ſpake with any other, nor him, other than as aforeſaid) it is very falſe: But this I acknowledge, ſome of theſe words were ſpoken by mee, to, and miſtaken, (to ſay no more) by Mr. Ieſſop himſelf, upon this occaſion: A few daies before the time allotted for his departure, I met him upon the Tolzey, and ſuppoſing that much of Holliſters heat againſt him, was for his zealous aſſerting of Presbyterial diſcipline, in oppoſition to Independency, (of which hee had treated much in his Lectures) I endeavoured to perſwade him to an accommodation and compliance, (as not thinking the quarrel worth ſo much contention) and offering myſelf to mediate between them; (as being indifferent in that matter) but M. Ieſſop ſtiffly perſiſting in his way, (and knowing Holliſters temper, who was then in his heights) I told Mr. Ieſſop, that then there was no quietneſs to bee look'd for among us, which words, how they have been miſapplied by ſome, let it bee conſidered by them who are concerned.

And for Mr. Ieſſop, I deſire him to remember, that hee and I parted not in diſcontent each with other, which no rational man will conceive could bee, if I had ſpoken thoſe words in ſuch a manner as I am charged. And Maſter Ieſſop may further remember, (if hee pleaſe) that I went to Mr. Youngs to ſpeak with Mr. Ingelo, (who was there at a marriage that morning) to procure him to mediate the matter, in behalf of Mr. Ieſſop, for his continuance, but Mr. Ingelo was (a little before) gone his journey towards London, ſo that my intention was fruſtrate, and (as I perceived afterward) would have been ſo, notwithſtanding; for I after underſtood, the quarrel was old, and inveterate againſt him in ſpecial, as appeared by their violent proſecu…ion. For whereas his ſentence was, to depart ten miles off the City, they followed him, with their rage, as far as Tewksbury, thirty ſeven miles diſtant, hindering there his entertainment; which dealing p. 52of theirs ſo far provok'd my ſpirit, (in his behalf) as that I drew their odium upon my ſelf, as aforeſaid. And whereas it's further charg'd, that I did promote the outing him, to in my ſelf into Nicholas, and that I forc'd my ſelf upon them, and that I procured an order, &c. this is ſo falſe, that there is not the leaſt ſhadow of truth in it, more than this, that I am now in. But it's well known (and will bee acknowledged) that above half a year (and more) after Mr. Ieſſop was gone, and the Church lay void; and notwithſtanding I was divers times deſired by ſome of the Pariſhioners to preach the Tueſday Lecture, and Sabbath-day Lecture,And it was neer a year after hee was gone, e're I accepted it. or either; I refuſed it, and did endeavour to ſettle my ſelf at the Colledge, (as being loath to take a Paſtoral charge) which thing by the help of Mr. Aldworth, and Mr. Hodges, (and other friends of mine in the then Parliament) I did effect and compaſs, and had 150. pound per annum, ſetled upon mee by order, and which is ſince ſtill paid to him who doth there officiate; and one Sermon I preached in order to it; whereupon the chief of the Pariſh of Nicholas (perceiving I would remove from Thomas) the occaſion I will not mention, becauſe I am not willing to offend any: They calling a Ʋeſtry, ſent the principal of them unto mee, to deſire mee to come to them, which I (acknowledging their love and reſpect) refuſed; but they ſtill urging me, I took time to conſider, and about a week after they came unto mee again accordingly, and obtained their deſire; and afterwards they drew a Petition, ſubſcribed by them, and many of the Pariſhioners, intending to preſent it to the Committee here, for my eſtabliſhment; and underſtanding that this Committee here, had no power to do it, they ſent up to the Committee above, and effected it; and ſince I am (in a ſort) inforc'd to it, I ſhall declare the two principal reaſons of my acceptation: The one was, I was perſwaded by them, (and many other of my friends) that in regard moſt of the inhabitants neer and about the Colledge, were perſons of another judgement than my ſelf, in civil matters, I ſhould have little converſe p. 53or comfort among them, but rather the contrary; nay, ſome did ſuggeſt to mee, that my ſettlement there, was procured by ſome who bore mee no good will, on purpoſe to make mee weary, and ſo to leave the City; but that I ſatisfied them, the matter was of my own ſeeking, and endeavour; and the other reaſon was, that going ſo far out of the City, I ſhould not have any opportunity of any Church communion, and Chriſtian fellowſhip, with any conſiderable number, of which I was convinc'd to bee a duty, although I was then unwilling to undergo the burthen of a Paſtor. And indeed, conſidering that ſome honeſt-hearted Chriſtians in Thomas Pariſh (with whom I had there communion) did ſtill deſire it; and hoping that divers of Nicholas, (having formerly been exerciſed in it) I ſhould finde them more comfortably complying, than thoſe who had been a long time ſtrangers to it, I did the more willingly imbrace it; but as for the advantage, in removing from poor Thomas, to rich Nicholas, (as the Calumniator phraſes it) let him, and the world know, that upon theſe grounds I removed from the rich Colledge, to poor Nicholas; nor was it the poverty of Thomas (though poor enough) that made mee leave them; nor was it (or could it bee) filthy lucre, or ſordid covetouſneſs, that drew mee to Nicholas, which could by no reaſonable man bee imagined, would amount to what was ſetled upon mee at the Colledge. And ſince I muſt boaſt, (but 'tis to ſecure the credit of my Miniſtery, that it ſuffer not damage in any thing, I will do it a little further. (having good witneſs of the truth on't) After I had conſented to come to Nicholas, and came to give them a meeting at their Vestry; although I knew, that with much difficulty they raiſed, what ſome of them had ingaged unto by bond, to M. Jeſſop, and which, as I have heard, was not above eighty pound per annum; yet when they ask'd mee, what would content mee for my labour, ſo far was I from ſeeking my ſelf, as that I told them, I would not make a bargain for preaching the Goſpel, but that I would do my duty, and leave them to do theirs; p. 54and how richly it hath been performed by them, (I ſpeak not of all) I am aſham'd to mention: Sure, not beyond poor Thomas, nor ſo much (by two parts in three) which M. Jeſſop now reaps, as I am informed; and which place was ſetled upon him, upon my commendations of him to M. Strong, at Weſtminſter, and which M. Strong intended to let him know, had hee not been prevented by death, heu premature, if hee hath not done it formerly: But much good may it do him, and much good may he do them: I envy no mans gain or preferment; nor will the inhabitants of Nicholas ſay, I contend with them in that matter, although I have cauſe enough to take notice of their neglect (yea, and ſin) in this particular. For I dare ſay, there are few handy-crafts men that work upon ſo ſmall incouragement; for, I ſuppoſe, their calling feeds their family.

I have been the larger in this matter, becauſe ſome perſons are, and have been as willing to take up, and ſpread this ly and calumny, as others have been to raiſe, and make it: And truth it is, I ſhould hardly have undertaken to anſwer his railing Pamphlet, but to ſatisfie the world in theſe two laſt particulars, and to wipe off the aſperſion of baſe forgery, which my ſoul abhors; and to make good what I promiſed concerning the diſcovery of this Quaker, to which I'le haſten with all expedition.

As for his charging of ſeveral Trades upon mee, it is but the lickings up of the excrements of William Erburies black pudding,A book ſo called, written by W. Erbury, wherein hee would prove mee to bee a black pudding: In which fooliſh Pamphlet, moſt (if not all) of theſe things are. whereby, I ſee, George was very hungry, and wanted matter to feed upon, being, it ſeems, troubled with that diſeaſe, which Phyſitians call, Caninus appetitus, The dog-like appetite, which makes them huge greedy, and to catch at any thing; but I wiſh his after-meſs may do him more good, than the Pudding it ſelf did Erbury: For a few daies after hee had publiſh'd it, he went home, and died; whether hee died for ſhame, or what it was, I know not, nor dare I ſay this was the cauſe, or occaſion of it; no, God forbid, I ſhould preſume to meddle with p. 55the ſecrets of the Almighty, or to judge any man: But I mention this, becauſe a hare-brain'd fellow came (as himſelf ſaid) to revenge Erburies death upon me, which I no wayes promoted; but probably this poor fellow might take up the thoughts, upon what hee might hear ſome ſober perſons ſpeak of it: But bee it what it will, George, it ſeems, having ſwallowed it, muſt vomit it up again the ſecond time, that the world may ſee his foul ſtomack.

But, ſee how the vapours of it (whilſt there) had corrupted his brain, and be fool'd his intellectuals? Did ever any man in the world underſtand, being a member of an Independent Church, or of a Presbyterian Church, to bee a trade? And it is a trade, when a man in the former troubles ingages, for a time, in ſome publike ſervice (as moſt active ſpirits did) and then lay it aſide: Is this a trade? How many trades has George had then? And for a man living in the Country (as I did) to practiſe Phyſick. (being thereunto lawfully licens'd by the Univerſity of Cambridge, upon tryal, and examination) I ſay, for a man ſo living in the country, (and having a houſe fitted for ſuch a purpoſe, no other convenient houſe being there to bee had for a pleaſant dwelling) Is it a trade, if a man make malt there for a time? Doth not many a Gentleman, many a Miniſter do ſo? And did I not (ſo ſoon as I could get there a more pleaſant dwelling) give it over? And being a Phyſitian, do men call that a trade? Or is it a trade (being ſo) to apply ones ſelf to the ingenious experiments of Chimiſtry, in order to the inabling himſelf to deal in his profeſſion, with more ſecurity and underſtanding? (without which, Phyſitians are no better than Emperic…s) Or is it a trade, if a man living in London, (as a Phyſitian) the Earle of Berkshire keep an Office in his houſe, for that which is not a Monopoly, but a priviledge granted to him by the Law of the Nation, and no man forced (nor attempted to bee forced) to it; no, nor intended to bee forced, which I know, and write for the honour of that Noble and ingenious Earle, p. 56under whom I had no imployment in it, hee having his Clerks, and Regiſters, and other Agents under him? And for the other things mentioned, Are they trades? Are they mechanical? Are any bound Apprentices to them? Are they handicrafts men? Are they not callings and imployments for perſons of liberal, and (in ſome meaſure) learned educations? The meaneſt of them, (I mean, in reſpect of abilities) is that of Chamberlain; and of my deſire to it, I may poſſibly elſe-where give an account, in another diſcourſe, upon another occaſion, (if God permit) and yet that is not a trade neither, but, as hee himſelf calls it, an Office, and not unworthy of an ingenious perſon; ſo that none of all theſe are trades, nor were they, nor are they any calling, the honourable calling of the Miniſtery excepted: Of my call and entrance whereunto, I ſhall (I hope by Gods bleſſing) give a ſatisfying account to the world: And as for the other, which I only own as my calling, (in reference to my firſt imployments) I look not on them as ſeveral callings, having all relation to one and the ſame office; namely, the Chancery; in the laſt whereof, viz. one of the Clerks of the Chappel of the Rolls, (if the Lord had not deſign'd mee to another, and better imployment, and driven mee thence by a long and conſuming ſickneſs, which drove me into the country, and ſet mee upon the ſtudy of Phyſick) I had aboad, and continued: But both in that, and the former, which hee termes a Subſcriber in the Six Clerks Office; (which is a notorious lye) for though there be Subſcribers there, yet I was never one of them, (having never been any mans ſervant) I ſay, in both thoſe places, I kept my Clerks under mee, being liberal imployments, wherein men of the beſt rank in their countryes, (ſome of them Eſquires, and Juſtices of the Peace) had a ſtation.

