The Loyal Subjects Indignation, Sermon

The Loyal Subjects Indignation · Sermon

p. 1foreign OR, The Loyal Subjects Indignation, FOR HIS Royal Sovereign's Decollation, &c.

2 SAM. 1. 14.

And David ſaid unto him, How waſt thou not afraid to ſtretch forth thine hand to deſtroy the Lords Anointed?

THis Chapter contains in it a relation of certain paſſages The Introduction to the Text. An Amalckites Narrative of the death of Saul.concerning the death of King Saul, (which whether true or falſe (ſeeing we muſt take them upon the credit of a fugitive ſouldier) can hardly be put out of queſtion; though we, (as probably David, to whom it was made, did) will at preſent ſuppoſe them true:) and the carriage of David thereupon. The whole ſtory whereof ſeems to be recorded p. 2of purpoſe for the vindication of the holy man, from the unjuſt imputation of deſigning and conſpiring to take away his Sovereigns life, by the defenſive Arms which he had formerly born againſt him. And three particulars are therein mentioned, as evidences of his innocence.

1. His unfeigned grief for that lamentable death which (by the relators ſtory) he underſtood had befallen him, v. 11, 12.

2. His indignation againſt, and juſtice upon the perſon who profeſſed he was the inſtrument to haſten it, v. 13, to 17.

3. His pious endeavour to perpetuate the memory of his deceaſed Sovereign in a mournfull Ditty compoſed by himſelf, and appointed in ſucceeding Ages to be ſung in a ſolemn manner by the children of Judah. To which purpoſe, he cauſed it to be recorded in a book kept (as it ſeems by Joſh. 10. 13.) of purpoſe, to preſerve the memorials of eminent men, called the book of Jaſher, or the Upright; and gave it (in remembrance of the weapons of warre which (it appears by 1 Sam. 31. 3.) were moſt fatall in that battel wherein Saul received his foyl, and firſt wound) the title of Keſheth, or the Bow, of which you have the particular account from v. 17. to the end.

My Text comes under the ſecond of theſe mentioned particulars, and is the verſe wherein David expreſſeth his deep reſentment of the related fact, with a juſt horrour and indignation: David ſaid to him, How waſt thou not afraid to ſtretch forth thy hand to deſtroy the Lords anointed?

Which words, becauſe rhey relate to a preceding Narrative, made by an Amalekite (a mercenary of Sauls, as is likely, eſcaped out of that battel before mentioned) concerning the manner of the Kings death: We will take a little time before we come to a particular view of them, to examine the conſiderable paſſages in it, and circumſtances relating to it.

And it is obſervable that the villain expreſſeth in … carriage and relation, a ſtrange mixture of

1. Confidence.Managed with a ſtrange

2. Caution.

Firſt, Confidence, in that he took the boldneſſe to be the Relator 1. Confidence.of ſuch a ſtory concerning himſelf, and that in the face of Authority, which an ordinary perſon would have trembled to have been charged withall by another. And that which moſt ſets off his confidence, p. 3is, that the perſon before whom he confeſſeth himſelf guilty of promoting Sauls death, was his immediate Succeſſoun▪ David, who by his death became actually King. Had he been never ſo ſlightly read in politicks, he might have learned, that ſucceeding Kings, (however, they may look on the news of their Predeceſſors death as acceptable tidings, yet) ſeldom look favourably upon thoſe who have been Inſtruments in making the royal Seat void for them; as conſidering that the ſame perſons who have been ſo kind to them, upon like inducements, may be eaſily tempted to do the like courteſie for others, as occaſion ſerves.

But (it ſeems) the Wretch built his confidence upon three probable Upon miſtaken grounds.conjectures, in all of which (nevertheleſſe) he was ſorely miſtaken.

1. That David, being by Gods appointment and Samuels unction, the next in ſucceſſion to Saul, might by his greedineſſe to graſp the Scepter, be tempted to make another judgement of the fact, then otherwiſe he would; and account his ſervice meritorious, who had holpen him to it ſooner then in the courſe of nature it would have fallen. He made an ill conjecture (it appears) at the temper of Davids ſpirit, which was not ſo ſharp-ſet upon the diſh of Royalty (however tempting in it ſelf, and to vulgar appetites) but that he could ſtay till Gods providence in a regular way carved it to him. How much mind ſoever he had to the golden apple, which ſets all the world at odds, Dominion, yet had he no mind to have the Tret on which it grew, battered, to make it fall before the time.

2. That however David might be too mortified to bite at the bait of Ambition, yet ſecret revenge might tickle him into a good humour, when he underſtood in what manner divine vengeance had overtaken his deadly enemy, and implacable perſecutor. But David had learned, that a gracious ſoul is frequently the more endangered by being ſecure from dangers. That, a ſtate of perſecution well husbanded, is the moſt feracious ſoil for grace to thrive in. That, be the benefit accrewing by the fall of ones enemy never ſo great, yet to rejoyce at the deſtruction of him that hateth us when evil hath found him, is not only a vicious diſpoſition in morality, but a ſin of no ordinary ſize in Divinity, Job 35. 15. and eſpecially, when the perſon ſo ſuffering is the Lords anointed; and ſo, the private advantage accrewing thereby to any perſon, is too inconſiderable a compenſation to be laid in ballance againſt a publique loſſe. And upon this account his p. 4politicks failed the Relator in his ſecond preſumption.

3. That David had been in Arms againſt Saul for divers years, and was at this time in a poſture of defence againſt him in a frontier Town of an enemies Country. Theſe conſiderations gave very great ſuſpicion that he deſigned the death of Saul himſelf, and ſo was (at leaſt intentionally) a partner in guilt with him who effected it. But the Miſcreant either knew not, or was willing not to know that Davids Arms were meerly defenſive, not offenſive; that, as his warrant for wearing them was extraordinary, and much different from other ſubjects in like caſes, ſo his temper in the uſe of them was extraordinary alſo: and laſtly, that he had more then once given evidence of no leſſe, when both opportunity, and tentation from his moſt intimate friends, had put it to the utmoſt trial, 1 Sam. 24. & 26. And thus was he miſtaken in his third conjecture, which bottomed his Confidence. And poſſibly, he himſelf might have ſome twinges and wrenches of ſuſpicion that he might be ſo; and that, in the midſt of his boldneſſe, makes him to manage his relation (in the ſecond place) with much

Secondly, Caution: Which appears in ſeveral particulars obſervable 2. Caution in his Artifices & Pleas for juſtification or extenuation of the Fact. 1. He relates only the death of Saul, Davids enemy. v. 5.in his carriage and narrative, whereby he ſeems of purpoſe to deſign the extenuation of this fact which he aſſumed the boldneſſe thus to relate. As

1. That though he brought the tidings of both Sauls and Jonathans death, yet he pretends not to have any ſuch particular knowledge of Jonathans death, as he had of Sauls, though David asked him concerning them both; leſt David ſhould by the circumſtances of his own relation, have ſuſpected him guilty of Jonathans death alſo, as he confeſſed himſelf of Sauls. He knew that friendſhip which was between David and Jonathan, would have endangered him to a more ſevere ſcrutiny, then he hoped he ſhould undergo for Sauls. At leaſt, he was not ſo ready to inſiſt on that part of the ſtory, which he knew was the moſt unwelcome, and therefore choſe to inſiſt only on that which he hoped would be better entertained. He had indeed ſlain Davids enemy, and ſo could give the moſt perfect relation of his death: but could ſay little but from the voice of the people, concerning the death of his friend.

2. That though he confeſſeth he had an hand in the death of 2. He juſtifieth his Fact. 1. By Sauls requeſt.Saul, yet he was requeſted by himſelf to do it. He ſaid unto him, ſtand upon me, I pray thee, and ſlay me, ver. 9. Now, volenti non fit p. 5injuria; and how much leſſe, roganti? No man is injured, but againſt his will; and therefore, it cannot (in any reaſon) come under the notion of Injury, to ſatisfie anothers Requeſt, which hath in it a ſuperlative degree of Voluntarineſs. Beſides, he was his Sovereign, and ſo his Requeſts adopted the Authority of Commands. And if his Soveraigns Command might warrant him to take away the life of another, why might it not juſtifie him rather in the caſe of his own? ſeeing what is a mans own, is more properly and directly in his power to diſpoſe of, than what is anothers. Add to this; that it was the laſt Office of Love and Service that he was capable of performing towards him; and that ſo great, that as he had cauſe to believe, that Saul himſelf thanked him for it in his dying thoughts, ſo his very Ghoſt, if it were preſent, could not but atteſt, that no man ever merited more highly from Saul, than he had done.

3. That there was Reaſon enough why Saul ſhould account no By his dangerous condition.leſs of this Service, for no man in his condition, but would have courted death, more amorouſly than ever he did the deareſt Object of his Affections: Wounded he was by his own hand, and as one that Job 3. 21.Job 3:21longed for death, he had digged for it into his own Breaſt, as for hid Treaſure: But the Channel he had made for Life to run out at, was too narrow to give it a speedy Vent, which he ſo earneſtly deſired. And how could his eyes endure to ſee his Beloved Soveraign lie in that miſery, wherein Life was his greateſt Burden, and not eaſe him of it? Beſides, Had there been any grounds to hope, he might recover of the wound he had given himſelf, no Subject he had, ſhould have been more ready to have bound it up, and attempted the Cure, than himſelf. But ſure he was, that long he could not live, V. 10. And to have protracted his Life, when there was only ſo much remaining in him, as ſerved to augment the anguiſh of his death, had been the greateſt Cruelty. So that, his condition conſidered, he could not but highly merit, by diſpatching him quickly. Or if his Charity to him in that caſe might in any conſtruction be interpreted criminal, yet the guilt could not be ſuch, as to render him the thouſandth part of a Murderer, ſeeing he could be no further chargeable with it, than that pitiful fragment of life amounted unto which he took away.By the Philiſlims purſuit of him.

4. That had he not done him the kindneſs of releaſing his weary ſoul, he had undoubtedly faln into the hands of the uncircumciſed p. 6Philiſtines, which he profeſſed to be his great fear, 1 Sam. 31. 4. And ſo had doubly died by the Wounds and Sarcaſmes of his Heathen Enemies. For, the Chariots and Horſemen followed hard after him, V. 6.

5. That he brought no deſign with him to the place, where he By his unpremeditated and providential coming to the place where he lay.did that Unhappy Act. For he was by meer Providence, while he fled for his own life, caſt upon that lamentable Object: He happened by chance upon Mount Gilboa, V. 6. and there he found Saul leaning upon his Spear: And this conſideration will clear him from all prepenſed malice, which is eſſentially requiſite to conſtitute a Murderer: So that in this caſe killing was no Murder, Beſides, ſuch was his hast, that he was in, to eſcape with his own life, that he had not the leaſt time to deliberate upon any ſuch courſe as might have ſaved Sauls, or to debate with himſelf concerning the Lawfulneſs or Unlawfulneſs of the Fact, being hardly himſelf, through his own fear, and the ſuddenneſs of the ſurprize by ſo unexpected a Providence.

6. That whereas it might poſſibly be ſuppoſed, that ſome covetous By his preſerving and reſtoring the Royal spoyles.deſire of enriching himſelf with the Royal Spoyles, tempted him to the Fact; to clear himſelf from any ſuch ſuſpition, he had brought with him, and now tendered to his Lawful Succeſſor, the Crown that was upon his head, and the Bracelet that was upon his Arm, V. 10. Which he took off after he was dead, to preſerve them from worſe hands.

7. And laſtly, That it had been, and ſtill was his unspeakable By the mouraing habit which he made the Relation in.grief, that he was ſo unhappy, as to be any way drawn in to be inſtrumental in ſo ſad a Buſineſs. That he had already ſpent more Tears for it, than he drew drops of blood in it; not becauſe he thought himſelf in the leaſt criminal, but becauſe he had been ſo unfortunate, as to do that which looked like ſo great a Crime. This, though it be not recorded as the Language of his Lips, yet ſo much is recorded, v. 2. concerning the Garb in which he preſented himſelf to David, as may juſtifie a conjecture, that he intended it as no ſmall part of his vindication: He had rent his cloaths, to teſtifie the rending of his heart, and covered himſelf with aſhes, to ſhew how willingly he could have laid himſelf down in the duſt for his dear Maſter, if by dying he could have redeemed his Life.His entertainment from David.

Pleas as plauſible, as ſo hainous a Fact could poſſibly admit of. After which, we may ſuppoſe him pauſing a while, and travelling p. 7with expectation of ſome great reward from David, before whom he feemed to himſelf to have ſo well acquitted himſelf, that he doubted not, but his Murder would advance it ſelf to the reputation of Merit. But my Text tels you, how David diſappointed his expectations, took down his confidence, and anſwered all his pleadings, by ſetting before him the atrociouſneſs of his Fact, nakedly, and in it ſelf conſidered in mitigation whereof, no Circumſtances ought to be admitted to conſideration: For, be all that thou haſt ſaid, true, (replies David) yet art thou not in the leaſt excuſable. For, How waſt thou not afraid (upon whatever Motives, or with whatever intentions) to ſtretch forth thy hand to deſtroy the Lords Anointed?