And as for the firſt, which I reckon as the meaneſt, which hee lyingly and reproachfully calls a Ticket-maker, in the Subpen: Office, (there being no ſuch diſtinct imployment there) but that George had a ſpiteful and rancorous p. 57ſtomack; I was not then and there ſo inconſiderable a perſon, but that a Gentleman of the Six Clerks Office, who knew mee well, and who had but one onelyonly daughter, and heir to a hundred marks per annum, Free-land, beſtowed her in marriage upon mee; and that not by ſtealth, or unwillingly, but upon writings between us, with whom wee liv'd afterward in houſe together, till he died, and then made mee Executor of his Eſtate perſonal.

But here wee may ſee, how malice will multiply; and that Georges meaſure of Perfection (both in wit and honeſty) is very ſmall: Nor doth all this any whit take off the exception againſt mechanical undertakers, who from either Coblers Stalls, or Taylors Shop-boards, ſtep up into the Pulpit, without any juſt call, or competent abilities, (either natural, or acquired) but a good memory, whereby they can only deliver, what they have from other mens Sermons, not being able to maintain what they ſay, more than another well inſtructed and ordinary Chriſtian may do, which yet is not ſufficient for a Miniſter; and ſhould ſuch a Miniſtery bee countenanced, (to the diſparagement of Learning) farewel Religion to the next Generation; which no ſober and underſtanding Chriſtian, but will have reſpect unto, and which, no doubt, the Jeſuites look at; and therefore have no little influence in upholding ignorant and unletter'd perſons among us. But now after all this lying ſtory of ſo many trades, I'le tell one ſtory (but a ſhort one) which this occaſioned. One telling a Gentleman (a Juſtice of Peace) who hath known mee long, and my manner of living, of this paſſage of Georges, charging ſo many imployments upon mee, in ſuch a ridiculous way; (by numbring them up) Yea, but ſayes the Gentleman, Can Captain Biſhop ſay that Mr. Farmer had plaid the knave in any of them all? And hee knowes George almoſt as well as I do. And now (as in my Narrative, page 37. 38.) And hee in his Throne of lies, page 95. 96.) behold the impoſture, and the Impoſtor, George Biſhop (whoſe name I am loath to ſully p. 58my ink and pen with) but I muſt crave leave to do it: Him whom they call Captain Biſhop. This man (notwithſtanding the former letter of defiance againſt Naylor) is charg'd by mee with complying with Naylor, becauſe hee writ a letter in his behalf to ſome in the Parliament; and thereupon I charge him with colluſion and jugling. And how doth hee diſcharge it? why truly, (like himſelf) doing the ſame thing again, by faining, foiſting, and packing (at which hee is non-parel) I hope hee hath not his fellow in England: And thus hee doth it, hee feignes (upon information, as hee pretends, but who informed him, hee doth not tell us, whether his own ſpirit, or any other) that the Mayor, Aldermen, &c. had prepared a Petition, intended to bee preſented to the Parliament, concerning Naylor; (which is true) wherein we (ſaith hee) who in ſcorn by the world are called Quakers; are highly charged and accuſed: If hee mean himſelf and Fox it is a lie; for they are ſo far from being highly charged and accuſed, as that they are not therein charged, or accuſed at all: And hee deſires his friend (if hee bee free) to move, that the accuſers, and the accuſed, may bee heard face to face, leſt the Parliament ſhould condemn the accuſed unheard, upon the bare accuſation of their Adverſaries: And then hee ſayes, what a ſad thing that will bee, if they ſhould ſlay the innocent, and the righteous. And this is the effect of the Letter.

Now, who are they that are accuſed? None but James Naylor, and his Crew; not any of his (wee) Fox, &c. unleſs they will thruſt in themſelves againſt our minde and meaning. And to that end, ſee the Petition it ſelf, as it was ſent up to London.

p. 59The humble Remonſtrance and Petition of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Councel, of the City of Briſtol, together with the Miniſters of the Goſpel, and other chief Inhabitants, who deſire to fear God, and love our Lord Jeſus, in ſincerity, in the ſame City.

Sheweth,

THat wee (eſpecially the Magiſtrates) have with much regret and ſadneſs of ſpirit) lien long under much reproach and ignominie, occaſioned by the increaſe of a generation of ſeduced and ſeducing perſons among us, called Quakers, who at firſt were ſupported and upheld by ſome Souldiers, then in chief Command, in the abſence of the Governour of the Garriſon; the wickedneſs of which ſort of men, hath not in our Nation, as wee know of, been formerlie heard of, and ſo deſtitute of a Law to puniſh, and reſtrain; and therefore have not been able to ſuppreſs.

And whereas wee have waited long for ſome directions to that putpoſe, (being unwilling to run upon unknown precipices) theſe people have ſtrengthened, and incouraged themſelves in their iniquities, upon ſome pretended countenance from thence, where wee cannot ſuppoſe it. So that although we could, and did (yet with ſome difficultie) puniſh, and thereby (in ſome meaſure) hinder their open and frequent diſturbances of our publique worſhip; wee had not power to ſilence their blaſphemies, nor reſtrain their confuſed and tumultuous meetings, although they tended to the high diſhonour of God, in their unchriſtian principles, and practiſes (too well known) and in prophaning the Sabbath, by multitude of their Proſelites, flocking from all parts of the Country round about us, upon that day.

But now, ſo it is, that one James Naylor (a moſt eminent Ring-leader, and head of that Faction) hath lately appeared here among us, more high than ever, in horrid and open blaſphemies, expreſſy avowed and owned by his p. 60neereſt followers, as that hee is the onelyonly begotten Son of God; and that there is no other than hee; that hee is the everlaſting Son of righteouſneſs, and that in him the hopes of Iſrael ſtands; that hee is the King of Iſrael, and Prince of Peace; and calling him, Lord and Maſter, ſaying, his name ſhall bee no more called James, but Jeſus. All which, are no other, than the natural iſſue of their Scripture-denying principles. And now wee, deſiring to follow the Ductures of Divine Providence, which hath brought their iniquitie to a height, at ſuch a time as this is, when the Legiſtative power of the Nation is ſitting, in whom it is, to provide wholeſome and good lawes againſt the growing evils of the times, wherein the Lord eminentlie (in our apprehenſions) calls for your zeal for his glory: Wee humbly make our applications to your Honours, and with profeſſion of our abhorrency, and utter deteſtation of the damnable and blaſphemous Doctrines of the Quakers, which tend, in their own nature, to the utter ruine of the true Chriſtian Religion, and civil Government, both in Cities, families, and all relations; (as would too ſoon appear, had they power in their hands) and who now, (not as heretofore, tacitly, and by way of implication, but) openly and expreſly diſhonour that ſacred Name, by which wee are called, and trample upon that blood, by which wee are juſtified, by making others ſharers with him, in his incommunicable excellencies.

And do therefore humbly pray, that your Honours would now take up the reines of Government into your hands, (which have too long lain looſe) in this particular; and to curb the inſolencies of all ungodly perſons, who in this, (or any other way) do, or may eclipſe the glory of our Chriſtian Profeſſion, by their unbridled and licentious liberties, that ſo the reproach, not only of this City, but of the whole Nation and Government, may bee rolled away: And the glory of this work (being acted by your hands) might render your names worthy to bee enrolled amongſt the number of thoſe faithful p. 61Confeſſours, to whom the honour of our deareſt Lord hath been more precious, than their lives, and all worldly enjoyments:

And wee ſhall daily pray, &c.

So that here you ſee, George can make, and feign an occaſion, to uſher in his friendlie Letter in Naylors behalf, and yet would not ſeem to own him; this is not the firſt of Georges colluſions and packing in this kinde: I'le but minde him of the like practiſe, and that was about our Burgeſſes choſen for the Parliament, 54. where having fram'd a Petition againſt the Election, putting to the hands of ſeveral perſons that knew not of it, (in a baſe and wicked way) as was proved to the Lords of the Councel. Beſides this piece of knavery, (which was moſt groſs) their Petition preſented to his Highneſs, and his Councel, with their Narrative of the proceedings in that Election, petitioned, that the parties nominated by them, might bee approved and eſtabliſhed: And who were they, but George himſelf for one? as by their Narrative, Art. 5. appeareth.

Now when they thought to have ſurpriz'd us, by ſhort ſummons, to appear before the Councel, (as one of their own party acknowledged afterwards) and ſuppoſed wee would not appear, or not provided, which contrary to their expectation, wee were, (having gotten Copies of their Petition and Narrative before hand, and ſo were fitted accordingly) when wee came to the hearing, they had foiſted in another Petition, not that which was preſented with their Narrative: And in this ſecond, there was no Petition to confirm himſelf, as the former: (with reference to the Narrative as aforeſaid, prayed) And then George; very finely, with his guilt ſword, did not appear there (as hee ſaid) for himſelf, but for thoſe honeſt men that were with him. Seriouſly you would have ſmiled (knowing of him) how demurely, and how ſimply honeſt hee did look. Now this trick George wee took notice p. 62of, but never told you of it till now. (having enough elſe to lay you then) But now wee tell you of it, that you may ſee wee know you better than you are aware of. And that the world may know further, what a one you are, I'le acquaint them with one thing more: Do not you know who it was, that a little before that Election, ſaid, that wee muſt chuſe ſuch Parliament men, as ſhould hold my Lord Protectors noſe to the grinde-ſtone. And yet ſee how this lamentable creature doth gloſe and glaver, and cog, and fawn, and flatter, ſpeaking againſt the very light within him. And this is in their ſaid Petitions, which that you may ſee that baſe practiſe, and the high conceits of himſelf, and his party, as the only Saints, and fit for Quakers, I'le lay before you.

To his Highneſs, Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.

The humble Petition of divers free Burgeſſes, and Inhabitants of the City and Councel of Briſtol.

Sheweth,

THat your Petitioners; and divers other Burge ſles and Inhabitants of the City and Councel of Briſtol, viz. the generality of the godly, faithful, and conſtant friends to the Parliaments intereſt, came to the place, and at the time appointed by the Sheriffs, for the chuſing of Burgeſſes to ſit in Parliament, according to the qualifications, in the inſtrument of Government, ſuppoſing, that thoſe that had been faithful to the cauſe of God, and the Nation, ſhould have received countenance, and have been owned by thoſe who were to execute your Highneſs Commands, in a buſineſs of ſo great weight and concernment, as the Election of Burgeſſes to ſit in Parliament, for the carrying on, and ſecuring the common intereſt of liberty contended for, and brought through (by the good hand of the p. 63Lord) ſuch Seas of Bloud, and multitudes of other unſpeakable ſufferings, and ruines of the Saints, and good people of the Nations, amongſt whom, that your Petitioners, and their friends, have borne no ſmall ſhare and proportion.

That contrariwiſe, they found thoſe; who all along, both in principle and practiſe, have bitterly oppoſed the cauſe of God, (in the behalf of the late King, and your Petitioners, and other their friends, from proſecuting the ſame) countenanced, and incouraged to avote, and undertook by the Sheriffes to bee born out in ſo doing; and your Petitioners, with other friends, with a very high hand affronted, abuſed, threatned, and ſome of them (though rightlie qualified) denied to vote, as by the Narrative of proceedings hereunto annexed more particularly, may appear; to which your Petitioners humbly refer your Highneſs, as that which they own, and are readie to make good.