And thus have I led you through the Context to the Text, by Diviſion of the Text.a Preface ſomwhat tedious (I confeſs) but yet very neceſſary, to the full underſtanding and profitable improvement of it, as you ſhall ſee hereafter. Mean while, may it pleaſe you, with me, to obſerve, in this Reply of Davids, theſe three Parts conſiderable,

1. Quid, or what he replies; That it was a fearful ſin for him to ſtretch out his hand to deſtroy the Lords Anointed.

2. Quis, or the Perſon that made it; David ſaid.

3. Quomodo, or the manner of his Reply, which is by way of vehement Interrogation: How waſt thou not afriad, &c.

Firſt, The Quid, or Subſtance of his Reply, importing the Horridneſs of the ſin of this Amalekite.

To which there is a twofold Evidence;

I. The Aggravations of the Crime here condemned, taken from,

1. The Perſon that committed, but ought to have avoided it with holy Fear; Thou, under a twofold Capacity:

1. Thou, a Private man.

2. Thou, a Subject, by preſent relation (at leaſt) to Saul, being his Souldier.

2. The Perſon on whom it was committed, and who ought to have been otherwiſe dealt withal, conſidered in a double Capacity.

1. Of his Civil Quality; He was Unctus, a Perſon who had received Regal Unction, and was thereby ſeparated from the Vulgus, or common ſort of men, a King ſolemnly p. 8inaugurated, The Anointed.

2. Of his Sacred Relation, and ſo he was Meſſiah Jehovae, the Lords Anointed, Gods Deputy and Vicegerent by ſpecial Commiſſion.

3. The Fact it ſelf, which was,

1. In its Nature, bloudy, he deſtroyed him.

2. In its Principle, voluntary, he ſtretched forth his hand to do it, which imports a purpoſe and reſolution of heart to do it.

3. In its Manner, it was done foreign, without fear; He was not afraid to do that Act which he ſhould have trembled at.

II. The Invalidity of all his former Pleas, or whatever might be urged in his defence; gathered from the connexion of the Verſe with the preceding Relation; David takes no notice of any of his Pleas at all, which imports thus much [although all this, and much more might be truly ſaid in his defence, yet it was nevertheleſs horrid to David, nor ought to have been to him.]

Secondly, Quis, or the Perſon replying, David ſaid; who comes under a twofold Conſideration alſo.

I. According to what he truly and indeed was.

1. As a man; one truly pious, and incomparably tenderconſcienced, [David (the Saint) ſaid]

2. As a King; For Sauls death actually poſſeſſed him of the Throne, though he were not poſſeſſed of the Kingdom: [David (the King) ſaid.]

II. According to the miſtaken Idea or Notion under which the Malefactor repreſented him to himſelf in the grounds of his forementioned Confidence; and ſo he comes under a threefold view:

1. As a Perſon mortally perſecuted by Saul; who never left hunting him as a partridge upon the Mountaines, till he had hunted him into a Forreign Countrey, where now he was.

2. As a Perſon formerly in Arms againſt him, and yet ſtanding upon his guard, in Ziglag, the place of his preſent Retreat.

3. As the Perſon who had long (by divine Warrant) expected the devolution of Sauls Crown upon himſelf.

p. 9Thirdly, Quomodo, or the manner of his Reply; which imports an unuſual heat and eagerneſs, a ſtrange concitation of paſſions. For it is by way of vehement Interrogation, aculeated with abundance of quick Tartneſs.

It is not barely Aſſertio docentis, an affirmation of his Duty, for then he needed to have expreſt it only thus; [Thou oughteſt to have been afraid.]

Nor barely, Querela dolentis, an expreſſion of his grief for the ſad accident: For then he had not needed to have languaged it otherwiſe than thus; [Alas! What a fearful thing was it for thee thus to ſtretch forth thy hand, &c.]

Nor barely, Quaeſtio diſcentis, an enquiry concerning the temper (or distemper rather) wherein he did it, which might have been ſufficiently expreſſed thus; [Waſt thou not afraid, &c.

But it is Interrogatio exprobrantis, a ſmart interrogation, exprobrating to him the audacious impiouſneſs of the Fact. [How waſt thou not afraid, &c.] Which expreſſeth all the reſt, and more too. In a word, it ſpeaks three Paſſions, which David felt upon the ſad Relation.

1. Grief; For ſo do we find that Paſſion venting it ſelf by a doleful Interrogation, Lam. 4. 1. & Iſa. 1. 21. &c.

2. Wonder and Aſtoniſhment; that a Perſon ſo abject and contemptible, ſhould arrive at the confidence to direct a ſteady blow at the heart of his Soveraign. And ſuch [How's] do we alſo find in Scripture: See Iſa. 14. 12. Prov. 30. 13. &c.

3. Horrour and Abomination of the monſtrous impiety, as well as daringneſs of the Act. And we are not without Examples of the Expreſſion of this paſſion in a like Form. See Gen. 39. 9. Heſt. 8. 6. &c.

And thus, having crumbled my Text to pieces, for the fuller And handled.Explication of it, by the due weighing of every Word contained in it, it will be needful to look them over ſeverally.

1. As they relate to the Chapter and Narrative contained in it.

2. As they may be accomodated by way of parallel to the ſad occaſion of this daies Solemnity.

And Firſt, As they relate to the Chapter and its Narrative, it Firſt view of the Text.will be uſeful to conſider the three Parts of the Text diſtinctly, the p. 10firſt, by way of Doctrine, the ſecond and third by way of Inference or Application.

1. Firſt then, The Quid or Doctrine which is by David in the Part 1. Quid. Or the hainouſneſs of this Fact of the Amalekite in killing Saul, and (under that) of Kingkilling in general. Evidenced;Text in ended, to be amplified to the utmoſt, is, the horrid wickedneſs of this particular Fact of the Amalekites killing of King Saul (in Hypotheſi) and thence (in Theſi) or generally, the hainouſneſs of the ſin of murdering Kings, under whatever diminutive conſiderations it may be preſented.

Now this Intention, David in the Text doth amply make good, (as before was intimated.)

1. By ſo emphatical a Collection of the Circumſtances of the Crime confeſſed, which the diſtribution of the Text enumerates.

2. By the rejecting of all thoſe Pleas (as invalid) which either were expreſſed, or might be implied, in the particulars of his defence before mentioned.

I. The aggravating Circumſtances of the Fact, in the Text, are,Firſt, By the aggravating Circumſtances. Taken From the Perſon committing the Fact.

1. The Conſiderations under which the Murderer came, (viz.) of a private perſon, and one who (of a Forreigner, an Amalekite, whoſe life Saul had ſpared, contrary to the expreſs Command of God, 1 S…m. 15.) was admitted into the condition of a Subject and Souldier under him; and (if the conjecture of ſome, that this Amalekite was Doegs Son, be true) had received a peculiar Obligation from him, in the advancement beſtowed upon his Father.

But (to omit his Obligations, which indeed render the Fact monſtrouſly ingrateful, could they be proved; but being only received from Jewiſh-Tradition, and not aſſerted in the Text, I ſhall make no further uſe of them) in that he was (confeſſedly) a private perſon, and a Subject, it was evidence ſufficient of the horridneſs of the Fact, that he did it. For, for a private man to execu…e a power of Life and death, was an high preſumption, and would amount to no leſs than Murder, if acted upon the Meaneſt and moſt Criminal Perſon in the world: But when to the Privateneſs of the Condition, is added Subjection alſo, this adds a far greater aggravation. Had the Amalekite ſlain his equal, he had been a Murderer; but the ſlaying his Superior, to whom he was lawfully ſubject, rendered him a Parricide. They that juſtifie the power of Subjects over the Lives of their Lawful Superiors, had need find p. 11out a Logick, that can verifie Contradictions; for ſuch muſt that Doctrine neceſſarily maintain, that renders the ſame Perſons ad invicem, towards each other, and at once, Soveraign and Subject; the Subject his own Princes Soveraign, and the Soveraign his own Subjects Vaſſal. So that the ſin of King-killing, acted by the hands of Subjects, upon this bare account, amounts to no leſſe than an Uſurpation of a Juriſdiction inconſiſtent with all Principles or right Reaſon, and all Lawes, both of God and man, and renders the Perſon that is guilty of it, ſuperlatively criminal, as one who forfeits his Soul to God, and his Life to man, by the guilt of the higheſt Premunire that can be incurred. This is the first emphatical aggravation of the Fact, from the Perſon committing it. Let Saul deſerve to die never ſo juſtly, yet what Commiſſion had the Amalekite, a private Perſon, and his Subject, to kil him? And ſo David tels him: —At tu indignus quid faceres tamen?

[How waſt not [Thou] afraid?]

II. The Fact is yet rendred more hainous, by the Second Emphatical From the Perſon murdered, who was,aggravation in the Text, taken from the Perſon ſlain, Saul, under a double Conſideration:

He was

1. Unctus.

2. Unctus Domini.

I. He was Unctus, (in his Civil Quality) He was a Perſon Anointed.ſolemnly ſeparated from other men, an Anointed King. Anointing (or whatever Ceremony of Inveſtiture is, (by the Cuſtoms of Particular Nations) equivalent thereunto) puts a Note of higheſt difference between the Perſons dignified therewith, and others. Three high and honourable Functions in the Scripture were conferred by this Ceremony of Anointing, and all of them ſenced and priviledged from Injuries by vertue of that Holy Oyle; the Prieſtly, Prophetical and Royal Offices. Not to inſtance in the two former, (upon which (whatever theſe confuſed times have ſuggeſted to the contrary) it were eaſie to prove, that God hath written a Nolitetangere, a Priviledge from common handling) to be ſure the Laſt, (the Royal) is ſo highly ſecured by the holy Scriptures, that they exact from Subjects ſuch a ſpecial Awe and Reverence towards Kings, as not only binds the Hand and Tongue, p. 12but the very Heart alſo, to the good behaviour: Whence in the caſe of this very Saul, when he was once anointed King, the Holy Ghoſt puts the Brand of Sons of Belial upon all thoſe who despiſed or ſpake contemptuouſly of him, 1 Sam. 10. 27. And Solomon ſtrictly forbids us to curſe, or wiſh evil to the King, even in our very thoughts, Eccleſ. 10. 20. So that this Conſideration was very effectually conducing to the aggravation of the Amalekites in the Text, and (in him) of every King-killers offence: For the conſequence is a minori ad majus, undeniable. If the leſſer injury may not be done to Kings, the greater may not. If our Tongues, nay Thoughts are not to injure them, much leſs our Hands.

II. To ſtrengthen this conſideration further, David cals him And the Lords Annointed.not only Unctum, [Anointed,] but Unctum Domini, [the Lords Anointed] Which Title peculiarly relates him to God as his Vicegerent and Lieutenant, and enhanceth the ſin of King-killing to the guilt of High Treaſon againſt God himſelf. That the Title of the Lords Anointed, is attributed to other Kings beſides Saul, as to all the Jewiſh Kings, yea and Heathen Kings alſo (inſtance Cyrus, Iſa. 45. 1) argues that the ſame ſecurity belongs to all other Kings, as being no leſs related to God, and commiſſioned under him: That Supreme Authority reſides originally in the Body of the People as the Fountain of all juſt power, and is delegated to Kings from Not the Peoples.them, as their ſervants intruſted by them, and for male-adminiſtration accountable to them, is a Doctrine that ſavours ſo much of a ſpirit quite alien from the Scriptures, that I ſhall almoſt as ſoon turn Mahometan, as believe it. Surely in that the Holy Ghoſt cals them Gods, he cannot be thought to aſſign them an humane Original, without allowing the Creature a power (which he every Pſ. 82. 6.Ps 82:6where denies him) of conferring a Divinity upon the work of his hands. Man, whilſt he attempts to make a God, doth no other, than the Child, that attempts with a Bundle of Clouts, to make a Babe. They that ſay to the works of their hands, ye are gods, Hoſ. 14. 3. are no other, than blasphemous Idolaters; and the gods they make, are Elilim, vain Idols, not Elohim, true Gods, Jer. 16. 20. Pſal. 96. 5. Yea, it is a ſtrong Scripture-conſequence againſt the Divinity of ſuch Puppet-gods; [The workman made it, therefore it is not God, Hoſ. 8. 6.] Of like nature is the Preſumption of thoſe men who undertake to make and unmake Kings, at their own pleaſure; and that ſo great, that (in reference to this very claim) the p. 13Great Antichriſt is juſtly charged with lifting himſelf up above all that is called God, 2 Theſ. 2. 4. And to ſet up Kings without God, (Kings of humane Conſtitution, contrary to Gods appointed Order of Succeſſion) when it was acted by the Ten Tribes, in the caſe of Jeroboam, and the ſucceeding Kings of Iſrael, is yoaked (as a parallel piece of preſumptuous Impiety) in one and the ſame verſe, with making Idols of Silver and Gold, Hoſ. 8. 4. Indeed a God and a King of mans making, are both alike, Idols both; and they that make them, are like unto them. It is He alone that hath it to give, who confers the leaſt ſpark of Divinity, Political, as well as Natural: and he that ſaies to a man of his own ſetting up, Thou art Gods Deputy, firſt, robs the True God of that power, and then beſtows it upon a Counterfeit. And although the Conſtitutions of ſome Nations, where Popular Election diſpoſeth of the Crown, may ſeem to invalidate this Doctrine, I muſt tell you, that (beſides that ab initio non fuit ita, the Original of all Governments was from Paternal Juriſdiction, and next that hereditary Succeſſion (both appointed by God) and all Forms varying from thoſe, are too novel to preſcribe againſt an ancienter Conſtitution) even there where Election (according to Law and Cuſtom) deſignes the Perſon, Gods Ordination confers the Power, that he is inveſted withall; for there is no power but from God, Rom. Kings (even where elected by the People) are nevertheleſs,13. 1. In ſuch Nations, the Kings may be Electi, Plebis, the Peoples Elect; but when once regularly choſen, they become Uncti Domini, the Lords Anointed. And with this diſtinction, (though it may poſſibly be, orthodox enough to interpret St. Peters foreign, (Pet. 2. 13.) of a perſon according to the Laws and Customs of a Nation elected, or acknowledged for King, that thereby he becomes (ſo far) an Ordinance or Creature of man: yet) when this Creature of man is ſo far made, as mans Votes or Laws or Conſents can make him, he receiveth (over and above this) by a Divine Dixi, a word of Authority, to make him the Object of conſcientious Obedience, which the ſame Apoſtle intimates in the next words, Submit your ſelves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords ſake, i. e. as conſidering the relation he hath to God. The Body of Authority is made by Laws and Cuſtoms of Nations, but the Soul of it is infuſed by God. Prometheus may make the Image of a man of Clay, but it is Fire from Heaven that muſt animate it, or it is but an Image ſtill: So till the Word of God p. 14come to men, (as our Saviour phraſeth it, John 10. 35.) and ſay Gods Anointed.Ye are Gods, they are but (as Sampſon bereft of his Locks) like other men: But when once Gods dixi, is paſt, then, and then only, this foreign this Ordinance of man, becomes foreign, the Constitution and Ordination of God, Rom. 13. 2.