That your Petitioners being greatly aſtoniſhed, and afflicted in ſpirit, at theſe proceedings, eſpecially upon the Sheriffes, declaring, that what they did in point of Election, (contrarie to the expreſs words of the qualification in the Inſtrument of Government) was the judgement of your Highneſſes Councel, (which they cannot believe, but hope, and are confident to finde the contrarie) did divers of them ſeveral times, object and proteſt againſt ſuch elections, but all proving in vain, the ſcorn and confidence of the Cavalier Party encreaſing, (who carried things ſo, as if there were no ſuch thing as a Commonwealth, or your Highneſs being chief Governour, but as if Charles Stewart were again inthron'd in the Soveraignty of this Nation) before the firſt, whom your Petitioners nominated for them, was gone through, protested to the Sheriffes againſt ſuch the Elections, and departed immediatelie out of the Hall.

And your Petitioners bowels being even preſſed down with grief, knew not where (as to Amen) to eaſe their hearts, but in pouring forth their groans and fighes into p. 64your Highneſſes boſome, whom they have (with the hazzard of all that is dear unto them, and with much reſolution and unweariedneſs owned in all your excellent undertakings, for the true intereſt of the Commonwealth, againſt this very generation of men, whom in the time of Parliament, durſt not ſhew their teeth; and now, when your Highneſs rules, (in whoſe Government your Petitioners expect them moſt to bee kept under) ſeem to prevail, and do triumph over your Petitioners, who have been owned and preſerved, by the preſence of the Lord of Hoſts, as a buſh unconſumed in the midſt of the burning, &c.

If therefore it ſhall pleaſe our God, to ſtir up your bowels within you, to bee affected with theſe proceedings, and your Petitioners condition, which indeed concernes your own being, for their enemies are yours, and ſo you will finde it, if Providence ſhould ever give an opportunity: Then your Petitioners ſhall humbly pray, that the Election made, and intended, to bee returned by the Sheriffes, may bee null and void, and that the perſons nominated, and choſen by your Petitioners, may bee approved and eſtabliſhed; and ſuch other Proviſions made by your Highneſs, as may teſtifie the earning of your heart towards, not only your Petitioners, but the faithful in theſe Nations, whom theſe things do generally concern; if otherwiſe, behold your Petitioners, and their friends, are in the hands of the Lord, and let him do with them whatſoever is good in his ſight.

Now Reader, ſay, Did ever man meet with ſuch an hypocrite; carrying two faces under one hood, in this manner? What a Monſter would this man appear to bee, if one ſhould but open the carkaſs of this baſe Petition, and let the world know the truth of things, as wee in this City know it? The generalitie of the godly, faithful to the cauſe of God, the Saints, and good people of the Nation, p. 65amongſt whom the Petitioners, and their friends, bore no ſmall ſhare. Theſe are the Epithites of himſelf, and the Petitioners; now I will not name them, becauſe peradventure ſome of them are, or may bee honeſt hereafter.

But Country-men, and fellow Citizens, you know them all: And ſay, Would not you think the worſe of your ſelves a good while after, if you ſhould bee found in the company of many of them: I ſpeak to you of my Countrymen, who are not Athieſts, Ranters, Church, and Ordinance-forſakers, and haters, drunkards, Whoremaſters, Sots, and Scoundrels: To you I ſpeak, would you not bluſh to bee found among ſuch Saints? Oh how eaſie it is to become a Saint? 'Tis but petitioning for George Biſhop to bee a Parliament-man, and then a Saint preſently; and then Quakers (as many of them now are.) All theſe Saints came together, to the buſineſs of ſo great weight and concernment, as the Election of Burgeſſes to ſit in Parliament, for the carrying on, and ſecuring, &c. So the Petitioners, and one of the men to do it, and that theſe Saints had nominated (which was only in their purpoſe) not ſo much as nominated in the place of chuſing, leſt they ſhould have been laught out of it: And as in their Petition (as they ſay choſen) which is a manifeſt falſhood, was this St. George; Oh high arrogance, impudence! I want words: What a frontleſs man was this, to have ſuch a conceit of himſelf? And how ſottiſh and ſimple were theſe fellow-Saints, as once to think, that the Inhabitants of this City had ſo far forfeited their reaſon, and would ſo far forfeit their Charter, as to Chuſe ſuch a one for ſuch a work? As ſure as can bee, had wee choſen him, my Lord Protector would have appointed a Guardian over the City, as a company of Lunaticks and mad men.

And ſee the unworthineſs of this fellow, and the baſeneſs of his ſpirit: In their Petition they go on, (and you muſt ſuppoſe them to be in a meek, humble poſture, with very meek and gentle hearts towards God, and his Highneſs) your Petitioners bowels being even preſſed down with p. 66grief, know not where (as to men) to eaſe their hearts …r (poor wretches) but in pouring forth their groans and ſighes into his Highneſs boſome, whom they had owned, &c. for the true intereſt of the Commonwealth, but now would hold his noſt to the grinde-ſtone, as goind about to promote a falſe intereſt. George, your Countrymen know you well enough. But yet for all this, ſee how ſweetly wee expreſs our ſelves (not as hypocrites, who diſſemble and flatter) and go on: If it ſhall pleaſe God (good hearts) to ſtir up the bowels (his Highneſs) within you, to bee affected with theſe proceedings, (in putting by George from being a Parliament-man) and your Petitioners condition, which indeed concernes your own being, (yea, and it ſhould appear ſo, had hee and his complices power in their hands) for their enemies (i.e. Georges, and the Petitioners) are yours, and ſo you will finde it, if providence ſhould ever give an opportunity. But you George, (who I doubt not had the great hand in drawing this Petition) you are a moſt ſpecial and loving friend to his Highneſs: Fie George, fie, wilt thou not bluſh when thou ſhalt think of thy fellow-Citizens reading this Petition, who know thee ſo well? I would not have taken this pains, but to let the world ſee, what Saints you Quakers are, being mindful of my title page, and promiſe.

And now to go on, and ſee how George can free himſelf in the matter of the Lord Craven, which, ſayes hee, (page 98.) I ſeem occaſionally to bring in, but chiefly intended, thereby to aſperſe his name, and wound his reputation; in that I ſay (page 37. of my Narrative) that hee was the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cravens eſtate in pieces. Why George? What is the matter? Is it an aſperſing of your name, and a wounding of your reputation, to ſay, that you were the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cravens eſtate in pieces? Doth it touch? Are you ſore thereabouts? (Ah guilt, guilt! This worm of conſcience.) But ſtand, ſtand I ſay, I muſt touch you, and handle you there a little more? Poſſibly I may bee inſtrum ental for your good, to open p. 67the ulcer, and let out the corruption, which lying there in thy conſcience, and impoſtumating, might deſtroy of a ſudden. Come, ſtand, better now than hereafter: Oh! how ſhould I rejoyce, that I might bee inſtrumental to help him to a ſight of his ſin, and ſo to true repentance?

To proceed, the Lord Cravens eſtate is broken in pieces, that cannot bee denied; but, ſayes George, it was confiſcated by Act of Parliament, and the act was not his, but theirs: And how can that act bee charged upon mee, who had not to do in the paſſing thereof? Well, I ſhall ſhew you how by and by: But in the mean time, let mee ask you George, Is it not poſſible, that a Parliament (upon miſ-information) may do that which in its ſelf is unjuſt, and they not ſo in doing it? I pray God deliver this Nation from the guilt of unjuſt actions, both in matter and manner. Suppoſe you, (or ſuch a one as you) having accidental diſcourſe with another, about a third perſon, and hee you diſcourſe with; ſhould let fall ſome words concerning that third perſon, which you at the preſent take no notice of, (or at leaſt) ſeem not ſo to do, which yet you do; (for otherwiſe you cannot communicate them unto another) and thoſe words you communicate to another; upon, and concerning which perſon, and words, you confer between your ſelves; and apprehending they might bring ſome advantage to ſome body, (being well improved, and handſomely mannaged, having power in your hands) and ſo being ordered, you ſpeak with your firſt man again, and form up his accidental diſcourſe, which hee judged not worth any thing (as to the prejudice of that third perſon, to injure whom, hee was not bribed or corrupted, nor bore any malice towards) you draw up, I ſay, that diſcourſe into an information of a crime, by handſome contrivance, reduce it into an oath, with your own hand, and thereupon form a charge againſt the third perſon, to the queſtioning both of his life and ſubſtance; and this charge you preſent to the Parliament, and they take cognizance of it, p. 68and order it to bee inquired into, and examination to bee had upon it; and you (having the tranſacting of the whole buſineſs) ſo mannage it, as that (it may bee) it appears to them (by that which is before them) hee is guilty, and ſo adjudge him: Are they guilty who ſo adjudged him, although (poſſibly) hee may not bee guilty? No, ſurely, the guilt lies on thoſe who miſ-repreſent him unto them: You well know friend, that Judges proceed not in Judgement upon their own knowledge, they act (ſecundum allegata & probata) as things are proved unto them. And how many perſons and eſtates have been ruined upon baſe, and wicked, and deſigned informations, is too well known to the world? And whereas you ask mee, whether I have not been a Solicitor for Sequeſtrations in London, in the time of, and by authority of Parliament. I anſwer, yes; and yet I can charge you for tearing and breaking in pieces mens eſtates; and do you, if you can, (or any man elſe) charge mee for doing the like, and I'le make them reſtitution, whom I have ſo injured, if any ſuch there bee, as ſure I am there is not.

I'le tell you George, my buſineſs there, was not to bee an Informer againſt any man, neither did I ſo; nor was it to poſſeſs my ſelf of any mans eſtate (either goods or money) the Committee had both their Collectors and Treaſurers to that purpoſe, I have ſate there many a ſcore of times Chair-man in that Committee. As alſo the Lord Steel, now the Lord Chancelour of Ireland) hath done the like; this hundreds (and many in this City) know: I was not their underling, or Clerk, (as you were) to ſit bare to your Maſters, they had ſeveral Clerks (better, and honeſter than you) and under-Clerks, to that purpoſe; no (George) my buſineſs was, to ſee right done between the Parliament, and thoſe who were their enemies, not to make them enemies, who were not, but to ſee juſtice done on thoſe who were, according to information brought in unto them; and this is the rejoycing of my heart at this moment, even the teſtimony p. 69of my conſcience, that I was alwayes fearful of making thoſe offenders, who were not; and if I inclined to any ſide, it was to the ſide of mercy. And I appeal to the God that ſearcheth hearts, that this honeſt and old principle (do as thou wouldſt bee done by) ſate and wrought upon my ſpirit, when informations was brought before us: And I have often had this thought upon my ſoul, when mens whole eſtates have lain in queſtion, and even bleeding before us; what would I have done, if this mans caſe had been mine own, or mine had been his: and accordingly I have had a reſpect unto them, ſo far as the buſineſs wherewith (upon oath) I was intruſted, would bear and permit mee; and this not of fear, or favour, nor for gifts, or bribes, either before or after: I did not think all that might bee gotten, either to my ſelf, or the Parliament, might bee well gotten; I did alwayes reckon, that injuſtice and oppreſſion, was the way to bring guilt and judgement upon the Parliament and Nation, and to make all their endeavours fruſtrate, and to turn it into a curſe: And I doubt, ſuch as you, are not a little guilty of being Jeroboams companions, who made Iſrael to ſin grievouſly, and this by falſe and perverted informations, and that ſuch things were not unuſual: And how much Judges may bee abuſed by baſe practiſes, if thoſe who act under them deal not righteouſly: I could inſtance in ſeveral particulars, that came within my own knowledge, whilſt I was in that Committee, wherein had I readily complied with the commands of the Parliament, and obeyed their orders, which had been ſiniſterly procured (by wicked ſuggeſtions of thoſe, who ſought their own advantages, and not the Nations welfare) many innocent perſons had been ruined: This to be a truth, I could (I ſay) make appear by ſeveral inſtances undeniable, but that I am loath to charge my diſcourſe with any thing that is forreign, and that might make it unneceſſarily tedious. And as for my ſelf, (in reſpect of any gain that I reaped by that imployment) let mee tell you George, I did not make that my aim, I bleſſe p. 70my God for it; nor can I (or any man elſe) ſay, that I have made any addition to my eſtate by it, either in land or money; for what I earned, I expended in their ſervice; and this will appear to the world, when my God ſhall take mee hence, of whom it will (or may) be ſaid, as once was ſpoken of one I well knew, (who lived in an imployment, by which many others grew rich) Hee was an honeſt man, for hee died poor: This I ſpeak, in reſpect of any addition to my eſtate, ſince that imployment: No George, I have neither Biſhops, or Deans and Chapters Lands, nor King or Queens, or Delinquents lands: And as for moneys, I am beholding to my friends to provide for my wife and children, ſo little have I been graſping after the world, whatever elſe may bee mine infirmities otherwiſe; and whether you George can ſay this, doth appear to the world by your manner of living, (without your trade) which you would not do before, and by what will bee declared afterward; and therefore to go on, Whereas you charge mee page 100. with light ſcoffing, and ſlanderous ſtuff, and that by dark intimations of the buſineſs of Faulconer, of ſet purpoſe to wound your reputation, and to reproach the truth which you witneſs.

I ſhall now therefore (to do you right) ſpeak no longer darkly, and by way of intimation, but expreſly, plainly, in words at length, and not in figures, by which I ſuppoſe every one that runs may read what a Saint you are, and what a truth you witneſs: But the Proverb is here verified, Like lettice, like lips, a truth and witneſs well met; and becauſe I would do you all the right I can, and for that poſſibly ſome may read mine, that will not read yours.

I will here ſet down in your own words all you ſay for your ſelf in this matter, in your page 100. and 101. and then conſider it:Georges proteſtation in the matter of the Lord Craven. For the ſtopping of thine, and all ſlanderous mouths (ſay you) and the ſatisfaction of ſuch as deſire not, nor delight in the defaming of others: I do declare in the preſence of the Lord, before whom I fear, who p. 71ſearcheth the heart, and tryeth the reines, and bringeth every work to judgement, that I am clear and innocent therein; nor have I uſed, nor do I know of any indirect proceeding, in that whole buſineſs of Craven and Faulconer, nor done otherwiſe, than in the faithful diſcharge of my duty. And further, that during the time of my publike ingagements, (which have not been a few) and my whole converſation, as I have received mercy to have a witneſſe, ſo have I born my teſtimony againſt unrighteouſneſſe and diſhoneſty (eſpecially ſuch as thou doſt intimate) in whoever, as I have had opportunity, or have been called thereunto, neither fearing the face of any man, nor preferring my life, or outward concernments, to the clearing of my conſcience therein, as is well known; unto which I have alſo the witneſs of him who is greater than all; and a large time of Tryal I have had, wherein I have neither wanted enemies for the ſake of truth, nor thy malice and opportunity to lay to my charge, could they finde, or were there any thing to bee found to the contrary; and thus much to ſay thou haſt compel'd mee: Thus hee.

Here is you ſee (Reader) a bold, high, daring, confident appeal of his innocency, in the matter of the Lord Craven, and of his honeſty and uprightneſs in all other particulars, in the time of his publike ingagements. Now, what if it ſhall appear, (notwithſtanding all this) that hee (George Biſhop) who made this dreadful proteſtation, did not only know of indirect proceedings in that matter, but that hee alſo was one (a chief one) that uſed them, and that (as to this matter) Faulconer, who died in priſon for perjury, was (in compariſon of him) an honeſt and innocent perſon: If I ſay all this ſhall appear, will you believe, that hee doth believe there is a God, that ſearcheth hearts, and tryes reines, and brings every work to judgement? Or can you bee perſwaded, that hee rightly entertains that Article of the Reſurrection, though hee ſeems to do ſo.

And before I give you an account of what I have to p. 72deliver unto you, that you may know the daring ſpirit of this man, and how little reſpect and reverence there is in him of the Almighty; and that it is an eaſie and light thing with him, to make ſuch appeals to God as this is.

Let mee minde you of the like in that his Pamphlet, which I think few men in the world (beſides himſelf) would offer, and by that judge of this. Whereas in my Narrative, I charge him and Holliſter, and other of their relations and adherents, that they joyn'd themſelves to the wretched Quakers upon faction, humour, and diſcontent. In page 44. hee makes this appeal and proteſtation,Another of Georges proteſtations. I do here, for clearing of my conſcience, and the ſatisfaction of all the ſober-minded, to whom this may come, and for the ſtopping of thine and all ſlanderous mouths, in the dread and preſence of the living and eternal God, who is Judge of heaven and earth, before whoſe Judgement-Seat, thou, and wee muſt all appear, that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that hee hath done, good or bad. In my own, and the name of thoſe ſervants of the Lord whom thou reproacheſt, declare and affirm, that neither faction, diſcontent, diſaffected humour, pride, affected-ſingularity, (which are all of them thy ſlanders) nor any other thing, was the cauſe of our joyning unto them. But having many of us, &c.

And ſo goes on, ſpeaking of waiting in the uſe of outward means, &c. how God had now viſited them, by the Miniſtery of theſe men, and how hee had reach'd by his Eternal Power to that of himſelf in them, and ſo they became joyned to the Lord, and to the immortal word, &c. And ſeeing him who is inviſible, &c. they hunger no more, nor thirſt, nor wonder, as heretofore, &c. ſpeaking highly of their high attainments, as if they were now perfect, ſo that neither faction, humour, pride, &c. nor any other thing, but the mighty and pure work of God, was the ground of their becoming Quakers; ſo ſayes George.

But now if hee were to bee cleared by Compurgators, p. 73(viz.) ſuch as ſhould upon their conſciences affirm, that what hee here ſayes, they are perſwaded is true, he would finde very few (if any beſides Quakers) that would dare to do it.

For ſuppoſe hee might bee believed for himſelf, who, or what man in the world (that truly fears God, and knows what it is to make appeals to his moſt glorious Majeſty, and with what righteouſneſs and judgement it ought to bee performed) would, or can dare to make ſuch a proteſtation in the behalf, and in the name of others, as hee here doth? If hee had ſaid, hee had believed, or been perſwaded, or the like, that they did it not upon ſuch grounds, or motives, but upon a pure account, (which is impoſſible in this buſineſs) it had been tolerable, but thus expreſly, fully, unlimitly, as fully for them (whoſe hearts hee cannot know) as for himſelf, to call the living and eternal God to witneſs in this manner, argues him to be one of a preſumptuous ſpirit.

And for a further diſcovery of his Atheiſtical impudence in this kinde, do but read the report and judgement of thoſe who were familiarly acquainted with Holliſter, for whom this daring man doth thus proteſt, hee being by mee charged in ſpecial for turning Quaker upon faction and diſcontent, before ever I ſaw their book, which was but lately publiſhed; it is a book publiſhed by, and in the name of that Church (as they call themſelves) whereof hee was a member, or rather Master, till hee fell away to the Quakers, and drew away from them (as they ſay in their Epiſtle to the Reader) eighteen or nineteen with him; in the tenth and eleventh page of which book, they ſay they did obſerve in what height of diſcontent hee came home, (from that thing call'd a Parliament) and continued in that poſture (viz. of diſcontent) till a new Religion came (which was the Quakers) which (ſay they) preſently, within few daies or weeks, hee imbraced.

So that I can (nor I think will any conſidering man) look upon him no otherwiſe than as one of thoſe p. 74Knights of the Poſt, (as they call them) who will ſay or ſwear any thing; and this to let you ſee the ſpirit of the man.

And now to proceed, hee profeſſes, and (as you ſee) boldly proteſts his innocency in the matter of the Lord Craven, and Faulconer; nor hath hee uſed, nor doth hee know of any indirect proceeding in that whole buſineſs.

Now that my Reader (who is a ſtranger in this matter) may go along with mee with underſtanding; I ſhall (as briefly as I can) lay the whole buſineſs before him: The Lord Craven (having been for many years (long before the troubles in England) reſident in Holland, and imployed in their ſervice) having a command under the Prince of Orange; the Scots King going to Breda, the Lord Craven came thither in attendance upon the Prince of Orange, during the Scotch Kings reſidence at Breda, divers officers (ſouldiers) formerly in the ſervice of the King his Father (being in great diſtreſs, and like to periſh) drew up a Petition for relief of their neceſſities: Now Faulconer aforeſaid, having been a ſouldier (a Major) in the Parliament ſervice, and being (as upon his death-bed hee confeſt) in a poor deſperate condition, and going over to Breda, (as a Spy) ſtrikes in with theſe Cavileers as one of them, and was intreated by them to drw the aforeſaid Petition, which hee did; in drawing thereof, Faulconer moved, that they might Petition the Scotch King, that they might bee entertained by him to fight againſt the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarons and inhumane Rebels; but thoſe honeſt Cavaleers anſwered, that they were ſouldiers of fortune, and it was uncivil language, and they would not have it in; and ſo the Petition (being drawn up by Faulconer, according to their minde) was delivered to the Scotch King, who, it ſeems, promiſed to conſider them.

About three weeks after, the Scotch King (being to depart from Breda next morning, theſe Cavaleers) not finding p. 75anſwerable relief, (according to the former Petition, and the Kings promiſe) they drew up another ſhort Petition, to put him in minde of his promiſe; and meeting the Lord Craven there, (who they knew to bee a friend to ſouldiers) they entreat him to further that their Petition, hee knowing nothing of the former; nor did it appear that the Lord Craven promoted this ſecond Petition, which if hee had, there was not any thing offenſive: but the Scotch King went away next morning, without giving any relief to the per…ners, as Captain Briſco, one of them ſwears, at Faulconers tryal, inſomuch that Faulconer (being diſcontented that hee got no moneys) ſaid, (as hee was going into the Town) This is a horrid thing, that wee ſhould bee in this caſe, to follow a thing, they call a King, God dam me, I will go into England, and do all the miſchief I can, as Col. Drury (another of the Petitioners) informed, at Faulconers tryal: of which afterward.