It is true indeed, that (for the aſcertaining of mens Conſciences in the Object of their Civil Worſhip) Gods dixi, alwaies concurs with the juſt and lawful Iſſue of Humane Conſtitutions and Cuſtoms, ſo that God hath given us this Infallible Note, to diſcern who is Unctus Domini, his Vicegerent and Deputy, that he comes to govern according to the Laws of the Kingdom. But yet you may not aſcribe the Authority he hath, to the Laws which aſſert his Right, but to God, whoſe Conſtitution enables thoſe Laws to determine in ſo weighty a matter.

And hence, it will not follow, that the Peoples conſent (which And therefore not ſubject to their Juriſdiction when once admitted.made thoſe Laws, upon the determination of which the divine Conſtitution is neceſſarily attendant) renders the Perſon inveſted with Authority according to thoſe Laws, at all, much leſs altogether, dependant upon the People for that Authority; and that therefore in caſe of male-adminiſtration, he may be unmade by them who made him, more than it will follow, that becauſe (according to the ſtanding Law of Nature) the rational Soul is neceſſarily annexed to the Subſtance of the Body, in the inſtant of Generation; therefore we owe our Spirits to our Parents, as well as our Bodies, or that (upon that Suppoſition) the Natural Parent may diſmiſs the Soul of his Child from the Body at his pleaſure, which he is ſuppoſed to have by generation conferred upon it. But rather (as in Nature and Reaſon the Soul of man, however neceſſarily tied to the order of Nature in generation, is yet foreign, Gods Off-ſpring, Acts 17. Not the Parents, and therefore may not be diſlodged our of the Body without a Writ of Revocation, a Redite Filii hominum, from the Father of Spirits, for no man hath Pſal. 90. 3. Heb. 12. 9.Ps 90:3Heb 12:9power over the Spirit, but only God that gave it, Eccleſ. 8. 8. 12. 7. So in the true and genuine reaſon of State-Government, (which is to be fetched from the Scriptures, not mens Politicks) Authority, which is foreign, the Ordinance of God, (whatever neceſſary Connexion, by divine appointment, it have to humane Laws and Cuſtoms) cannot juſtly be ſeparated from the Perſon, whom thoſe Laws and Cuſtoms have inveſted with it, without an Act p. 15of divine reſumption. He that ſaith to Princes, Ye are Gods, makes them (in a Political ſenſe) what he ſaies they are, Civil Deities, and ſuch they muſt continue, till by a like dixi or word of Repeal, he unmake them again. And the reſolution which Conſcience muſt expect, to determine herein alſo, muſt be fetched from the Laws Umpirage in all Nations.

Now from this Dixi of God, this Divine Conſtitution it is, But Sacred & ſecured by Divine Ordinationthat the Perſons of Kings have in all places and ages been accounted Sacred. This Unction from the Holy One, (give me leave ſo to call it in alluſion to that of St. John, though by him uſed in another ſenſe, 1 John 2. 20.) ſecures them from the gripes of rude hands, with a Nolite tangere. For ſo (though that Text directly relates to Gods wonderful preſervation of the three Patriarchs, Abraham, Iſaac, and Jacob, and that under the Notion of Gods Prophets, under which Relation God expreſly cautions Abimelech, Gen. 20. 7. And that Paſſage, it is more than probable, the Pſalmiſt had in his eye, when he penned it) the Argument which God uſeth, Pſal. 105. 15. for the Priviledge he gave them, that they were Uncti Domini, will neceſſarily extend the ſecurity there claimed for them, to all who are partakers of a like Unction: [Touch not ſaith he, mine Anointed] by that known Logical Maxime, A quatenus ad de omni valet Argumentum. A conſideration, which ſo far prevailed with Holy David, that his heart ſmote him, in the Cave, for only cutting off the Skirt of King Sauls Garment, as if the ſavour of the Divine Unction by deſcending (as it is ſaid of Aarons, Pſal. 133. 2.) to the Skirts of his Garment, had communicared its Tincture ſo far to the Royal Robe, as to mind him by the Sent it left upon his very fingers ends, that he had made too bold with the Lords Anointed, 1 Sam. 24. 5. And therefore, no wonder, And that although abuſing their Power againſt the Laws, and turning Tyrants.if he charge it ſo home upon this Amalekite, who had with a murderous touch aſſaulted that Body that wore it.

Obj. True, (will the Anti-monarchiſt ſay) whilſt Princes keep to the Rules by which they are to govern; but if they tranſgreſs them, do they not thereby forfeit their Priviledge, and become as other men; yea, far worſe, by being Tyrants: Is it not lawful to kill a which is,Tyrant, that preys upon the Lives and eſtates of his Subjects, like a wild Beaſt let looſe, and makes uſe of Gods Authority committed to him, to ſecure himſelf in ſuch intolerable Abuſes?

Sol. To which I anſwer,

p. 161. Was not this very Saul as properly a Tyrant in this kind, Proved by ſeveral Arguments.as any recorded in Scripture or Hiſtory? Was he impowered by the Law of God (by which he was to govern, Deut. 17. 14, 15. &c. to the end) to perſecute an innocent David, as he did? or to attempt the murder of his own Son Jonathan, as he did? 1 Sam. 20. 33. Or, was he impowered to deſtroy a whole City of Prieſts, for the ſuppoſed offence of one Ahimilech, as he did? 1 Sam. 22. 18. Was he impowered by that Law to do many other irregular Acts, which Samuel reckons up by way of Propheſie concerning him, when he made him King? 1 Sam. 8. 11, 12. And yet was he ſtill Unctus Domini, under the Protection of his Divine Unction, and not to be touched with a violent hand.

2. There is a twofold Tyrant, Tyrannus Titulo, & Tyrannns exercitio, a Tyrant for want of a juſt Title to govern, and a Tyrant by unjuſt Acts in his Government, though his Title to Government be never ſo juſt. He that is Tyrannus Titulo, and hath no Title to govern, an Uſurper, hath no nolite tangere, no divine Protection from his Unction, no touch not mine Anointed, to ſecure him.

And (although it be not (in my judgment) a ſafe Principle, which permits every private Perſon to deſtroy ſuch a Tyrant, (ſeeing hereby private men are made competent Judges of Soveraign Rights, and the moſt Lawful Prince cannot be ſafe, if that be allowed) yet) no queſtion, the Collective Body of a Nation, headed by an Uſurper againſt the general ſenſe of thoſe who have the ordinary power of interpreting and executing Laws, may (upon their call) riſe up againſt, diſpoſſeſſe, and bring him to condigne puniſhment to make way for the Lawful Prince unjuſtly excluded.

But where a Prince lawfully intituled to his Government, is yet Tyrannus exercitio, abuſeth that Government, to unjuſt and illegal Barbarities, (though herein he offend as highly againſt God, as it is not eaſily imaginable, how any one can more, becauſe he defaceth (the moſt glorious Image of God) himſelf; and reflects the partnerſhip of his guilt upon God, whom he repreſents, as authorizing him to ſuch enormities, which the power received from him (only) capacitateth him to act: yet) is he ſtill, becauſe of the Anointing, a priviledged perſon, not to be violated by thy hands, or mine, whatever evils we ſuffer under him, and what p. 17capacity ſoever we may be in, to revenge them. I will evidence this to you by a familiar Inſtance: Adulterated Coyn, that bears the Princes Image, without the warrant of his own Mint, to atteſt it, any man may refuſe to receive in payment, and knock to pieces, or nayl to a Poſt, becauſe it is adulterate. But good and lawful Coyn ſtamped by juſt Authority, how much ſoever it may be battered or defaced, whilſt any Print remains of the Royal Inſcription to declare it ſuch, may challenge a free paſſage, and may not be refuſed, or wilfully abuſed. So (whatever becomes of Tyrants by Title, who bear Gods ſuperſcription only by adulteration, and are meer By-blows of Supremacy) thoſe that are not ſo, (however Tyrannous actions may blemiſh and deface them, yet) becauſe they are the Legitimate Iſſue of a Divine Commiſſion, and ſo truly Filii Excelſi, the Sons of the moſt High, having the true ſtamp of his Image upon them, muſt be ſtill owned as ſuch, and reſpected according to their Authority.

3. But be it ſuppoſed, that (notwithſtanding all that is ſaid) ſuch a Forfeiture may be made, as the Objectors pretend; I would fain know, who ſhall be Judge, when, and by what Acts this Forfeit is incurred: Shall the Prince himſelf? I doubt they will think that unreaſonable, becauſe in this caſe he is a meer Party, and ſo will undergo the ſuſpicion of Partiality to himſelf, from a Principle of ſelf-Love.

Who muſt then? The Collective body of the Subjects? And do not the Objectors ſee that the ſame reaſon excludes them? Will not the Principle of Self-Love, and Self-revenge be as apt to corrupt them, in taking cogniſance of the Injuries they feel? But there is an higher exception againſt them yet; and that is the offending Iſraelites Queſtion to Moſes, Who made thee a Judge? Exod. 2. 14. By what Law either Divine or humane, (was the Queſtion of our Late martyred Soveraign) can the Subject be impowered to ſit in Judgment upon his King? And indeed, as there is no ſuch Law, ſo is it moſt unreaſonable there ſhould be: For, grant the Subjects ſuch a power, and conſidering the prevalency of prejudices againſt Governours, and the frequency of ſucceſſeful attempts of ill-meaning perſons, to ſpread thoſe prejudices, together with the incapacity of the People to know and judge of the true reaſon of State-Actions, &c.) and tell me, whether it would ever (in likelihood be the felicity of any King (how juſt ſoever) without a p. 18miracle, to eſcape being depoſed or murthered, at one time or other by his ſubjects. The Complices and Partners in guilt of every mal…factor whom he hath put to death, though never ſo juſtly, would before a Popular Judicatory arraign him for Murther; the perſons concerned in confiſcated Eſtates, would Indite him for theft and robbery: the Fanatick puniſhed by his Laws, for never ſo horrid Blaſphemies, and pretended conſciencious Conſpiracies, &c. would proſecute him for a Perſecutor: inſomuch that the only way for a King to be ſecure in ſuch a Kingdom, were to let all justice go at ſixes and ſevens, and then he would be obnoxious to the diſpleaſure of none but (thoſe, who though by this diſſolution of Government they would be the deepeſt Sufferers, yet by their conſcientious Principles are remoteſt from all likelihood of revenging themſelves upon their Sovereign) the truly Godly. Nay (I will ſpeak a big word for once) it would be hard for the moſt righteous Governour of the whole world, to carry himſelf ſo inoffenſively towards his Subjects, but that the major part of them, were his actions to be ſcanned by their Judgement, would think it fit to Vote the reins out of his hand for male-adminiſtration.

And if neither Prince nor ſubjects in general be fit to determine in this Controverſie, who ſhall then? Will they ſay, the Repreſentatives of the People? If ſo, in what capacity ſhall they undertake it? Not of Inferiors ſurely, or Equals; for par in parem (much leſs inferior in ſuperiorem) non habet imperium. Of Superiors? From whence ſhall they derive that power? If from Law, ſhew that Law? If from popular election, then their power can be no other then before was in the body collective by whom they are choſen; ſo that except the people be ſuperiour to their Sovereigns (which hath before been diſproved,) they cannot delegate that ſuperiority to others, which they never had themſelves.

And now there remains only one ſhift imaginable for the judging this caſe: and that is recourſe to a Forreign power, which indeed is ſo farre from amending the matter, that it makes it farre worſe. For (beſides that Sovereign Princes are equals in Authority, (though not in Dominions it may be) and ſo the former maxim recurres, Par in parem non habet imperium, and that none is likely (becauſe of the precedent) to be courted to ſuch an Imployment, (except the Pope, who challengeth a Supremacy over Princes as Chriſts univerſal Vicar, and whoſe claims in this kind have been over and p. 19over refuted:) how ſhall a Forreign Prince be enabled to excerciſe this Juriſdiction, but by the ſucceſs of a Warre? And for ſubjects to call in a Forreign force to arbitrate the differences between them and their Sovereign, what can it amount unto but the higheſt of traiterous Conſpiracies?