Now that you may better know what a manner of perſon this Faulconer was, and how fit for any deſperate undertaking; it was at his tryal ſworn againſt him, that hee drunk a health upon his knees to the devil, in the open ſtreets at Petersfield; and that then hee uſed theſe words, I have ſpent my brothers eſtate, and my own, I will never want money, for whilſt there is any in the Nation, I will get one way or other, and I will doe ſomething of infamy to bee talkt of, that the name of Faulconer ſhall never die. One James Greham ſwore againſt him, that after the ſiege of Exeter, in a Cellar, there hee the ſaid Faulconer put into Grehams hand a two and twenty ſhillings piece of gold, ſwearing, Dam him blood and wounds, hee would bugger his ſoul to hell. Another ſwore, that dam him, and ſink him were his uſual expreſſions. One Bradley teſtified, that hee heard Faulconer ſay, our Saviour Chriſt was a baſtard, and a Carpenters ſon, and carried a basket of tools after his Father: Mr. Thomas Dyer of Briſtol, (being produced as a witneſs) did declare, that Faulconer confeſt to him, that hee had ten pound of a man, by procuring one to perſonate Captain Biſhop.

p. 76Thus a Citizen deſiring Faulconer to get Captain Biſhop to do a buſineſs for him, hee promiſed Faulconer twenty pound, ten pound in hand, and ten pound afterward; Faulconer got one to perſonate Captain Biſhop, and to go along with him to the Citizen, which man ſo perſonating Captain Biſhop, promiſed the Citizen (upon the account of Major Faulconers good ſervices for the publike) to afford him his beſt aſſiſtance in effecting what was deſired in his Petition, and ſo Faulconer got the ten pound.

It was alſo proved, that Faulconer was committed to Goal, in the County of Middleſex, for ſuſpition of felony; and thence, by order from the Lord Chief Justice Rolls, to Newgate; and that hee had been committed to Ailsbury Goal, upon ſuſpition of felony, robbery, and murther.

Now this Faulconer having been over at Breda, (as aforeſaid) and returning into England, George Biſhop (being Clerk to the Committee for informations) has to do with him, from whence hee receives information of divers plots and deſignes of the adverſe party to the Parliament.

But (to come to the buſineſs) the Lord Craven, (having a great Eſtate in England of Land, beſides brave houſes, one in particular, that coſt twenty thouſand pound the building, beſides brave and gallant woods and timber) being thus beyond Sea, and never acted againſt the Parliament in armes, a long time after Faulconer had been over, and given in his informations, of enemies actings; and having ſaid nothing of, or againſt the Lord Craven, an information is drawn up againſt the ſaid Lord Craven, in Faulconers name, as the informant, which is as followeth.

p. 77Faulconers Examination.

Who ſaith,

THat about a Fortnight before the concluſion of the Treaty at Breda, the Lord Craven, the Queen of Bohemia, and her two Daughters, came to Breda, to the Scots King Charles, and went not thence till the King went to Houſteidike, a houſe of the Prince of Oranges; that during that time, this Informant ſaw the Lord Craven divers times in preſence with the ſaid King, and every day with the ſaid King at the Court there, hee being there with the Queen of Bohemia, and her two daughters, to take their leave (as they ſaid) of the King of Scots, before hee went to Scotland: That ſeveral Officers, about thirty in number, made a Petition to the ſaid King, to entertain them to fight for him againſt the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarous and inhumane Rebels, either in England or Scotland, for the recovering of his juſt rights, and re-inſtating him in his Throne; and deputed this Informant and Colonel Drury to preſent the ſaid Petition, who indeed drew the ſame, that when the Informant, and ſome other Officers came to the Court at Breda, intending to preſent the ſaid Petition immediately to the Kings hand, but finding the Lord Craven very neer to him, likewiſe the Marqueſs of New-caſtle, who preſented his brother, Sir Charles Cavendiſh, to kiſs the ſaid Kings hand, the evening before the ſaid Kings departure, who this Informant ſaw kiſs the Kings hand accordingly: The Lord Wilmot, the Earl of Cleveland, the Queen of Bohemia, the Lord Gerrard, &c. and a great buttle of buſineſs: This Informant, with Colonel Drury, applied themſelves to the Lord Craven, entreating him to preſent the Petition to the Queen of Bohemia, to preſent it to the King of Scots: The ſaid Lord Craven taking the Petition, and reading the ſame cheerfully, ſaid to Colonel Drury, and this Informant, there is the Queen of Bohemia, deliver it to her, and I p. 78will ſpeak for you; upon which they applyed themſelves to the ſaid Queen, and ſhee preſented the Petition; after which, the King of Scots, the Lord Craven, the Marqueſs of New-caſtle, the Queen of Bohemia, with ſome other Lords, went into a with-drawing room, where this Informant and company could not enter; but the Lord Craven came forth of the with-drawing Chamber, and told this Informant and company, that they ſhould receive an anſwer from the Queen of Bohemia to their Petition, and that hee had ſpoken to the Queen of Bohemia in their behalf, who afterward came and told this Informant and company, that ſhee had delivered their Petition, and that the King had taken order for it. The next morning, at three of the clock, the King departed; but this Informant and company had their quarters ſatisfied by the Princeſſe of Orange, according to the ſaid Kings Order upon their Petition, and thereby to inable them to follow the ſaid King in the proſecution of theſe wars againſt the Parliament of England, which was the effect of their aforeſaid Petition: That this Informant ſaw the Lord Craven very often, and familiar with the ſaid King, and enter with the ſaid King into the with-drawing Chamber, and ſtaid there the laſt night the ſaid King was at Breda, very late.

Richard Faulconer.

To this were added theſe two following examinations.

Colonel Hugh Reyleys Examination.

Who ſaith,

THat during the late Treaty at Breda, this Informant did oftentimes ſee my Lord Craven with the now King of Scots in his Bed-chamber, and alſo walked abroad with him, there being no man more converſant p. 79with the King than hee: That the ſaid Lord Craven, during the ſaid Treaty, did twice go to Rotterdam, and Dunhagh, and back again, being imployed, as was commonly reported at Court, there by the ſaid King, that the ſaid Lord Craven had a charge from the King to look to one Mrs. Barlow, who (as is reported) and he believes to bee true, had a childe by the King of Scots, born at Rotterdam, which hee did; and after the King was gone for Scotland, the ſaid Lord Craven took the childe from her, for which ſhee went to Law with him, and recovered the childe, as is reported:

Hugh Reyley.

Captain Kitchingmans Examination.

Who ſaith,

THat the ſaid Captain Thomas Kitchingman, in April and May, 1650. ſaw the Lord Craven ſeveral times with the King of Scots at Breda, and waiting upon the ſaid King ſeveral times at his Table at Breda. This Informant alſo ſaw the Earle of Oxford, at the ſame time, with the King of Scots at Breda, waiting upon the ſaid King at his Table; and ſaw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, many times going into the withdrawing rooms after the ſaid King. This Informant alſo ſaw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, in a Bowling-alley in Breda Caſtle, with the ſaid King.

Tho. Kitchingman.

In theſe two latter Examinations,Reyl…ys, was but report. you ſee there was nothing that would render Lord Craven criminous. But upon this his eſtate was ordered to bee confiſcate, and afterward ſold, and ſold it was, and is, accordingly. Of the p. 80endeavours of the Lord Cravens friends to prevent it, and what was agitated in Parliament, I ſhall not mention, for that I refer the Reader to a printed piece, entituled, A true and perfect Narrative of the ſeveral proceedings in the caſe concerning the Lord Craven, printed by R. White, 1653.

Now if this information of Faulconer bee the onelyonly material teſtimony, upon which the Lord Cravens eſtate was ſequeſtred; and that Faulconer in this information was perjured and forſworn, and this bee a falſe information, then this will clearly follow, that there was indirect proceedings in ſome body, in this buſineſs; and that this information of Faulconers was, and is falſe, and hee perjured in it, and forſworn, appears by two moſt pregnant teſtimonies, neither of them to be denied. Firſt, by his legal tryal, and conviction. Secondly, by his own confeſſion on his death-bed: For Faulconers tryal and conviction of perjury, (in, and for this very information) that appears by the Records thereof; for the Lord Cravens friends prefer'd an Indictment of perjury againſt him in the County of Middleſex, which Indictment was found againſt him, one Sir Henry Blunt being foreman of the Jury: Delayes were uſed to hinder Faulconers pleading to it, notwithſtanding the Proſecutors for the Lord Craven had procured a Habeas Corpus, to bring him to the Bar to plead to the Indictment, which hee failing, they procure another Habeas Corpus; hee yet gets further time, and a peremptory day aſſigned by the Court, or elſe Judgement to bee entred againſt him. And the very laſt day (when needs muſt) and not before, when the laſt roll was out, hee pleaded, not guilty. Now Paulconer having pleaded not guilty, a Jury is ſummoned, Councel appear in the Ʋpper Bench at Weſtminſter, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Hales, Mr. Twiſden, Mr. Philips, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Drury, for the Commonwealth, and the Lord Craven; Mr. Windham, Mr. Letch, Mr. Lechmore, and Mr. Haggat, of Councel for Faulconer, where (upon five hours debate) the ſaid Faulconer was found p. 81guilty of perjury, in this very matter againſt the Lord Craven, the whole proceedings whereof you have fully related in the Narrative before mentioned. This tryall and conviction of Faulconer, was May 20. 1653. Hereupon Faulconer was committed to the Upper Bench priſon in Southwark, where hee lay till hee died. Now for the ſecond evidence of Faulconers perjury, in his teſtimony (upon which the Lord Cravens eſtate was ſequeſtred and ſold) you have here the ſad and lamentable confeſſion of poor Faulconer himſelf upon his death-bed, under his own hand and ſeal, confirmed in the preſence of ſeveral credible perſons, who were preſent with him on his death-bed, which is to the effect following.

IN the Name, and through the gracious mercy of God, I Richard Faulconer, being of ſound memory and underſtanding, do under my own hand and ſeal, on my death-bed, make, and confirm this my confeſsion, with a contrite heart and penitent ſoul, to the honor of my good God principally, and particularly concerning the Lord Cravens buſineſs.

And firſt; I confeſs I have ſinned grievouſly againſt my God, in taking my oath upon his holy Teſtament, that all my information was true; for after a twenty weeks ſickneſs this was done, my body being low, and in much haſte, being much enfeebled, and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; ſo that I here ſolemnly proteſt, that I did not then abſolutely remember, whether the words, barbarous and inhumane rebels, were expunged; and theſe words, being once named by mee, they were as quickly inſerted, and I (the Lord pardon me) ſwore it; but ſince I really remember, thoſe words were put out of the Petition, and the Petition which Drury produced in the Upper Bench Court, was the true and right Petition: Drury did ſay, that the Lord Craven would not bee ſeen to deliver ſuch a Petition, but hee would ſpeak to the Queen of Bohemia. I did not hear the Lord Craven ſay p. 82this. I ſinned, ſwearing the Lord Craven ſaid ſo, when as Drury told it mee.

And truly theſe great ſins, ſince they perfectly came to my memory, and to touch my conſcience, have wofully perplexed my ſoul, ſo, that I many times wiſhed that the Lord would expiate them, by taking my life away, and granting mee repentance and pardon, through the merits and ſufferings of my Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt, the which the Lord for his mercies ſake vouchſafe to grant. Amen.

And here I utterly renounce all Books and Pamphlets writ by mee, or any one in my vindication, and eſpecially a late Pamphlet ſent to mee by Captain Biſhop. The cauſe of my writing that Pamphlet, was the ſhame and diſgrace of the world, which I feared then, more than the provoking of my good God: beſides, other under actors told mee, until I did that, I could not think my friends would ſupply mee, as they would, if that were done; liberty and money were falſly promiſed mee.