4. (and laſtly) Suppoſe the caſe were unquestionable, and the forfeiture made and juſtly ſo judged, yet, to whom doth the ſeizure upon this forfeited Authority belong? Not to man (certainly) for it hath been before proved that all Authority is Gods Ordinance, a Flower of his Prerogative, a Jewel of his Crown, and ſo can fall (upon forfeiture) only into his hands who derived it. So that it will clearly follow, that if God himſelf (for the chaſtiſement of a ſinfull people, or for other holy ends of his own) ſhall think fit, for a while, not to enter upon the forfeiture, it will be high preſumption in any men to precipitate the judgement of God, and enter before his time (though in his Name and right) upon his peculiar. Hence the Saints of God in former and latter times, have ſuffered under the bloodieſt Tyrants with admirable patience, as under Gods ſcourges, and referred their caſes to him who judgeth uprightly: and even in their complaints to him, have expreſſed ſo much Chriſtian temper and moderation, that they have rather praied for the converſion and pardon of their perſecutors, than wiſhed vengeance upon them. And when they have foreſeen the vengeance coming, have not deſired the wofull day, Jer. 17. 16. but deprecated it rather: However (to be ſure) they never put forth their hands to the iniquity of ſelf-reparation, but patiently expected the coming of the Lord, Ja. 5. 6, 7. And upon this ground David checks the forwardneſſe of Abiſhai, (who offered him the ſervice of ſmiting Saul dead) Deſtroy him not, for either the Lord ſhall ſmite him (with a diſeaſe) or his day (in the courſe of nature) ſhall come to die, or he ſhall deſcend into the battel and periſh: but the Lord forbid that I ſhould ſtretch forth my hand againſt the Lords Anointed, 1 Sam. 26. 8, 9, 10. And yet (which makes this Anſwer more conſiderable) the Crown of Saul was not only actually forfeited, but adjudged ſo by God himſelf, and the reverſion of it beſtowed upon David, 1 Sam. 15. 28. Notwithſtanding all which, you ſee, the holy man will not be perſwaded to make a forcible entry, but waits till God by his providence devolves that upon him which he had demiſed by promiſe.

Obj. Obj. It will be farther objected, that this priviledge belonged indeed p. 20deed to Jewiſh Kings, but it may be doubted, whether the Goſpel This priviledg belongs not to Jewiſh Kings only, but all other Kings. Sol.(introducing a ſtate of Liberty, beyond that which the Jewes enjoyed,) the ſame immunity belong to Princes ſince the coming of Chriſt?

Sol. To which I anſwer again,

1. That Goſpel liberty diſſolves not Natural or Civil duties: and thoſe that think it does, make it a cloak of maliciouſneſſe, 1 Pet. 2. 13, 16.

2. That the immunity of Jewiſh Kings belonged not to them as ſuch, but as Gods Anointed, as deputed Gods under the moſt high. And the Goſpel owns the Supream power, even in the hands of perſecuting Heathens as an Ordinance of God, Rom. 13. 2.

3. And it is evident that the ancient Chriſtians thought ſo, who after they had adventured their lives in the field for perſecuting Emperours, as Souldiers, laid them down for their Religion, in obedience to their commands (though unjuſt and barbarous) as Martyrs.

3And thus have I diſpatched the ſecond conſideration, (that of the perſon ſlain) made uſe of in the Text for the ſecond Aggravation of the ſin of King-killing: that Saul ſlain was not only Unctus, an anointed King, by his civil Quality, but Unctus Domini, one who was Gods Vicegerent, by ſacred Relation. And (by conſequence) am now at liberty to inſiſt a while on the third Aggravation taken from the fact it ſelf, as the Text ſtates it. And that is repreſented notoriouſly foul by three things.From the Nature of the Fact, as Bloody.

1. That it was in its nature bloody. He deſtroyed the Lords anointed. It was not a murther intended only, nor a murther barely attempted without ſucceſſe, but an actual murther. And yet, had he not effected it, the very attempt (conſidering the quality of the Perſon) had been ſo hainous a crime, that the Laws of Nature and Nations would have puniſhed it with death. But here the guilt is infinitely aggravated by the execution of that which had been ſo highly criminal but to attempt. For a King, (however attempted againſt) whiles he is but in being, fils the Royal Seat, and Heads the Commonwealth, and animates all Courts of Juſtice by the Authority of his Name: yea, laies ſome reſtraint upon the moſt lawleſſe and diſſolute perſons, on the account of a poſſibility of being called to account for their outrages and enormities. But the actual taking away of a Kings life, expoſeth the empty Throne to the p. 21next potent Uſurper, ſilenceth the Laws, annulleth all deputed Powers, by the expiration of their Commiſſions, renders every man (in a ſort) his own Maſter, and ſets up (for the Time) as many Lords of miſrule in a Nation, as there are evil-diſpoſed perſons in it. And although theſe evils are not equally felt in hereditary Kingdoms, as in others, (becauſe in ſuch the King never dies) yet, they are all equally chargeable upon all Regicides; ſeeing, that they do not all actually enſue, is no thank to them, but to the publique conſtitution rather; and the Fact in its own nature being every where of like pernicious tendency, and ſuch as (even in the beſt conſtituted Governments) may give advantage of opportunity to the deſigns of thoſe who ſhall deſire to improve the alteration of affairs, to the ſubverſion of the Fundamentals of Government, by which ſucceſſion is ſecured; as we of theſe Nations have lately found by too ſad experience. In which reſpect, the fact of this Amalekite was the more hainous, as being an actual deſtroying of the Lords anointed.

2. That it was a voluntary or rather wilfull Act. For he ſtretched wilfull.forth his hand, and that with a purpoſe to deſtroy the King. Had the King accidentally ruſhed upon his drawn weapon, or had his armed hand, by impreſſion from ſome external force, been made the inſtrumental cauſe of taking away the life of the Lords anointed, or any other like accident had rendred him the deſtroyer of the King, though beſides his intention; it had been an infelicity to have been bewailed all the daies of his life: But to reach forth his armed hand to lend him a voluntary wound, with a purpoſe to take away his life, was a crime, not to be expiated with his life it ſelf. Every ſin receives its degrees of ſinfulneſſe from the degrees of voluntarineſſe appearing in it. And the more hainous the ſin is, the more aggravation doth it admit from the concurrence of the will in any ſort, becauſe the greater an evil is in it ſelf, the more perverſion of the will (whoſe only proper object is good) muſt there needs be, to render it capable of chooſing it.

3. (and laſtly) That it was committed foreign he was not afraid to do it. A modeſt, timorous ſinner hath ſo much (at leaſt) of the Audacio….appearance of vertue, as abates ſomething of the odiouſneſſe of the ſin he commits. But a very ſtrange monſter of wickedneſſe muſt he needs be, who hath arrived at the unhappy pinacle of ſinning dedolently. To baffle ſhame, and muzzle fear, and ſtifle conſcience in p. 22ſinning, implies a kind of abſolute Sovereignty and Dominion in wickedneſſe, and renders the perſon ſo qualified, a kind of omnipotent ſinner, and (by conſequence) the moſt remote from all poſſibility of repentance. And ſuch a Wretch doth David imply that man to be, whom neither Religion towards God, nor reverence to Majeſty will reſtrain from ſo horrid a crime, as this of deſtroying the Lords anointed, let whatever can be pleaded on his behalf: Which brings me to the ſecond particular evidence which David gives to the Quid or matter of his Anſwer, (the firſt General part of my Text) which hath waited a long while for its diſpatch,

And that is, [the invalidity of all that had been, or might be pleaded 222. The ſecond particular evidence in reference to the matter of Davids reply (or the doctrine of the hainouſnes of King-killing) The invalidity of all Pleas made for it.on this malefactors behalf,] implied in the connexion of this ſowre and ſevere expreſſion, with the Amalekites garb and Narrative, before improved for his vindication. Notwithſtanding all which David pronounceth him guilty of the horrid ſin of murthering the Lords anointed, and ſentenceth him accordingly. To clear the Juſtice of which Cenſure and Sentence, (ſeeing it will much conduce to the main Hypotheſis [the ſetting forth the horrid wickedneſſe of King-killing] and be of much uſe to us in our application) we will conſider every one of his real or poſſible Plea's apart, and anſwer them in their order. His own plea's are ſeven (before mentioned) to which we will adde one made by Interpreters of this Scripture; and that ſhall be the firſt.

Firſt, (though the Amalekite pleads it not, yet) there may be a The Amalekites pleas anſwered Plea 1. anſwered, (which is the plea of Interpreters for him.)Queſtion made, Whether the Holy Ghoſt in the relation of Sauls death, 1 Sam. 31. 4, 5. do not acquit him of having any hand in the Fact, though he (in hope of reward) might take it upon himſelf? For the ſtory tels us, that when Saul had deſired his Armour-bearer to do him the kindneſſe to diſpatch him, and he had refuſed, Saul took a ſword and fell upon it: and that he died of that wound by his own hand, ſeems probable by what is immediatly ſubjoined, that Sauls Armour-bearer ſeeing that he was dead, fell likewiſe upon his own ſword and died. From hence (with much likelihood) ſome Interpreters confidently acquit the Amalekite from the Fact. Nor ſhall I much contend with them about it, ſeeing I ſhall (upon other accounts) clear Davids juſtice upon him anon. Though I might tell them that there is no cogent reaſon to demonſtrate a contradiction between the relation of the Hiſtory, and the Amalekites Narrative. For what if Saul fell upon his own ſword, and the Amalekite p. 23ſayes he found him leaning upon his Spear? Both may be true; he might (firſt) fall on his own Sword, and (that not diſpatching him) might ſcramble up again, and make a Second Attempt with his Spear, but could not make way through his Coat of Mayle, as the Margin to v. 9. renders his words to the Amalekite. And what if it be ſubjoyned, after his falling on his Sword, that his Armour-bearer ſaw that he was dead? Doth it therefore follow, that he died immediately of that Wound? The Armour-bearer might conclude him dead, ſeeing him ſo wounded and faln; when yet he might ſtruggle longer with death, then he imagined, and out-live him that thought him dead, even till the Amalekite came, and finding him in that ſad poſture, killed him outright.

But (however) be it that the Amalekite did the Fact indeed, or only boaſted (in hope of reward) that he had done it; yet received he no wrong from David.

1. Voluntary Confeſſion (eſpecially, where no Force is uſed to extort it, upon publick arraignment, in the preſence of a Judge) is Conviction ſufficient, to juſtifie the condemnation of the perſon confeſſing.

2. Abundance of Circumſtances there were to confirm David in the belief of it: As,

1. That he was an Amalekite, and ſo one that upon a National quarrel, might be ſuppoſed to owe Saul a Miſchief, who had put the whole Nation of which he was, excepting only himſelf, and ſome few more (it is probable) carried away contrary to Gods Command alive for Slaves, 1 Sam. 15. And it may be (upon this account, in his Examination) David asked him again, whence he was? V. 13. (though in his Relation of the Diſcourſe between Saul and himſelf, he had let fall no leſs before) that he might judicially confeſs that Circumſtance, ſo neceſſary to his Conviction, upon Deliberation.

2. The Crown and Bracelet, which were known to be Sauls, gave evidence, that in all probability, he had the Rifling of dead Saul, and probably, might kill him, that he might plunder him.

3. That whether he committed the Fact, or no, yet was he guilty of it, in intention (at leaſt) otherwiſe he would not have made ſo formal a ſtory to gain from David the reputation of having done it, and related it with a kind of glorying in it, as an act of merit towards David.

p. 24Inſomuch, that if he were not really guilty of the Fact, David was upon theſe evidences, guiltleſs of his Blood, and as he tels him, V. 16. that his Blood lay upon his own head.

And thus hath the firſt Plea made by Interpreters on his behalf, no other ſtrength than this, to give farther evidence to the horrid guilt of King-killing, even though it be granted. For if that perſon juſtly died for it, who had (as the Plea ſuppoſeth) no other guilt of the Royal Blood upon him, than that he eſteemed the ſhedding of it a meritorious Service, and ſhewed his willingneſs to have done it, by boasting that he had done it: What a dreadful Crime muſt it be, to be guilty of the Fact indeed? the very Intimation of a good will whereunto, rendered this Amalekite ſo criminal. His own ſeven Pleas anſwered.Et paſſa eſt Poenas peccandi ſola voluntas?

Plea Anſwered. 2 But it may be further ſaid (as was before urged) that Saul was a Tyrant, a Perſecutor of David, and his deadly Enemy. And it is hard meaſure that he ſhould die by Davids Command, who had by this very Fact ſaved Davids Life.

To this, the Anſwer (from Davids Principles) is eaſie: He was indeed Davids Enemy, but he was Davids Soveraign, and the Lords Anointed. Beſides, Had David been ſo deſirous to be rid of his Enemy in ſuch a way, he needed not to have left that work to be done by an Amalekite, ſeeing he had refuſed ſuch a Service, when offered by better Friends. Laſtly, If he were Davids Enemy, he ought the rather to do him Juſtice upon his Murderer, that he might declare himſelf in the execution of Law the more impartial; and learn others, that the private Injuries received from our juſt and lawful Soveraigns, ought to make no Impreſſions upon our Allegiance to the Lords Anointed.