And whereas it was ſworn in Court, that I was imployed, I here proteſt before the Almighty God, that I never undertook any imployment, nor ever any one motioned it to mee, or I to any; but I went over in a poor deſperate condition, ſupported by others. And here I dare not ſay that any one bribed mee, no, none did, but I was haſtily, after a great ſickneſs, provoked to it; and when I made a demur at the words, barbarous and inhumane Rebels, Captain Biſhop ſaid, if you leave that out, you do nothing: So I let it paſs, being ſpeedily brought before the Committee, where I falſly ſwore it. True, I had done great ſervices for them, but not by imployment, and Captain Biſhop kept mee low with ſmall pittances, ſo that I was at his bow, &c.

Richard Faulconer.

p. 83An Advertiſement to the Reader.

Reader,

I Thought here to have given thee in, the atteſtation of this confeſſion and acknowledgement, who were preſent when it was ſigned: Alſo ſome further teſtimony of other practiſes of this Quaker; and how poor Faulconer to his dying day, cryed out againſt that Rogue Biſhop, (for ſo it is languaged to mee.) But in regard the hearing of the Lord Cravens Caſe in Parliament, is not yet paſt, (although they have taken cognizance of it already, and have appointed to enter further upon it, the beginning of their next Seſſion) I ſhall therefore forbear, not doubting thou wilt hear further of it, by ſome hand or other.

So that here is (you ſee) manifeſtly, undeniably, unjuſt proceedings: here is perjury proved, and confeſſed: What's this to Captain Biſhop? Hee declares in the preſence of the Lord, before whom hee feares, and who ſearcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and brings every work to judgement, that hee is clear and innocent therein; and that hee hath not uſed, nor doth hee know of any indirect proceedings in this whole buſineſs of Craven and Faulconer. Well, God ſend him a good deliverance, at the day of Judgement; and to that end, I heartily beg for him the grace of true repentance, and pardon, through the blood of Chriſt, ſhed at Jeruſalem. And to further this work for his conviction, wee ſhall endeavour to try, and examine him here; and clear I am, that if any Jury in the world (of diſcreet, ſober, impartial and underſtanding men) were to paſs upon him, they would give in this Verdict, That hee (George Biſhop) doth know of many indirect proceedings, in the matter of the Lord Craven and Faulconer; and that hee (George Biſhop) himſelf hath uſed them; and that therefore hee is not clear and innocent in this matter. And now hear p. 84the evidence, there is a book publiſhed, entituled, The Lord Cravens caſe, This book was written by George, partly to teſtifie the proceedings againſt the Lord Craven to anſwer the Narrative and to juſtifie Faulconer.as to the confiſcation and ſale of his eſtate, by judgement of Parliament related, and argued, and objections anſwered on the behalf of the Commonwealth, together with a ſhort examination of a certain Pamphlet, entituled, A true and perfect Narrative of the ſeveral proceedings, in the caſe concerning the Lord Craven, &c. which is the Narrative before quoted, wherein are all the proceedings againſt Faulconer. Now this book (the Lord Cravens caſe, &c.) was printed by William Duguard, 1653. and that this book was written by George Biſhop himſelf, I ſuppoſe hee will not deny, though no name bee to it; the book is ſaid to bee written on the behalf of the Commonwealth, and this expreſt in great Characters: I would now but ask George this queſtion, why hee (of all men in the world) being but a Clerk or Secretary (call him what you will) to a Committee, ſhould undertake this private and perſonal quarrel againſt the Lord Craven, in the behalf of poor perjured Faulconer, and the Commonwealth? I ſhould think, that a Clerk or Secretary, (if an honeſt man, and impartial) when hee had performed the date of his place, ſhould have ſate him down, and not eſpouſe any perſonal quarrel (unleſs hee were particularly concerned in it)

But ſayes George, that Pamphlet tends to the blemiſhing of the Parliament, and their Miniſters; ſo hee, page 1. of his book (for ſo I ſhall call it all along, as I have occaſion to quote it;) and therefore hee puts pen to paper, and writes that book. Mark. the Parliament, and their Miniſters, are blemiſhed: Who thoſe Miniſters are, (at leaſt one) wee ſhall ſee anon; 'tis the ſecureſt way to ſave ones ears, to joyn the Miniſters of the Parliament, with the Parliament it ſelf: But the Parliament may bee honeſt, though their Miniſters may bee knaves; and therefore George preſently ſayes, that that book of his, is not purpoſely to Apologize for the Parliament; well then, it is for ſome body elſe, he would not have writ it p. 85to no purpoſe: But why not for the Parliament? Why, ſayes hee, 'tis a thing needleſs among true Engliſh men, who are uſed highly to reverence actions of Parliament, Mark here, George would have actions of Parliament ſo highly rerenced, that none might queſtion this buſineſs. 1 Pet. 4.15.1 Pet 4:15&c. Sure George would now ſay, that Parliaments are ſo infallible.

But wee'l take it for granted, that this Apology is not for the Parliament, but for their Miniſters; but who, or what are they? Sure it is ſome foreign? Some buſie Biſhop in another mans Dioceſs, ſo the word ſignifies; but 'tis rendred in our tranſlation, a buſie body in other mens matters, matters they ſhould not have medled in: But who is it? why, 'tis George Biſhop, buſie George Biſhop, who had the tranſactions of all that buſineſs. So hee ſayes himſelf, page 14. line 25. of his book, two or three lines before, hee hath theſe words, How dare any thus falſly, to charge a State with ſuch groſs wickedneſs. (as to corrupt Faulconer, hee means) And then goes on,Though Captain Biſhop himſelf writ the book, yet hee ſpeaks, as if it were written by another, and ſo playes behinde the Curtain, which let the reader remember for his better underſtanding what I quote from that book of his. but as there was not a tittle produc'd to prove corruption, malice, or wilfulneſs, in the ſaid Faulconer, againſt the ſaid Lord, ſo Captain Biſhop, who had the tranſactions of all that buſineſſe, upon his oath, cleared him of all. Theſe are Georges words.

Well then, ſtop a little here, and (though wee break order in the form of proceedings in legal tryals) you Gentlemen of this Jury, who are to give your verdict, in this matter of George Biſhop, I pray take notice; Geo. you ſee, upon his oath, (it was at Faulconers tryal) clears Faulconer of corruption or malice againſt the Lord Craven. Poor man, hee intended no ſuch thing at firſt againſt him; no, Faulconer was altogether a ſtranger to the Lord Craven, and ſince hee came over, hee confeſt to ſome of good credit, that the Lord Cravens deportment at Breda (where this horrible treaſon ſhould bee by him committed, and for which his eſtate is ſequeſtred) was altogether inoffenſive, as to the Commonwealth of England; and that hee (Faulconer) underſtood nothing of the ſaid buſineſs, (namely, of that dreadful Petition, for which hee was ſo ſequeſtred) more, than that a conſideration was p. 86deſired, to bee had of the preſent wants and great neceſſities of the Petitioners. This you have in the fourth Petition preſented to the Parliament, on the behalf of the Lord Craven, in the Narrative aforeſaid, page 19. Aye, theſe were their words, will George ſay. But I anſwer, they offered to prove them to the Parliament, if they might have been admitted. But to ſecond this, I'le ſhew you what George himſelf ſayes in his own book for Faulconers honeſty, ſimplicity, and harmleſneſs, (as to the Lord Graven) and this upon Biſhopsoath, (if it bee any thing worth) page 13. line the laſt but 10. he ſayes, that when Faulconer gave him accounts of deſignes againſt the Commonwealth, The ſame hee bath again, in page 42, 43.hee ſaid nothing to him of the Lord Craven, nor of any thing of this paſſage of the Petition; (upon which the eſtate was ſequeſtred) nor notwithſtanding many diſcourſes with him, ſaid hee any thing, till about five moneths afterwards, and then but accidentally, not of his own accord; as page 43. Captain Biſhop asking him, who were at Breda with the King, not thinking of the Lord Craven, Faulconer reckoned the ſaid Lord amongſt the reſt, and being asked, ſaid ſomething of that buſineſs, which Captain Biſhop not much valued them. Thus hee. How this was improved, you ſhall ſee afterwards; ſo that here Faulconer is cleared of any intention of miſchief againſt the Lord Craven; the man (poor Faulconer) is yet honeſt in this matter. But yet you ſee, hee was afterwards perjured and forſworn: How comes this about? Oh ſee what a fearful temptation 'tis to bee in poverty and want! it will put an honeſt heart into great ſtraits. I now think upon that prayer of honeſt Agur, (Prov. 30.8, 9) Give mee not poverty, leſt I bee poor and ſteal, and take the name of my god in vain: Poverty is a ſore tryal, even to a good and honeſt heart; but when it ſhall meet with a wretched and profligate ſpirit, what will it not put him upon? I minde that dreadful expreſſion of poore Faulconer, before expreſſed, whilſt hee was ranting and drinking healths to the devil, I have ſpent my brothers eſtate, and mine own, I will never want money, for whilſt p. 87there is any in the Nation, I will get it one way or other, and I will do ſomething of infamy to bee talkt of, the name of Faulconer ſhall never die. Oh how dreadfully did the Lord ſay Amen to this poor creature! And what a lamentable thing is it for ſuch a poor wretch to fall into the hands of ſuch as will make uſe and advantage of his low condition? Why, you will ſay, what's the matter? Do you ask what's the matter? look back upon Faulconers confeſſion, and there hee tells you, hee was provoked to ſwear falſly: How? read the laſt words of his confeſſion, Captain Biſhop kept mee low, with ſmall pittances, ſo that I was at his bow. At his bow! what to do? Hee (Faulconer) made a demur at thoſe words, barbarous and inhumane rebels, (whether they were in the Petition or no, which hee did not then remember, but now did) and ſo (it ſeems) ſcrupled to ſwear to them; and Captain Biſhop ſaid, if you leave that out, you do nothing; and (ſo ſayes hee) I'le let it paſs: Being ſpeedily brought before the Committee, where I falſty ſwore it; and concludes, Captain Biſhop kept mee low, with ſmall pittances, that I was at his bow.

What think you of this Sirs? Is this direct, juſt, honeſt proceedings, to provoke a poor man in want to ſwear with a ſcrupling conſcience, and to that which now appears to bee falſe? Hee was reſolved, it ſeems, hee ſhould ſwear ſomething to the purpoſe. Do you want any more evidence? This is enough, you will ſay, but if you have any more, produce it, and pray tell us, How do you conceive this game began? Why, I'le tell you, what George himſelf ſayes, as hee goes on, in page 13. lines 3 laſt, and ſo on to 14; and the ſame alſo, page 42, 43. of his book, when Faulconer (as before) in that accidental diſcourſe with Biſhop, (five moneths after Faulconers coming over) had mentioned the Lord Cravens being at Breda with the King, and had ſpoken ſomething of the Petition, which made all this ſtir, which Biſhop ſaid, hee did not much value then.

Hee goes on, and tells you, that though hee did not p. 88much value it then, yet hee acquainted ſome of the Councel of State therewith, and they ordered him (the ſaid Biſhop) to ask him (namely Faulconer) further about it; who thereupon took his information; hee (the ſaid Faulconer) judging it then alſo (as Geo. himſelf ſaid) not to bee worth any thing; poor Faulconer ſtill continued his good opinion of my Lord Cravens innocency; but well (or ill) fare a good (or a bad) head and heart, that can make ſomething of nothing, and bring ſomething (a great eſtate) to nothing; 'twas a huge ſin to bee ſo rich, and yeeld nothing but contribution to the Parliament: Who thoſe were of the Councel of State that you (George) acquainted with it, if you did acquaint any with it, (for I know not how to believe you) I do not know. But ſure they had more skill in Chimiſtry than ever I had, or deſire to have, that they could make ſo great a tranſmutation upon ſo little matter: I doubt they were ſome ſuch as I met with, when I was in the Chair of the Committee for Sequeſtrations, when an information being brought in againſt one, and the Proſecutors preſt for a Sequeſtration of his eſtate in London, (being money) the party living in the country; all that could bee proved againſt him, was but words, declaring ſome malignancy of ſpirit againſt the Parliament: Some of the Committee inclining to ſequeſter him, I told them, that by our Ordinance wee could not do it, for words alone, without ſome action: What, (ſayes one of the Committee) the Parliament wants money, and hee hath it; but wee ſtopt it; it's a dangerous thing to bee rich in troublous times. But George, you would ſeem to put that which you lookt upon as no great matter, (of which notwithſtanding a great matter is made) you would put it upon ſome of the Councel of State: How the matter was ſecretly contriv'd, I know not, nor will I enquire.

But now Sirs, you that are to give judgement upon George, you ſhall hear how this information was taken, and by whom, and how. It was proved at the tryal, by Biſhops own acknowledgement, that hee himſelf prepared p. 89Faulconers information, before the Commiſſioners (before whom hee was ſworn) were ſent for. (of this again afterwards) And Biſhop ſaid again, I prepared the information which hee made oath of, page 40. of the Narrative, well.

Now ſee how it was prepared; and for that, hear poor Faulconer upon his death-bed. Look back to his confeſſion: After twenty weeks ſickneſſe (ſayes hee) my body being low, and in much haſte, being much infeebled; and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; ſo that (as hee ſolemnly proteſts) hee did not well remember whether theſe words, barbarous and inhumane Rebels; (which as I ſhew'd you before, hee motioned to have put into the Petition, and might therefore have ſome confuſed remembrance of them) I ſay hee could not well then, in haſte (as hee ſayes) remember, whether they were expunged or no.

But now mark; Thoſe words (ſayes hee) being once named by mee, they were as quickly inſerted, and I (the Lord pardon mee) ſwore it. The poor man, after a long time, and much weakneſs, taken haſtily, (and ſo inconſiderately) mentions thoſe words, (of which ſome former motion had been) and they are ſuddenly catcht at (being, as hee ſayes, but once named by him) and are quickly put in for him to ſwear to. Ah George, George! poor Faulconer, 'tis too late to pray for, or to ſay any thing to him, hee ſtands, or is fallen to his own Maſter: But George, what haſt thou to anſwer for, eſpecially conſidering, that when the poor wretch, his heart ſeemed to relent, and that hee demurred and ſcrupled at the words before hee ſwore them, (and having met with an honeſt, tender-hearted, conſcientious man, might have prevented crying ſin) for which (poor creature) his name is infamous) that thou ſhouldſt tell that poor neceſſitous creature, (whom thou hadſt thereby at thy bow) that if hee left out that, hee did nothing; and ſo hee went on, and perpetrated his villany: Well George, well, Quake, or not Quake, 'tis dreadful: Ah poor Faulconer! p. 90Ah poor George! the Lord convert thee, and forgive thee: I profeſs, (in the ſight of God) I beg it heartily, I deſire not thy condemnation; but theſe practiſes cannot yeeld comfort, nor a ſafe and ſecure conſcience, though poſſibly quiet for a time. Readers, you that are to give your judgment upon this man, when I have done with him, is not here indirect dealing? But I pray ſtand by a while, and hear what I ſhall further interrogate him in: You (George) declare in the preſence of the Lord, &c. that you do not know of any indirect proceeding in this whole buſineſs of Craven and Faulconer, which how true (or rather how falſe) it is, appears ſufficiently already, too much: But I ask you further, Faulconer ſayes, money and liberty were promiſed him, though not performed: Though hee were not bribed with money before hand, yet it was promiſed him, and liberty too.

Let mee ask you, who promiſed this? Did not you? who (as you ſay your ſelf) had the tranſactions of the whole buſineſs; I doubt not you can tell; and why was it promiſed him? no doubt, that hee might not flinch from his oath: And why did hee write a Pamphlet in his own vindication? (which upon his death-bed hee diſclaimed as falſe) but that (as hee ſayes) hee was told by under actors, that until hee did that, hee could not think his friends would ſupply him, as they would, if that were done: And did not you (Captain Biſhop) ſend him that Pamphlet? But I pray, why was not that money paid him which was promiſed? Thomas Dier (who was your Clerk, as was ſworn in Court at Faulconers tryal) paid him by your direction, twenty pound at one time, and about thirty pounds more at other times, in ſeveral portions; and that Faulconer confeſt to him, that hee had twenty pounds afterwards; and that being demanded what it was for, hee would not tell him, ſaying, I will not ſpeak to that, I cannot ſpeak to that. Why, was not the money promiſed him no paid. And when as Faulconer was (as is before expreſt) impriſon'd in Newgate, upon ſuſpition of robbery p. 91and felony, did not you write a Letter to the Lord Chief Juſtice Rolls, ſignifying, what a ſervant Faulconer was to the Commonwealth? and how much depended upon the upholding of his credit, and teſtimony? And when as the Judge ſlighted ſuch applications unto him, ſaying, if hee were innocent, that would prove his best vindication: Don't you know what was done, and how unquiet you were, till hee was inlarged? Was not Affidavit made, that hee was imployed upon publike concernments? and did not Faulconer give it under his hand, what ſervices hee had done for the publike, and how he was the chief witneſs againſt the Lord Craven? And was it not ſo carried, that there was ſlack proſecution of the Indictment; and when Faulconer was ſet at liberty upon Bail, to appear at next Seſſions at Newgate, they never appeared, and ſo the matter ended? which whether it were Juſtice and honeſty, to pervert, or obſtruct Juſtice, and whether this bee not indirect proceedings, let all the world judge.

To this you anſwer, page 41. and ſay, For Faulconer to bee releaſt without tryal, fixes no crime upon him; and an honeſt man may bee committed upon ſuſpition. True, but you ſhould have ſuffered him to come to tryal; and ſure hee was no honeſt man that hindred it, it was a crime, and a great one, in him that hindred it; you know who it was George: It ſeems the Lord Craven muſt been a Delinquent, and a man for the purpoſe muſt bee countenanc'd againſt Law and Juſtice: but I ſay, why was not his liberty procured him now? and the money promiſed, paid him now? Oh! the buſineſs was done, the eſtate ſold, let him hang, let him ſtarve now. It may bee the ſum promiſed was too great, and they could not agree who ſhould pay it, the eſtate being ſold: Ah poor Faulconer! how art thou befool'd? no marvel thou cryeſt out againſt Biſhop to thy dying day. But let mee ask you further (George) concerning your indirect proceedings; the direct proceedings againſt Delinquents was, that the informations were taken before the Commiſſioners, p. 92at their uſual place of ſitting, and ſet down in writing by the ſworn Examiner thereunto belonging, who was thereby ingag'd, to bee a perſon juſt and indifferent between the Commonwealth, and party accuſed: And was not this indirect proceeding, that you ſhould frame the Oath and Information before hand, in your Chamber at White-Hall, and in ſuch a manner, as aforeſaid, catching at haſty and inconſiderate words (which were the only material words) and then ſend (as you did) for the Commiſſioners at Haberdaſhers Hall, to your Chamber, who (knowing you to bee Clerk to the ſecret Committee, (and ſuppoſing you had ſome ſecrecy of State to communicate unto them) came, and there you tendered to them Faulconers oath, ſo ready drawn, to bee ſworn to; and hee was there (contrary to the ordinary and direct way of proceedings, upon ſome little alteration made by them upon their examination) ſworn to it, I know how ſmoothly you wipe your mouth, (or rather, how you would wipe your Readers noſe) and how ſlightly you come off in this matter, page 43. of your book, ſaying, that becauſe of the ſeaſon, and the danger of diſcovery, the Commiſſioners of Sequeſtrations were deſired to come to White-Hall, and there took his depoſition: What you mean by the ſeaſon. I know not; but indeed, the danger of diſcovery was conſiderable. But would you ſequeſter a mans eſtate in hugger mugger (as wee uſe to ſay) 'tis honeſtly ſaid, though not honeſtly done, that you confeſs you ſent for the Commiſſioners to White-Hall, to take the information, becauſe of the danger of the diſcovery.

Go too George, go too, are you innocent? are not theſe indirect proceedings?Narr. page 16. I ask you again further, when the Indictment for Perjury, was brought againſt Faulconer in London, where the Bill was found by the Grand-Jury, and Colonel Drury (before mentioned) being ſerved with a Subpena to appear at Guild-Hall, to give in further evidence againſt Faulconer, in the behalf of the Lord Craven; did not you take away the Subpena from him, ſaying, p. 93How durſt you be examined againſt the Commonwealth, and not acquaint mee firſt therewith? Further, ſaying, Mr. Mayor (meaning the Lord Mayor) had better have done ſomething elſe, than to have ſuffered that Indictment to bee found.

And did not you (George Biſhop) thereupon immediately call for a Meſſenger, and commit the ſaid Drury to the cuſtody of one Middleton, (a Meſſenger to the Councel of State) who forthwith carried away Drury a priſoner to the Strand, to the houſe of the ſaid Middleton, where the ſaid Drury was kept in ſtrict cuſtody, from Munday, when the Indictment was found, till Saturday, that the Seſſion was paſt, that no further proceedings could bee had againſt Faulconer, at that time, by reaſon of Druries reſtraint, who had Faulconers own hand-writing to produce againſt him, and being the moſt material witneſs againſt him; and before the next Seſſions, the Bill for the ſale of the Lord Cravens eſtate was paſſed.

Were not theſe indirect proceedings towards the Lord Craven, to hinder and obſtruct the diſcovery of Faulconers perjury? (upon whoſe oath the Lord Cravens Eſtate was ſequeſtred) was this direct, and honeſt, and even carriage? Are you innocent? To excuſe this, you ſhuffle ſo miſerably, and catch at ſuch ſtrawes: In your book, page 34. and 35. that I cannot but commend your wit, (though not your honeſty) in printing ſo few of your books, that every one cannot ſee how poorly you come off in your anſwers. And I take it as a great Providence, (I hope for your good) that I was ſo directed, as to ſend to your ſelf for one of them, and which (I thank you) you ſent mee, it is no doubt from that hand (which as you rightly ſaid before) orders all things, that you were over-ruled ſo to do; and I wiſh that this diſcovery of you to your ſelf, (from your ſelf) I mean your own book (in great part) may bee for your conviction and converſion: And becauſe your book is not to bee had eaſily, I'le give in the weight and ſubſtance of p. 94your anſwer; (for the whole is very long) and if you ſuppoſe I do you wrong in concealing any thing thereof, that may tend to your vindication, print your whole book, and let them ordinarily bee had, and if any underſtanding Reader will ſay I have injured you. I will be content to bee accounted as you are.

You ſay, that Drury being a Papiſt, a Traytor, apprehended upon a Warrant from the Councel of State, and in ſafe cuſtody, and being examined by you of his Treaſons, ſhould have been continued in ſafe cuſtody, but that (upon his ſad complaint, that hee had neither money nor friend, to relieve him there, and that hee muſt needs periſh) you gave him his Parol, (which in Engliſh is) as I ſuppoſe, you let him go at liberty, to return when required.