Plea Anſwered. 3 But Saul himſelf deſired him to put an end to his miſerable life, (the Amalekites Second Plea)

Grant this too. But was he Saul, that is, himſelf, when he deſired it; Fear, and Guilt, and Anguiſh, and Loſs of Blood and Spirits, and (it may be, over and above) an evil Spirit from the Lord (with which he was wont to be haunted) may be ſuppoſed at this time, to intercept the exerciſe of his Reaſon. And is it the part of a Sober man to kill another at his Requeſt, when he is out of his wits, and underſtands not what he ſaies? Will no Law allow a madman p. 25to diſpoſe of his Goods and Lands, and will it warrant him to diſpoſe of his Life? Beſides, Who is there that thinks himſelf obliged to gratifie the deſires, or obey the Commands of a private Perſon in distemper, by eaſing him of his Life, whenever he thinks it a burden? How much leſs, when the caſe concerns a publick Magiſtrate, whoſe Life and Death are of publick concernment, and the Lives of whole Nations are bound up in his? So that the beſt obedience, in ſuch a caſe as this, had been, by Principles of Religion and Reaſon to have endeavoured the reducing of his Soveraign to a ſober temper, and till that could have been effected, to have taken from him all Inſtruments of death, bound up his wound, and ſaved his Life (as far as in him lay) though againſt his Will.

Plea Anſwered. 4 And be it (which is his third Plea) that the caſe ſeemed never ſo desperate; and the wound he had given himſelf, never ſo mortal in appearance, yet ſo long as Life remained, all hopes were not vaniſhed. How many perſons have recovered, whom the beſt Phyſitians and Chyrurgions have given over for desperate? He ſhould have endeavoured his beſt, and then if Succeſs had not anſwered the endeavour, the endeavour (which was his duty) would have cleared his Loyalty, both before God and man. Beſides, Nature and Reaſon incline every man to a deſire of enjoying his Friends, as long as poſſibly he can, though all Prognoſticks aſſure him, that enjoyment cannot be long. We do not think a Cordial caſt away upon a near Relation, the utmoſt effect whereof, we are aſſured, cannot be more, then to respite death for a few minutes. To be ſure, all Nations that are never ſo little reclaimed from Barbariſm, would with one mouth condemn him, who when a dear friend lies ſtrugling with the pangs of death it ſelf, ſhould knock him on the head, to put him out of his Pain. And therefore, what in a like caſe, had been unlawful for the Amalekite to have done to a private Relation, was notoriouſly criminal towards the Lords Anointed.

Plea Anſwered. 5 If it were (as he farther alleadged) really true, that the Philiſtines were in never ſo hot a Purſuit of the flying King, yet had this Amalekite no warrant to kill him for prevention: For, might not Providence have led them another way, and ſuffered none of them to light upon that place where he lay? The Divine Protections of Soveraign Princes are many times of kin to Miracle. Great deliverances giveth he to his Kings, and ſheweth mercy to his Anointed, p. 26Pſal. 18. 50. Again, admit, he were never ſo much in danger of falling into the hands of his purſuing enemies, yet who knowes, but he might have lighted into the hand of ſome Noble Perſonage, that (in honour) would have ſpared the Royal Blood, and thought it more generous, to take a King Captive, then (in cold Blood) to have murdered him, when he was not capable of reſiſtance? Or if it had been the Lot of a Mercenary Souldier to have lighted upon him, might he not have endeavoured the Preſervation of ſuch a Noble Priſoner in hope of a Ranſom? Nay, had this Amalekite been ſure, that all the Philiſtines were ſo barbarous, that never an one of them, would have ſaved the Kings Life, out of hatred to his Religion, as well as Perſon; yet (had he conſulted either the honour of his Soveraign dying, or the ſafety of his Soul after death) it had been far better for him to have left him to their Swords, t…en to perform his Requeſt with his own. For had an Uncircumciſed Philiſtine for his Religions ſake, ſlain him, his death had been his Infelicity, but not his guilt: Nay, thoſe hands that ſlew him upon that account, had advanced him to the honour of Martyrdom; whereas, to die precariouſly, by the hands of a Subject, whom his own puſillanimous intreaty had prevailed with, to take away his life, rendred him a cowardly ſelf-murderer (by Proxie) and loſt him not his Life only, but his Honour, and ('tis to be feared) his Soul together. Beſides, If this Principle be but admitted, [That it is not criminal to take away a Kings Life, provided it be done to prevent the killing of him by other hands,] How can any Princes life be ſecure? For may not any one of many Conspirators, juſtifie himſelf, (by this excuſe) for killing the King, that he did it, to prevent his Fellows? And would it not be the greateſt and ſubtilleſt piece of ambition that could be, in ſuch a caſe, to be the firſt of a traiterous Crew, that ſhould ſtrike the mortal Blow, ſeeing he of all the Company, would be ſecured of Indempnity, upon this Principle, who could obtain the precedency in the horrid Fact? Nay, how eaſie would it be, for any perſon, (eſpecially, if his own Suſpitions may be admitted for evidence) to conceit a Plot againſt the Kings Life to be contrived by others, and then account himſelf at liberty to kill him for prevention? However, Suppoſe there could be a caſe in which ſo dangerous a Principle might be admited, yet (ſurely) it muſt be the last Refuge, when a ſufficient Trial hath been made of all Means to prevent that danger, which p. 27threatens a Princes Life, and all prove ineffectual. Had this Amalekite done his beſt to have ſaved him from the Philiſtines; had he put his ſhoulder under his faln Soveraign, to lift him out of the common Road, into ſome by-place, had he taken ſome courſe to diſguiſe him, that the Purſuers, had they lighted on him, might not have known him to be the King; or any other way tried his utmoſt to ſecure him, he might with more appearance of Innocence, have done him this kindneſs at the very laſt, to have ſlain him himſelf. Was Mount Gilboa, or the Coaſt near it, ſo barren of Buſhes, or Pits, or Thickets, or Hollow Trees, or Cottages, that might have given a diſtreſſed King ſhelter, till the Purſuit was over; that no ſhift could be made, to ſhew a Subjects Loyalty, whatever the Succeſs had been? Well fare the hearts of ſuch Subjects, who in like exigences, would have tried 1000 homely Artifices, to have ſecured their Liege Soveraign, rather than have taken this courſe of preventing the cruelty of purſuing Enemies, by murdering him more charitably with their own Hands: And if none of them ſhould have proved ſucceſſeful, would have ſtood by him, to the utmoſt of extremities, and then have oppoſed their own Breaſts againſt the drawn Swords of bloody Purſuers, though they had been ſure to die with him; as conſidering, that the Life of the Lords Anointed, was worth 10000 of theirs, and that (next him that dies for Gods-ſake, there is none who comes ſo near the honour of Martyrdom, as he that dies for Gods Vice-gerents ſake, his Lawful Soveraign.

Laſtly, Had the Philiſtines killed him, they were in a double capacity more excuſable than this Amalekite: For they were Conquerors in a Battel newly gained, and in the heat of purſuit; (and in National Wars, the Conquered forfeits his life to the Conquerors mercy) Nay, they were Subjects of another Countrey, and ſo Saul was to them but an Ordinary Perſon: But this Murderer was not only of the ſame conquered party with Saul, and ſo had no claim to a power of his life by the Succeſs of the Day, but one of his own Subjects and Souldiers, raiſed for the defence of his Perſon, and ſo was obliged by all means (even with the loſs of his own) to preſerve (not take away,) the Life of his Soveraign and General, and the Lords Anointed.

Plea anſwered. 6 It is probable enough (his Fifth Plea) that he came by the meer conduct of Providence, to the place of this ſad Tragedy, and in his own Flight ſtumbled upon Saul unawares, and that the hast he was p. 28in to ſave his own Life, ſomwhat diſordered his Reaſon, that he had not a like freedom of deliberating what was beſt to be do…e, as at other times. But yet he was an Amalekite, and there might be ſomthing of Enmity againſt Saul,—Altâ mente repoſtum, upon the account of a National Fewd, and in ſuch a diſpoſition (as malice uſeth to be quickly up and ready, when Providence offers an opportunity of retaliation) this time (how little ſoever it was) might be long enough to excite a deſire of Revenge, together with a Plot to make it ſeem innocent, by pleading the ſuddenneſs of the Accident in its excuſe. Beſides, it may ſeem (by his own relation) that he was not in ſo much hurry of thoughts by the ſuddenneſs of the Providence, but that he had Reaſon enough left, to give a direct Anſwer to Saul's Queſtion, V. 7, 8. and to argue himſelf into the Commiſſion of that bloudy Fact from the Conſiderations which he pleads, as moving him unto it; and that he was not in ſo much haſt, but that he had time enough (by his own confeſſion) to hold a formal Diſcourſe with Saul, (too long (one would think) for a dying and a flying Perſon to dialogue together) and ſurely, he needed not much longer time, than he confeſſed he had, (eſpecially, ſeeing he had leiſure enough to inform himſelf, that the Perſon he diſcourſed with, was his Soveraign) to reflect upon his own heart this Queſtion, [What warrant have I to deſtroy the Lords Anoint…d?] So that whatever his haſt was to ſave his own life, he made more haſt than good speed to take away Sauls.

Plea Anſwered. 7 And though he would ſeem free from any covetous deſign, tempting him to ſuch a Fact, that he might enrich himſelf with the Royal spoyles; yet, who knows, but th…t was firſt in his Intention, and the ground of his Action, though upon ſecond thoughts, (conſideringhow difficult it would be for him, a private Souldier, to make mony of things ſo commonly known, without being queſtioned, where he had them? and that to bring them to the next Succeſsour, might yield him more profit, than he could have ſold them for) he afterwards thought it fitter to preſent them to David? However, (be it that he had no intention to diſpoſe of them any other way, when he committed the Fact yet) was he not hereby much furthered in his excuſe. For could he think, that an Intention honeſtly to diſpoſe of the Royal Ornaments, would make a compenſation for the murder of him that wore them? Surely, if ſo, he was much out, in bringing them to David, who had now reaſon to value a Kings p. 29Life higher than ſo, by the price he could not but ſet on his own. Nay more, he could not indeed have given more loud evidence againſt himſelf, than by bringing of thoſe Regalia, he had done. For hereby he had cut himſelf off from a capacity of pleading ignorance of the Perſon whom he ſlew; which (if any) would have moſt ſteaded him; for he could not but know, that the Crown he brought, was a Badge of Soveraignty, and therefore in killing him, on whoſe Head he confeſſed it was, he confeſſed that he knowingly killed the Lords Anointed.

Plea Anſwered. 8 Laſtly, All the Expreſſions of ſorrow for the Fact, with which he uſhered in his Relation, might be but feigned and formal: Or if not ſo, yet what proportion was there between a baſe Varlets Tears, and Royal Blood? It was well that he mourned for the Infelicity of his Fact; but it would have been better, if he had repented of the wickedneſs of it. And if (ſeeing how it was like to go with him) he might plead that alſo; he muſt know, that repentance, though it may avail a murderer towards the obtaining of his pardon from God, yet it is not a Plea ſufficient to indemnifie in a Court of humane Juſtice. Murderers, eſpecially, ſuch Atrocious Murderers, juſtly die, by Gods Law and mans, though truly penitent. The Tears of Repentance may do much towards the reparation of a mans own Innocence, but can do nothing towards a reparation for anothers Life.

In a word, if indeed he repented of the fact, he could not but be willing to prevent (as far as in him lay) the ſpreading of the leaven of his example to infect others with a like guilt: and the effectualleſt courſe to prevent ſuch crimes for the future, is the exemplary puniſhment of thoſe who have taught the world to commit them.

And thus have we diſpatched the firſt part of the Text (with its reference to the hypotheſis of the Chapter, and the Doctrine couched in it, The hainouſneſſe of the ſin of murthering Kings.) Come we now to the two remaining, which (in the perſon expreſſing his ſenſe of it, and the manner how he expreſſeth it) contain the ſubſtance of thoſe practical Inferences which it affords for Application. And we will begin with the ſecond part.

Secondly, Quis, or [the perſon expreſſing his deep ſenſe of this Part 2. Quis, or the Perſon thus replying, David.horrid Fact,] David, who may herein be exemplary to after-Ages, in the twofold Conſideration, wherein the diſtribution of my Text repreſented him.

p. 30I. Conſider him according to what he was, in a twofold Capacity.Conſidered, according to what he was. In his perſonal Capacity,

1. As a man, (in his perſonal capacity) and ſo I told you before he was a truly pious perſon, an eminent Saint, and for nothing more eminent, then for tenderneſſe of Conſcience.

That he was a perſon truly pious and eminent for Saintſhip, is demonſtratively An eminent Saint,evident in the high characters the Holy Ghoſt every where beſtows upon him. Gods ſervant David, is a Title wherein (by the mutual, and that frequent enterchanging of it in Scripture) both God and he ſeem to delight. And ſuch a ſervant God thought him, that he ſeems to boaſt of his findings, when he had met with him, as if the like were not to be found again, [I have found David my ſervant, Pſal. 89. 20.] So good a ſervant he was, that (as another high expreſſion carries it) God himſelf could hardly wiſh or deſire a better, (allowing the imperfections incident to humane frailty) for he was [a man after his own heart, and one that would ſtick at none of his Commands, but do foreign all his wils.] A man ſo good, that God takes meaſure of the goodneſs or badneſs of all his Succeſſors, by the proportion or diſproportion they bare to him: as being ſo far accounted good, as they walked in the way and ſteps of their Father David; and ſo far bad, as they departed from them; of which frequent Inſtances might be given, would time permit. Yea, ſo good, that the beſt of men that ever was (the Lord Jeſus Chriſt) is by the Holy Ghoſt, called by the Name of David as his moſt ſutable Type, Jer. 30. 9. Hoſea 3. 5. Nor do the Characters given him in that kind, ſpeak more then his own practiſe juſtified. Every morning, his waking thoughts converſed with God, Pſal. 139. 8. Yea, he was one, who (over and above the ſeventh day reſerved by God for his publique ſervice, which he as conſtantly attended, as the door-keepers of Gods houſe themſelves, Pſal. 84. 10.) conſecrated ſeven petty Sabbaths a day to devotion, Pſal. 119. 164. and broke his ſleep at midnight to ſpend time in religious duties, Pſal. 119. 62. and one of ſo raiſed a spirit in his pious meditations and devotions, that his remains have been ever ſince made uſe of, as Forms of publick Devotion in the Church, in which Notion he is called the ſweet Pſalmiſt of Iſrael, 2 Sam. 23. 1.