After this Drury having acquainted you, that he had been ſworn at Guild-Hall London, and given in evidence to the Grand Jury againſt Major Faulconer there, and examined upon part of what hee … examined by you before. I perceive your … Sir in theſe laſt words: But I pray (before you go any further) becauſe you had examined him before in one part, was it unjuſt that my Lord Craven ſhould examine him (or cauſe him to bee examined) on another part, to cleare himſelf? Doth, or ſhould your examination, take him off from being examined by others? They did not examine him of ſecrets or myſteries of State, but of Faulconers perjury, and your myſteries of iniquity. Well, but then you were a man in power, and hereupon you ſay, that (Drury) ſhewing you the Subpena, you asked him, whether hee told them that hee was under the warrant of the Councel of State, and under examination of their Committee of Examinations. As to that particular, amongſt others, (but I muſt tell you, hee was not under their examination to that particular of Faulconers perjury) hee anſwered, no. Then you ſay, you asked him, why hee had not acquainted you with the Subpena before hee went to Guild-Hall, and was ſworn (yea, there was his p. 95fault) ſince hee was a priſoner under examination, and under Parol? To which (as you ſay) hee giving no reaſonable anſwer, but that hee knew not what the buſineſs was, and ſuch like; when as (as you ſay) the Indictment could not have been drawn without the conſent of, and converſe with Drury; (yea, ſtill there was the ſin) and who, you ſay, was the chief witneſſe upon which it was grounded, it being prepared and found that day. (and had hee not been committed by you, Faulconer had been convicted that Seſsions, of that perjury, which was afterwards proved, and himſelf confeſſed.)

But you go on, and ſay, That you perceiving thereby how hee did prevaricate, and how things were done in deſign and combination againſt the State. But ſtay, Was it a deſign againſt the State, that the Lord Cravens innocency ſhould bee cleared? Oh baſe! Yes, now I remember my ſelf, it was; for then the deſign againſt the eſtate of the Lord Craven, (in all likelihood of Juſtice) might have proved ineffectual.

But you go on, and ſay further, that you not knowing what other inconvenience might come to the State by his (Druries) further liberty, ſince hee had made that uſe of it, aforeſaid, reproved him therefore, (with that high language againſt him, and the Lord Mayor (as before) which you do not deny) received the Subpena from him, and taking of his Parol, returned him into cuſtody, from Munday evening, to the Friday following. And was it not to Friday evening following, as well as from Munday evening before? which you reckon up with a four nights, and no longer, and I ſay four dayes too, ſo long, that no proceedings could bee expected that Seſsions againſt Faulconer.

The laſt day of the Seſsions, being no time for ſuch proſecutions, but calling over the Goal, and concluding former buſineſſes; and then you ſay, upon information of the poverty of Drury, and that hee had no money to pay for his diet and lodging, which you knew well enough before, and have acknowledged, when you gave him money p. 96for his ſupper, and would not commit him, leſt hee ſhould perish. And now (you ſay) in meer charity, (when there was no opportunity for him at Seſſions) hee had his liberty upon his Parol again, and enjoyes it. Charitable wretch! And did you in charity commit him? Fie upon ſuch baſe hypocriſie. And then you go on with a company of blinde ſuppoſals, to argue the improbability of your committing of him, to the end, to obſtruct the proceedings againſt Faulconer, which are ſo childiſh, (and coming in but by way of additional aid, to your former anſwer, which is your chief backler, but a filly one) I ſhall not trouble my ſelf, and the Reader with, which if you think any thing worth. print it, and I'le bee your bondman, if it any way help you; nay, if it don't further diſcover your folly; and I would have writ it, but that 'tis as long, as impertinent; and this is enough. And your main anſwer, which how it clears you, let all, or any man of common reaſon judge: And ſay, is George Biſhop innocent in this matter?

And one thing more I find charg'd againſt you George, which I ſuppoſe is an unjuſt and indirect practiſe,Narr. page 40. and uſed by you in the matter of Craven and Faulconer: And in the Margin of the Narrative (where this matter following is ſpoken to) there is written, Obſerve; and 'tis obſervable, 'tis short, but home, and therefore printed in another Character, in theſe words, By way of digreſſion obſerve, that Druries and Briſcoes informations, which Captain Biſhop had taken, above twelve moneths ſince, and which tended to clear the Lord Craven, hee concealed, till this hour, that hee produc'd the ſame in Court, and never tranſmitted theſe two mens examinations to the Parliament, though before the Bill of Sale did paſſe, hee did tranſmit Bardſeys and Kitchingmans re-examinations, taken by himſelf, and which hee apprehended made againſt the Lord Craven.

Here now is a heavy charge; and certainly theſe proceedings (if true) are very indirect, and hee cannot bee innocent: But hear him ſpeak for himſelf, and I'le give p. 97you every word: And thus hee begins, page 44. of his own book, What Captain Biſhops imployment was, is already ſpoken, his duty was to take, and to keep ſuch informations, as concerned the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Councels, or the Parliaments orders; but neither the Council nor Committee ordered him to tranſmit them to the Parliament, though they were not ignorant of them, and ſeveral times ſhewed by him to ſome of the members of the Councel, and to the Committee; nor did the Parliament call for them, or what papers concerning the Lord Craven were in the cuſtody of the Councel or Committee, nor take the depoſitions into debate, after the firſt vote of confiſcation; and whether thoſe examinations advantage the Lord Craven, let the reader upon conſideration of what is already mentioned, and argued thereupon, judge. Nay, but George, let mee put in a word or two by the way; it had been very honeſt and fair for you, to have put down their examinations themſelves, that the reader might judge upon them, for wee can't ſee them, nor muſt wee take your word.

But you go on, Nor were any papers at all tranſmitted by him, (meaning himſelf G. B.) to the Parliament, either for or againſt the Lord Craven; for Bardſeys examination, when hee had taken it, hee ſent it in to the Councel, for Bardſey to make oath thereof, which after hee had made, it was put preſently into the hands of one of the members (viz.) Mr. Gourdon to report to the Parliament, who received it, and lodged it with Mr. Scobel, it being not returned to Captain Biſhop; and for Kitchingmans re examination, hee tranſmitted no ſuch thing, nor was any ſuch taken whilſt the Committee for examinations was in being, Kitchingmans information being depoſed by him at Haberdaſhers Hall.

Now J pray, what's all this to the purpoſe? doth this excuſe you? will you give mee leave to interrogate you? If you will not anſwer chuſe, let the reader judge: You took ſuch informations from Drury and Briſco, did you not? 'Tis plain you did; Did not their depoſitions excuſe and acquit the Lord Craven, and prove Faulconer p. 98perjur'd? 'Tis plain they did: Had not Drury the original draught of the Petition, under Faulconers own handwriting, which at his Tryal was produc'd, and hee could not deny, and which hee confeſt upon his death-bed, to bee the true and right Petition? This is moſt certain, it cannot bee gain-ſaid; the teſtimonies of theſe two men ſo vex you, that in your book, page 12. you do what you can to beſpatter them as incompetent witneſſes, becauſe Cavaleers.

And whereas you ſay, your duty was to take and keep ſuch informations as concern'd the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Councels, or the Parliaments orders. Did any of them order you to ſuppreſs or conceal the teſtimonies of theſe two men? If they did, tell us who they bee, and wee'l ſay of them almoſt as much as wee do of you? You ſay ſome of them did know of them; like enough ſuch a buſineſſe as this could not bee ſo mannaged, but by the knowledge (and ſomewhat elſe) of more than one: It's plain that Faulconer was a perjur'd wretch in his teſtimony; hee was convicted of it by two, nay, three ſeveral Juries, of men ſworn to give true judgement; and upon his death-bed hee confeſt it, and his conviction was upon the teſtimony chiefly, if not onelyonly, of theſe two men, who were the principal actors in the buſineſs of that Petition at Breda, which gave colour to the Lord Cravens ſequeſtration;Narr. page 35. and Drury at Faulconers tryal ſaid, that what teſtimony hee then gave to the Court, hee acquainted you with, when hee was examined by you, and no doubt Briſco the like; and no queſtion had the Parliament in general known of theſe teſtimonies, they would not ſo readily have ſequeſtred the Lord Craven; nor would any honeſt man (adviſe who would) have ſuppreſt ſuch teſtimonies, which would have diſcovered the truth, and prevented injuſtice, which is the curſe and ruine of a Nation, and the way to render Parliaments (which ſhould bee our greateſt ſecurity) our greateſt plagues, in committing or countenancing ſuch actions. And whereas you would choak your conſcience, and cheat p. 99your reader with this pretext, that ſome of the Parliament did know of theſe teſtimonies, and that you were not ordered to tranſmit them. I ſay again, No honeſt man (that had it not in deſign to ruine the Lord Cravens eſtate) but would have made them known; or if hee had been commanded to the contrary, would have ſcorn'd to ſerve unworthy ends to any mans ruine: Come (George) come, you muſt not magnifie Parliaments, as if they were infallible in themſelves, eſpecially when Knaves are proſecutors, and as bad are agents or Miniſters under them; and hee that ſhall readily obey their unjuſt commands, knowing them ſo to bee, (while there is time and opportunity to offer ſomething to the contrary) ſhall inſtead of honouring them, do them the greateſt diſſervice in the world, (viz.) wrong the innocent. I'le give you an inſtance or two within my knowledge; there were in the hands of Sir Robert Rich, then a Maſter of the Chancery, (put into his cuſtody upon a ſuit depending in that Court) 204 Diamonds, with many other rich things of gold and pearl, and writings of great value, upon an information given in to the Committee for examinations at Weſtminſter, that they were the goods of a Lord, then in armes againſt the Parliament; thoſe goods were ordered to bee taken out of the hands of Sir Robert Rich, and put into my cuſtody (which were the only goods of any Delinquent, or ſuppoſed Delinquent that ever were in my cuſtody) it being none of my buſineſs, as I have before declared: But this was by an extraordinary order, theſe things (taken by an exact inventory before witneſſes) being thus in my hands, there came a peremptory order to mee, to deliver them out to bee ſold, as the goods of a Delinquent; but I being ſatisfied by Sir Robert Rich, (who was an ingenious Gentleman) that they were brought into his cuſtody, in the behalf (as I remember) of divers children and Orphans, I delayed the obſervance of the Order, till thoſe who were concern'd (who they were I know not) had opportunity to clear them; & at laſt (by order) I re-delivered them to Sir Robert Rich, from whom I received p. 100them. Now ſhould I have readily obſerv'd their Orders, Orphans had been ruin'd, and the Parliament inſtrumental to an Act of injuſtice; and that all that are members of Parliament, are not alwayes ſuch as they ſhould bee. I'le give you one relation more, There comes an information to our Committee in London againſt a perſon for Delinquencie, preſſed and urged very hard for a ſpeedie ſequeſtration; the reaſon of the haſte, I perceived afterwards to bee, becauſe the party concern'd (being a Lawyer) was in the circuit, and the proſecutors would fain have had him ſequeſtred before hee knew on't; upon hearing the information and witneſſes, I perceiv'd the bottom of the buſineſs to bee revenge; and private intereſts (to ſay no worſe) their haſte added to my jealouſie, and I was therefore the more ſlack in furthering it. The next day (as I remember) one comes to mee to my houſe, from the Proſecutors, to offer me gold to ſpeed the buſineſs. It would bee too tedious to tell you every circumſtance, I refus'd it.