And for the tenderneſſe of his conſcience, there needs no other and notably tender-Conſcienced.evidence, then (that one inſtance already touched at) the diſturbance he felt in himſelf for cutting off but one thred of Sauls garment, p. 31though done for a teſtimony of his own innocency, 1 Sam. 24. 5.

This is the perſon, whom the relation of this Amalekite, concerning his murthering of Saul, doth ſo tranſport into an holy paſſion, that he cries out, How waſt thou not afraid to ſtretch forth thy hand to deſtory the Lords Anointed?

And herein he ſets a fair copy for all perſons who pretend to Saintſhip, and plead Tenderneſſe of Conſcience, to write after: and gives us of this Age a liberal occaſion to wonder at that new-faſhion'd, or rather new-fangled garb of Sanctity, which ſome have aſſumed to cloak the actual guilt of farre more horrid Villanies, than this (the very relation whereof ſo ſtartled David) in my Text; and at that paradoxical notion of tenderneſſe of conſcience, which admits Murthers and Treaſons of the moſt horrid aggravation imaginable, into the reputation of moſt heroical vertues, and elevated acts of Religion. For ſurely, if David were ſuch an eminent Saint, theſe perſons who ſo directly walk Antipodes to his principles and practiſe, can paſs with all ſober Chriſtians for no other then incarnate devils: and if Davids Conſcience were ſo truly and remarkably tender, the Conſciences of theſe men muſt needs be harder than Adamants, and ſeared into an incurable dedolency, whoſe principles and tempers carry ſo irreconcileable a contradiction to his, and that in a matter of ſo high a concernment as blood, and that not of ordinary perſons, but of the Lords Anointed.

2. Conſider him as a King (in his politick and publick capacity,) In his politick Capacity (by the death of Saul) King.which by Sauls death he was now veſted withall. The Intelligence which this Miſcreant brought him (it is probable) gave him the firſt glimpſe, the firſt intimation of the actual devolution of the Crown upon him: and now, as a publick Magiſtrate, he gives the Relator himſelf the firſt handſell of his new Royalty, a ſevere increpation in the Text, and a deſerved execution in thoſe that follow. And a like piece of Juſtice doth he (a while afterwards) execute upon the murtherers of Iſhboſheth the ſon of Saul, who had for two years been ſet up by a Faction, as Competitor with him in the Kingdom, chap. 4. Examples, followed by Amaziah King of Judah, upon the murtherers of his father Joaſh, 2 King. 14. 5. and very ordinarily to be paralell'd in all Hiſtories, wherein there is no piece of Juſtice more commonly taken notice of, then the ſevere inquiſition and recompenſe made by ſucceeding Princes, for the blood of p. 32their Predeceſſors. And indeed, both the Law of God (which admits (Upon occaſion whereof,no compenſation for humane blood, but the blood of him that ſheds it, and that upon good reaſon too, becauſe in the murther of man the Image of God is defaced, Gen. 9. 6.) allows and requires this ſeverity, in ſuch caſes: and the Law of man conformably allots an exemplary addition of poenal circumſtances, to that ſeverity in the caſe of King-killing, upon weighty reaſon, ſeeing in that prodigious crime there is a defacing of a double Image of God, both Natural and Political. So that if it were poſſible to inflict a double death upon ſuch malefactours, their double, yea, manifold guilt (for he that murthers a Supream Magiſtrate, virtually and in effect, murthers a Community) would abundantly juſtifie the rigour of ſuch an execution.Juven. Sat. 8.

Horum ſupplicio non debuit una parari

Simia, non ſerpens unus, non culeus unus.

One death (indeed) is too little for ſuch Paricides, as kill the Father of an whole Kingdom. Severity in ſuch a caſe, is ſuch a piece of righteouſneſſe, as eſtabliſheth the Throne (Prov. 16. 12.) by ſcaring thoſe of ſucceeding Ages from doing ſo preſumptuouſly.

Upon conſideration whereof, as thoſe Princes are abundantly The ſevere circumſtances of the execution of Traitors, juſtified.)juſtified, who in this piece of juſtice follow Davids example; ſo are thoſe perſons as much to be blamed, whoſe either good nature, and ſoftneſs of diſpoſition, or evil Principles, and partnerſhip of guilt, prejudiceth them againſt the ſevere executions of Regicides, which humane Laws every where appoint, and humane Authority (in terrorem) for others terrour, ſomtimes practiſeth. For it is but meet, that exemplary ſeverity ſhould teach men the difference between the value to be put upon the perſons of Princes, and Subjects: Otherwiſe Aſſaſinations would be as frequently acted upon Soveraigns, as Murders upon Private men; yea, hardly would any King that hath an enemy daring enough to adventure a bare life, be tranſlated into Heaven ſiccâ morte, with an unbloudy death. Whereas (on the other ſide) experience tels us, that thoſe who can contemn a ſingle death, yet dread it cloathed with ſuch Circumſtances, as carry a Brand of eternal ignominy with them, by a Blot upon the Memory, and a Tincture upon the Bloud to all poſterity.

p. 33II. Conſider David according to the Preſumptions on which the And as he was miſtaken by the confident Preſumptions of the Murderer.Murderer grounded his Confidence, and we ſhall find an ample Ground, for the farther improvement of his Example herein. For, if a David perſecuted by a Tyrannous King, and that without any colour of Juſtice, for ſo many years, be thus affected with the Murder of his Implacable Perſecutor, if a David, who had fled to Arms for ſhelter, againſt his Soveraigns unjuſt violence, neither dared himſelf to uſe thoſe Arms to the prejudice of his Perſon, when he had him within his power, nor would diſmiſs his actual Murderer without exemplary vengeance; and laſtly, if the undoubted right of Succeſſion in his Throne, and the long expected news of an avoydance thereof, could not ſoften the radicated Principles of Loyalty in David, ſo far, as to induce him to admit of a ſecret titillation of complacency in that Fact, when done to his hand, which made his way plain to the poſſeſſion of a juſt Royalty, or ſweeten him one jot towards the Perſon who had been the Inſtrument of making room for him: doth it not demonſtratively follow, that all other Perſons, (eſpecially ſuch as are not under the like probable Effects of Tentation in this kind) ſhould be as ſowrly irreconcileable to the Agents and Principles, which are in the ſame condemnation, for prodigious impiety and flagitiouſneſs? Eſpecially, when it ſhall be conſidered, how emphatically, how pathetically David expreſſeth his ſenſe of this horrid action, which I ſhall lay before your conſideration in the handing of the Third and Laſt Part of my Text.

Thirdly, The Quomodo, or manner of Davids Expreſſion of the Part 3. Quomodo. Or the Manner how David anſwers.violence of thoſe Paſſions, which he inwardly felt upon occaſion of this Relation; which (as I told you before) is by way of ſharp and cutting Interrogation.

Importing,

1. Grief.

2. Wonder. With

3. Horrour.

1. Grief. Which, how great it was in Davids Breaſt upon Grief. this occaſion, divers Particulars in the Text and Context expreſs.

And thoſe may be reduced to theſe two Heads; (Evidenced in,

1. Sudden Tranſports.

2. Deliberate and Solemn Acts.

p. 341. For Evidence of his ſudden Tranſports, let us but view the His Sudden Transports. &11th. and 12th. verſes; where we are told, that he rent his cloaths, and put all his Court into a like Poſture of Mourning. He mourns, and weeps, and faſts all that day until Even.

2. For evide…ce of his Deliberate and Solemn Acts, to teſtifie His Deliberate and Solemn Acts.)his hearty ſorrow for this doleful accident, we find him, v. 17, 18. (as I told you in the Preface) penning an Epicedium or Funeral-Song, for the conſtant uſe both of himſelf, and the People of Judah, and commanding it to be ſet to a Muſical Tune, and taught them; that this Lamentation might be perpetuated to all poſterity. Nor was Davids example in this kind altogether barren, for we find it afterwards followed by the godly Jews, upon occaſion of the untimely death of good Joſiah; they mourned ſo truly and heartily for him, that the greatneſs of their ſorrow in after-ages grew into a Prove…b, [as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the Valley of Megiddon, Zech. 12. 11.] And among their Solemn Lamentations, had one kept on record to Poſterity, penned by an holy Prophet, Lam. 4. 20. and perpetuated the ſolemn remembrance of that heavy ſtroak by publick Command: For ſo 2 Chron. 35. 24, 25. expreſſeth it at large: All Judah and Jeruſalem mourned for Joſiah; and Jeremiah lamented for Joſiah, and all the ſinging men and ſinging women ſpake of Joſiah in their Lamentations to this day, and made them an Ordiance in Iſrael, and behold, they are written in the Lamentations.

And afterwards, when Gedaliah the good Governour left by Nebuzaradan, was treacherouſly ſlain by Iſhmael, Jer. 41. 1, 2. We find there was an Annual Faſt appointed, and obſerved till after the return from Captivity, upon the MonethMonth wherein he was ſlain, as the moſt judicious Interpreters expound the Faſt of the 7th. MonethMonth, Zech. 7. 5. Which Examples loudly call for like deep and ſolemn Impreſſions and Expreſſions of heartieſt ſorrow from all Loyal Subjects upon like Accidents, and abundantly juſtifie the Annual Solemnization of this Day; (eſpecially if we conſider, how great a Loſſe theſe Kingdoms ſuffered, and how great a Guilt they contracted by the Lamentable Providence that occaſioned it: Of which, more plentifully anon. Indeed the Tears of Subjects are the beſt Spices to embalm a Soveraigns Memory withal; nor can there be a louder atteſtation to the Deſerts of a Prince, than that his Loſſe is bewailed as a Common Calamity. Upon p. 35which account it is, that God promiſeth it as a ſignal Mercy to the hopeful Son of wicked Jeroboam, that all Iſrael ſhould mourn for him, 1 Kings 14. 13. and threatens it as a heavy judgment on Jehoiakim, the wicked Son of good Joſiah, that he ſhould be buried with the Burial of an Aſſe, thrown in a ditch, without any one to mourn or lament for him, neither Brother, nor Siſter, nor Subject, Jer. 22. 18, 19.

2. Wonder and Aſtoniſhment, at the ſtrangeneſs of the accident, Wonder,and boldneſs of the Villain, in firſt daring to act, and then, not bluſhing to relate that fearful wickedneſs. And fit it is that ſuch Monſters wherever they are found, ſhould ſtill ſet the whole world at gaze in a pious Amazement. Which Affection, however in it ſelf it be not ſo directly moral, as ſome others are, yet it conduceth very much to the exciting of that which is ſo, to wit, an holy ſhyneſs and averſation of mind towards thoſe Tentations, which we are before prepoſſeſſed againſt with a potent prejudice, as ſo many monſtrous and portentous Births of helliſh wickedneſs: Which apprehenſions whoſoever hath, concerning the deteſtable ſin of Kingkilling, will quickly improve it unto,

3. Abomination and Abhorrency: the third Paſſion, wherein David expreſſeth his ſenſe of this horrid Fact. For we may very and Horrour or Abominationwell ſuppoſe that his tender and delicate Conſcience preſently took an Alarm from the Amalekites brazen-faced Relation, and rallied all the Spirits in his Body, to the Fort-Royal of his Heart, to fortifie it againſt the peſtilential breath of ſuch a proditious Monſter; and thence it ſhot forth the Darts of fiery indignation in the Frowns of his Royal Countenance, and ſharpned every hair of his head into a Porcupines Quill, which extream horrour erected (as it were of purpoſe) to fly in the Face of the detestable Object. All this, and more, preſents it ſelfe to our apprehenſion, in the Form of this ſtinging Interrogation, wherein, Quot Verba, Tot Tonitrua; every word is a Clap of Thunder, How wast thou not afraid to ſtretch forth thy hand to deſtroy the Lords Anointed?

And indeed, nothing leſſe than ſuch an Hyperbold of abomination will ſerve to expreſs, as it ought, the juſt ſenſe which thoſe who will imitate David in either of his forementioned Capaci…ies, (whether of good men or good Magiſtrates) ought to have of that foreign, that monſtrous ſteam of Hell, and ſtench of the bottomleſs Pit, which breaths out of the mouths of thoſe unclean p. 36Beaſts, and Lying Prophets, (whoſe Throats are worſe than an open Sepulcher) by whom the ſin of King-killing (which David and every good man ſo ſtartles at) is not only proclaimed Lawful, but extolled as meritorious; and much more, of that foreign, or Abomination of Deſolation, (the practiſe of that monſtrous Principle) when (eſpecially) it ſhall be ſet up in the holy place, and worſhipped in the thoughts of deluded Creatures, as a diſtinguiſhing Character of eminent holineſs.

And thus (at laſt, have I done with the Text, as it relates to 22II. Seco…d View of the Text. As accomodable to the Occaſion.the Chapter and Narrative contained in it, together with the Doctrine and Inferences (in general) comprehended therein. It only remains, that I review them in this place, as they may be accomodated by way of Parallel to the ſad occaſion of this daies Solemnity.

And truly, when I thought of finding out a parallel Text of The Parallel relating to the Parts of the Text.Scripture to the Text of Providence, which this ſad day cals to our Remembrance, I muſt confeſſe, I found my ſelf ar an unuſual loſs. Many Kings deaths are recorded in Sacred Writ, and divers of them violent and bloudy; and divers of them brought about by the hands of Rebellious and Traiterous Subjects. But to match all the Circumſtances of the moſt execrable Murder of our Late Gracious Soveraign, I know none that can tolerably pretend unto it.

That which my Text attempts towards it, lies rather in the parallel In the Firſt, (expreſſing the Horridneſs of the Sin.)which ſhould be between Davids Spirit and ours, upon ſo ſad an occaſion (for which end mainly I made choice of it) then that which may be ſuppoſed between Sauls Perſon and Death and his Majeſties, which are (almoſt altogether) unparallelable. And therefore in thoſe ſhort Touches of Collation, which I ſhall beſtow upon them, I muſt of neceſſity compare them, and what befell them, in their diſcrepancies; as that Painter, who to ſet off the vaſt bigneſs of an Elephant, draws a Mouſe by his ſide.

It is true indeed, that in ſome of the aggravations of the horrid How far it holds: & VVhere it halts, viz.murder committed upon them both, the Parallel holds. That both were Kings, Anointed, and the Lords Anointed, and both murdered by Subjects; but the differences are far more in the reſt of the Circumſtances, and thoſe ſo vaſt, that the power of Invention c…n hardly bring them nearer to one another, than the two Poles.

p. 371. Conſider we the Perſon Murdered (our Late Gracious, and In the difference between the Perſons murdered; King Saul & King Charles. (Occaſioning a ſhort Character of our late Soveraign.)now Glorious Soveraign. A perſon (take him either as Man, or King) of a Temper ſo far different from Sauls, that as the one ſeemed to be compoſed of Cruelty, ſo the other ſeemed to have nothing in his Conſtitution but Clemency. A perſon (in both capacities, both of Man and King) ſo free, not only from the guilt, but even from the ſuſpition of any enormous Crime, that the malice of his Accuſers themſelves, could find nothing to ſtuffe out that Black Charge which they laid againſt him, but the unhappy Conteſts between Himſelf and his Subjects (the ſad Iſſues of mutual Jealouſies, blown up into an open War by a Divine Blaſt upon all thoſe Counſels, which might have prevented it, and a juſt immiſſion of an evil Spirit of Perverſities to mingle with them, and render them ineffectual, for the juſt puniſhment of our ſins) which indeed were his Infelicity, but their guilt, who firſt made the Breach, and afterwards (as much as in them lay) hindred the making it up, becauſe their own Conſcience of having unpardonably offended him, told them, they could expect no Security, but in his Ruine. A Perſon and King, of ſo elevated a ſize, both for Intellectual and Moral Endowments, that the ſtature of his inward man, as much overtopped the moſt accompliſhed of his Subjects, as Sauls outward man did overlook the reſt of the Iſraelites, 1 Sam. 10. 23.

For his Intellectuals: He was endowed with ſuch an height of Phancy, as would have won him the Laurel in a Commonwealth of Poets. He was Maſter of ſo ſublime a Grandeur of Language, and ſtately Majesticalneſs, joyned with an amiable fluency of Style, as might have challenged a Dictatorſhip among the beſt of Orators; of which his Royal Remains are an indiſputable evidence. And for Soundneſs of Judgment, both in Points of Controverſie, and Caſes of Conſcience, he might have challenged the Theological Chair, upon the account of meer worth, and have ſate not only Regius Profeſſor, but Rex Profeſſorum, in both Univerſities.

For his Morals: He was Juſt, Valiant, Temperate, Chaſt, Merciful (and what not?) to ſuch a proportion, as he might have ſet the beſt of his Subjects a Copy of vertue in his own example.

Indeed he was a Prince who might have paſſed clear with the univerſal reputation of the beſt of Engliſh Kings, had he not faln into the worſt of Times, wherein the Engliſh Manners were ſo debauched p. 38with the blandiſhments of a long continued tranquillity and plenty; and their judgements ſo intoxicated with prejudice, and cenſoriouſneſſe, that too too many neither loved the practiſe of vertue themſelves, nor would willingly allow the reputation of it to others.

A King, whom if we had not by our ſins rendred our ſelves unworthy to enjoy longer, we had been (it may be to this day) in danger of nothing more then being ſurfeited with our own felicity. And that we enjoyed him not, all the world muſt bear him witneſs, it was not his fault, ſeeing in that laſt and fatall Treaty (as Providence made it) at Newport, he ſhewed ſo great a deſire in his Gracious Condeſcenſions to make his people happy, that he even forgot he had any ſhare of his own to challenge among them; having indeed given them all, but (what he could not part with) that Sovereign goodneſſe of diſpoſition, which was the only thing (almoſt) that he had left, beſides the redintigrated affections of his people, (divers of whom began then to know him better, and therefore valued him the more, out of conviction that they had ignorantly perſecuted him) to ſupport his Throne withall. So that, I muſt needs ſay it was the fatall infatuation, and infelicity of theſe Nations, that they knew not in the day of their viſitation the things that belonged to their peace: and therefore were they (by the righteous judgement of God) for a full decad of years and more, juſtly hid from their eyes. O fortunatos nimium bona ſi ſua nôſſent Anglicolas!—

And for his Religion, This I think may ſafely be ſaid without exception from any, but ſuch as all Religions may bluſh to own, that if the imployment of his ſerener hours were of a piece with the entertainment of his Solitudes and Sufferings; that man is not enough Chriſtian himſelf, who can admit a diſpute in his own boſom, whether he ought not to be ranked among the chiefeſt of Chriſtians: or, if (as ſome ſuppoſe) his Afflictions were the School wherein he received the firſt elements of practical Piety, this (in deed and truth) is ſo far from being a diſparagement to him, that it renders him ſo much more the ſubject of all good mens admiration and aſtoniſhment, for making ſo wonderfull a proficiency in ſo ſhort a time, as the digeſting into practice the whole Doctrine and Example of his p. 39Maſter Chriſt, and eſpecially ſo much as related to the laſt paſſages of his life, proclaims to all the world.

And if in ſome modes and other circumſtantials of his Profeſſion, he pleaſed not all men, yea poſſibly might diſtaſte ſome good men; yet (even in theſe) his conſcientious constancy (and no other principle could prevail with him, when all his earthly enjoyments were apparently adventured to a deſperate irrecoverableneſſe by his adhering to them) ought not to be diſpleaſing to any. Eſpecially when we conſider, how many principles and practiſes of far greater incompatibility with true piety, muſt be allowed, to make the Religion of ſome perſons currant, who moſt diſparage His.

And indeed, whatever we thought of him living (as to his Religion,) the conſequences of his death too ſadly evidenced, how much the Proteſtant Cauſe was concerned in his preſervation: and eſpecially, the ſad face of this Orphan-Church of ours, which from that time forwards, became the lamentableſt ſcene of Anarchy and Confuſion, that ever was ſeen in the Chriſtian world, not excepting Munſter it ſelf, that ſaw but the prologue to our Tragedy. For who knows not, that whatever Perſons or Parties ſtepped up into …s vacant Seat, made it the M…ſter-piece of their policy (like ſelfſeeking Chirurgions) to keep our wounds open, that they might keep themſelves in practiſe: and to maintain oppoſite Factions to peck at one another, that whiles the people were buſied in private contests, they might be the leſſe ſenſible of their publique oppreſſions. Inſomuch, that the ſad revival of old Hereſies and Schiſmes (every one of which carried a Legion of new ones in its belly) together with the apparent dangers of extirpation to the true Protestant Religion, and all its Profeſsors, for many years together ſince our ſins removed Him from us, have convinced not a few, that he was not ſo much to blame, as was too commonly thought, for not giving His conſent to thoſe violent and ſudden changes which their miſguided zeal (among many others alike miſ-led,) in thoſe times too importunately called for. And no doubt, if he had lived to have perfected his own deſigned Modell for the Churches ſettlement, moſt of thoſe diſſentions that have been of late (and yet are) too flagrant among us, had long before they arrived at this maturity, been buried in the grave of oblivion, not ſo much by ſuppreſſing, as by reconciling the Diſſenters. But, as David when he had collected materials for the building of the Temple, was fain to leave▪ p. 40them with his Advice and Benediction to his Son Solomon to make uſe of: So our Gracious Soveraign, being not permitted by Providence to live to ſee the Rearing of that Structure, which he intended, hath left ſuch Materials behind him, together with his Fatherly Charge and Bleſſing, for this happy work, to his Genuine Son and Lawful Succeſſor, our preſent Gracious King (whom God long preſerve) that we no waies doubt, but (as they are wonderful ſutable to the Moderation of his Majesties temper, ſo) they will in due time be ſucceſſefully made uſe of by him to the Happy Settlement of theſe Churches with the infinite Contentment of all thoſe that love the Peace of Jeruſalem.

In the mean while, if by what I have ſaid concerning the Perſon, whoſe Funeral Anniverſary, this Day is appointed to ſolemnize (and I am afraid I have rather injur'd his Memory, by ſaying too little, than the Truth, by ſaying too much of him) you be in any meaſure ſenſible of the Loſs you ſuffered by his violent removal, I hope you are the better prepared to entertain the next Conſideration, wherein this accurſed Paricide exceeded that of Saul in my Text; and that is,

2. The View of the Perſons who committed this horrid Act: And As alſo in the difference between the Murderers of both.here our Parallel halts again. Had they been Native Forreigners, as the Amalekite in my Text was, and as he was (in probability) educated in a Heathen Religion, and ſowred with the Leaven of National Enmity, heightned with the provocation of an univerſal Maſſacre, acted by the perſon they ſo barbarouſly murdered, upon all their deareſt Relations, the Crime had been more pardonable; but theſe Paricides were his Majesties Native Subjects, that had drawn their firſt Breath in his Hereditary Dominions, & to this Natural Bond of Allegiance, had voluntarily added divers ſtronger Tyes of religious Oaths, Proteſtations and Covenants; yea, ſome of thoſe that lifted up not their Heels only, but their Hands againſt him, were ſuch as did eat of his Bread, his own ſworn Servants, none of them diſobliged by any ſuch Provocations of cruel Uſages, ſo that it is hard to imagine, how it might be poſſible to load a Malefactor with more perſonal aggravating Conſiderations, to render him monſtrouſly criminal, than theſe were notoriouſly guilty of; except only, that one (which like a vaſt Mountain, overtops all the reſt) that they were Perſons of the Profeſsed True Religion, and in that Profeſſion, coveted to engroſs the Reputation of the moſt eminently ſtrict and p. 41Conſcientious. And indeed, this is an aggravation, which ought beyond all others, to whet the indignation of every Conſcientious Chriſtian to a keenneſs beyond all moderation, as that which is moſt highly injurious to the whole Reformed Cauſe throughout all the vvorld. O tell it not in Gath, nor publiſh it in the ſtreets of Askalon, leſt the Daughters of the Philiſtines rejoyce! Alas! What sport hath this V. 20.ſad ſcandal already made, and hovv much more may it yet make, to the Romiſh Emiſſaries, vvhoſe Religion hath been vvonted to raiſe Rebellions, and to canonize for Saints, the moſt prodigious Traytors; and hath alone born the odium of monopolizing the (Occaſioning a Vindication of the Proteſtant Re…igion from Romiſh Calumn…s.)guilt of murdering Princes, for many ages; that they have novv too colourable a pretence to diſcharge a part of that guilt upon thoſe of the Proteſtant Communion, as being hereby become Fratres in malo, Brethren in this horrid vvickedneſs vvith themſelves! An Occaſion vvhichwhich vve confeſs vve have cauſe to bevvail, becauſe they make ſuch uſe of it: But vve muſt vvithal tell them, that vve think our Profeſſion no vvay touched in its reputation thereby, in the judgment of any vvhom inveterate Malice doth not prejudicate againſt us. For beſides, that the Perſons ingaged in this horrid Act, vvere (moſt of them) departed from the Proteſtant Faith or Communion, or both, before they ingaged in this horrid Villany, (and ſo can no more juſtly reflect the guilt thereof upon the Church they once belonged to, than a Renegado's miſcarriages can concern the Troop vvhichwhich he hath forſaken) Let the Romaniſt knovv, that no ſuch Fruit ever grevv upon the root of Proteſtant Doctrines, vvhichwhich abhor and deteſt all ſuch Principles, and execrate all ſuch Offenders; and (by conſequence) if any perſons vvho profeſſed themſelves Proteſtants, vvere guilty of this Barbarous Fact, Proteſtancy it ſelf is no more concerned in it, than any State is in the Crimes of other Malefactors, vvho ſuffer daily by the Svvord of Juſtice, for Robberies, Murders, and Burglaries, vvithout any imputation upon the Community to vvhichwhich they belong; vvhichwhich ſufficiently vindicates it ſelf, by the Laws provided againſt ſuch Crimes, and the Severity executed upon thoſe vvho commit them, from any partnerſhip in them.

In a word, when the Romaniſt can ſhew us any ſuch Tenets as theſe, publickly avowed by general conſent of Proteſtants, [That Chriſt hath left a power to any Perſon or Perſons in his Church to diſpoſe of all Crowns and Scepters, and hath ſubordinated the Temporal to the ſpiri…ual p. 42Sword: And that Soveraign Princes being once blaſted by the Thunderbolts of that Church, may be lawfully depoſed and murdered by their Subjects; and that Subjects (in ſuch a caſe) are abſolved from all Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance to them, &c.] let them impute the guilt of this horrid Crime to us, and ſpare not: but ſo long as we, and they notoriouſly know, whoſe Doctrines theſe are, it is no hard matter to gueſs, what Heifer thoſe Seditious Seminaries ploughed with, and at whoſe Forge they ſharpned their Goads, and Plow-ſhares, who ſowed the Tares, of ſuch Traiterous Principles, in the field of our Engliſh Church and Commonwealth.

However (for our fuller vindication in this Particular) let every true Proteſtant for ever abominate the Memory of thoſe Monſters, and deteſt their Principles, who have thus opened the mouths of our Adverſaries againſt our Religion, and laid ſuch a ſtumbling-block of prejudice in the way of thoſe poor ſeduced creatures among us, who are thereby hardned in the diſtance they keep from us and our Communion.

3. A Third Conſideration to amplifie the horrid murder of our And the vaſt disproportion between the Facts themſelves.Late Soveraign, beyond that of Saul, may be taken from the Fact it ſelf: Which although (in the caſe of Saul) it hath already been charged with,

1. Bloudineſs. 2. Wilfulneſs. And 3. Audacionſneſs enough: Yet in all theſe, our part of the Parallel weighs much heavier than that. The Amalekites Fact was a Sneaking Buſineſs, acted in a Corner, ſo that it had not been known, but by his own Relation. But this was a Publick Tragedy, in all the Acts of it, wherein the Conſpirators, made all the world Spectators of their audacious Effrontery. Here was a Pageantry of Publick Juſtice, an High Court ſolemnly convened, a Bench, and a Bar, a Preſident, and a Priſoner, an Inditement, and a Proſecution, and a Sentence, and all theſe, in the moſt publick place of Judicature in the three Nations. And after this, a Bloudy Execution, not in a Corner, but in the open Street, in the Face of the Sun, as if they meant (with a kind of def…nce to God himſelf) to call him in, as a publick Spectator, to behold how inſolently they trampled upon his Authority, in his undoubted Vicegerent. A Tragedy, which in all the Acts and Scenes of it, I am confident all the Hiſtories in the world cannot match. Many Kings have died by the Sword, by the Dagger and the Piſtol; many by poyſonous Drugs, and other ſuch Inſtruments p. 43of private and clandeſtine ambition, or revenge: But never any till this black day, by the Executioners Axe, upon a publick Scaffold, in the Front of His own Royal Palace, &c. Nay more, if a Survey were made of all the Utopian Inventions of Poetical Fancy, no Stage ever had a Tragedy like this acted upon it. No Fabulous or feigned Hiſtory ever adventured a Relation like it to the eyes of the world: And indeed ſober Readers would have diſguſted them, if they had, upon the very account of the monſtrouſneſs of it, and taxed the Author with an unpardonable Errour, for tranſgreſſing Ficta voluptatis cauſae ſint proxima veris. Nec quodcun que volet, poſcat ſibi fabula credi. Hor. Art. Poet.the ordinary Rule of Fiction, the ſubject matter whereof, muſt be ſuch as ſeems to carry an appearance of Truth, and though it be not verum, yet it is veriſimile. So that here was a confluence of all that wilful projected Cruelty and Inſolence could contribute to the aggravation of a Villany.

4. To ſhew the Parallel yet more unparallel, in the caſe of our late Soveraign, his Murderers had none of all thoſe Pleas to excuſe their wickedneſs, which before have been urged on the behalf of the Amalekite. For,

1. They made it too publick to render it any way diſputable, None of the Amalekites Pleas, pleadable for this.whether they were the Perſons who did the Fact or no. And after they had done it, they gloried in it as an act of Tranſcendent Justice, and took pride to be pointed at for it.

2. So far was our murdered Soveraign from being (as Saul was) a Tyrant and a Murderer; that none ever loſt Life or Limb by his Authority, but in a courſe of Juſtice, or by the chance of war. And if he were an Enemy to any true Davids (which ſome object to him as a Crime) it was his Infelicity not to underſtand them to be ſuch, which occaſioned it; and I am confident, if any ſuch there be, who had cauſe to complain of hard uſage from him, they are ſo far Davids ſtill, that they will give the Murderers as little thanks for reſcuing them from their Sufferings, in ſuch a way, as he did this Amalekite.

3. So far was he from being weary of his Life, and deſiring the courteſie of a dispatch out of it, that he ſtrongly and unanſwerably aſſerted to the faces of his Murderers his Right both to his Life and Crown.

4. So far was he from an inevitable neceſſity of dying at that time, either by natural Infirmity, or accidental stroak of Providence, that he was in the very Prime of his Age, Health and Strength.

p. 445. So far was he from being purſued by any Enemies but themſelves, that he had but newly concluded a reconciling Treaty with thoſe who had fought againſt him, whoſe Arms and Hearts were with a wonderful alacrity open to receive him, and expiate all former unkindneſſes with all poſſible Demonſtrations of Affectionate Loyalty.

6. So far were his Murderers from lighting occaſionally upon a tentation to this Fact, and being ſurprized by the unexpectedneſs thereof, that it was the iſſue of a Conſpiracy of divers years before.

7. So far were they from being clear of the deſign of enriching themſelves with the Royal Spoyles, that (like Ahab) they had no ſooner killed, but they preſently fell to taking poſſeſſion of all the Royal Lands and Revenews, and diſtributed them amongſt themſelves: And whereas this Amalekite, after he had done the Fact, he took the Crown and Bracelet of Saul, & returned them to his Lawful Succeſſor; theſe barbarous Murderers to make good their unjuſt poſſeſſion) exclude his undoubted Heir and Succeſſor, for many years, from his unqueſtionable Rights, and put God himſelf to the expenſe of a Miracle at laſt to reſtore him.

8. And Laſtly, So far were they from bewailing the Fact, when they had done it, that (as I before told you) they triumphed in it, as the moſt Righteous, Heroick and Meritorious Act, that ever was done by men. And ſome-of them expreſſed an ambition to perpetuate the memory of their Names by no other Epitaph; yea, when Gods Juſtice and mans overtook them, and brought them to deſerved Execution, took the Confidence to challenge a Crown of The Concluſion in a ſerious application of the other two parts of the Text, expreſſing a defi…e that in theſe the Parallel may hold between David and us: Or rather that we may excced him (as there is great cauſe)Martyrdom in the Kingdom of Glory, and prefer the Cauſe wherein they ſuffered, before thoſe of the chiefeſt of Martyrs; and abuſed themſelves with a Rodomantick perſwaſion, that it were a piece of ambition, becoming the moſt eminont of that noble Society, to deſire an Exchange of condition with them. The ſaddeſt Inſtances of the efficacy of deluſion that ever the world ſaw from its firſt Creation to that very day.

And thus have I done with my Parallel ſo far as it concerns the Circumſtances of the two Facts, the one of the Text, and the other of the Time; wherein there is little to be ſeen, but Concordia diſoors, an agreement in nothing but this, that there is ſcarce any Circumſtance wherein they agree. I have only this to add, that I hope to find a better Harmony in the other Part of it, which comes now p. 45to hand; [the Parallel of Davids carriage upon the one, and the Temper of all Religious Hearts among us, and the Generations that are to come, in reference to the other] containing the due ſenſe which as he had, ſo we ought to have, of ſo deteſtable and piacular a Fact, and diſmal a Providence: Which ſenſe (according to the forementioned diſtribution) ought to expreſs it ſelf in three things.

1. Grief; of which David had far leſs cauſe than we, upon a In our Grief, For the Loſs received.fourfold account.

1. Of the Loſs received: Which (in Davids caſe) was inconſiderable, if compared with ours, He indeed loſt a Soveraign, valiant enough to fight the Lords Battels, and one, who by his conduct, had divers times ſaved Iſrael; but one who was now in his Wane and Declination; ſo that (whatſoever David in modeſty thought of him) the Loſs of Saul was Iſraels gain, by making room for a better Succeſſor, himſelf.

But our loſs was like the dropping of a skilful Pilot overboard, when the Ship under his conduct, was in the very Mouth of the haven, and big with expectation of landing its precious Merchandiſe, but (by that ſad accident) caſt into the hands of raw, and raſh and mutinous Seamen; whoſe indiſcretions and animoſities have caſt us back again into a tempeſtuous Sea, where we have for many years been toſſed up and down, with unſpeakable hazard, till at laſt God by a Miraculous Providence, brought to our help, a Phoenix raiſed out of his Aſhes, the true Heir, both of his Kingdoms and Vertues, who hath once more brought us within ſight of Land, and we hope will (if our ſins obſtruct not his endeavours) ſet us ſafe on ſhore. To prevent which miſchief, we ought to grieve (as we have cauſe) more then David.

2. Upon account of thoſe ſins (in general) which provoked and our ſins (in general) provoking God to inflict it. (VVhereof ſome are expreſſed; (the peoples.)God to take him from us. David k…ew, that God had caſt off formerly, and now out off Saul for his own ſins, not his. But we have cauſe enough to charge this loſſe upon our own provoking ſins, which (at that time, and ſince) have been too notoriouſly apparent to God and the world: Such as, Contempt of Gods Word and Sacraments, Reproaching and perſecuting his Faithful Meſſengers, Wanton affecting of new Notions and Inventions, and contemning old Truths, and the primitive ſimplicity of the Gospel, Uncharitable ſchiſmes and ſeparations in the Church, and ambitious ſelf-ſeeking, and (in p. 46order thereunto, fomenting Factions in the State, Sacrilegious robbing of God, and barbarous spoyling and deſtroying one another with a rage reaching up to Heaven, Notorious Debauchery and Prophaneſs in all ſorts and degrees of men, which ſpared neither Gods Name, nor his Sabbaths, nor his Creatures, nor the Profeſſion of Religion in the life and power of it, toleration of Popery, and other dangerous Errors and Hereſies, and (to make our Ephah of ſins yet fuller) a spirit of Rebellion ſpread over the whole Nation, againſt juſt and lawful Authority; and many more might be added to this Black Roll, but that I haſten to an end.

And was it not time (think you) for God to be avenged of ſuch a Nation as this was? and I would to God (I could with a clear Conſcience) ſtop at was: But I fear, it may, with too much evidence of Truth be added, and yet is. And who could tax that Juſtice, which by his Providence ſuffered us to cut through that Bank with our own hands, which (under himſelf) kept out that Deluge of Miſeries, which our ſins deſerved, and fell down that Royal Tree, in the Branches whereof our ſeveral Neſts were built. And oh! Let us fear, leſt by the continued guilt of the ſame ſins, we procure a Decree of the Watchers, to cut down thoſe Royal ſhoots, that have grown up in his ſtead (and he hath begun with them already, to our ſad loſſe) and not leave ſo much as a ſtump in the earth, out of which a Rod may grow, to make a Scepter of.

But (poſſibly) here I may be interrupted with a Queſtion: whether The Thronts waved,all the Fault which provoked God to inflict ſuch a ſevere ſtroak, were in the People, and the Throne altogether guiltleſs.

To which I anſwer, That I doubt not but perſonal ſins, and acts of miſgovernment towards the people under their charge, are incident to Kings as well as to perſons of a lower degree. And I dare not perſwade my ſelf or others, that our late Sovereign was ſo much Saint, as to be altogether free; nay he was ſo much Saint, as (more then once) to confeſſe miſcarriages in his Government. and why.)But I muſt tell the enquirers withall, that I do not believe him one half ſo criminal, as popular prejudice, blown up by the breath of factious ſpirits endeavoured to make him. And for what was really amiſſe in him, I have this to plead, That Kings are perſons under ſuch Tentations, as Vulgar capacities do not underſtand: that becauſe of their eminency and publique influence, the Tempter thruſts ſorer at them then ordinary, that they may fall; that God p. 47Pſal. 118. 13.Ps 118:13doth ſometimes lead them into Tentation, becauſe his wrath is kindled againſt their people; that (in Scripture) thoſe who have the … 4. 1.commendation of Gods Spirit for the beſt of Kings, (David and Solomon) have yet more and fouler ſpots upon their Names, than K. Charles; and that were the buſie enquirers into, and cenſurers of Kings faults a while in their places, I fear they would commit more and greater. Let the Questioniſt if he can, anſwer me this Queſtion, Si fueris…tu Leo, qualis eris?

In a word, Were I ſufficiently inſtructed in the Cabinet affairs of our late Sovereign, and had I a revelation withall afforded me, to diſcover the ſecret ſprings of thoſe Counſels upon which he acted, and his own mind in acting; and were I inabled thereby to conclude him really guilty of whatever, and more, then what malice and prejudice have ever charged him withall, I ſhould think my ſelf obliged to do (what is the duty of every good man) that right to his memory, as to bury his errours and miſcarriages in his grave, and proclaim his vertues as Royal examples to all Poſterity. The Lord diſcover to his Sacred Majesty, who now fils his Seat, (to whom this enquiry is more proper then to us) both theſe and thoſe, that he may render his vertues immortal by imitation, and waſh off the guilt of his failings, (if any ſuch adhere to the Throne) by deprecating the imputation of them, and avoiding the incurſion of the like. And let us help him herein in our prayers, and encourage him by our loyal affections and obedience; and amend our own lives the rather, upon the account of the Love we bear to his proſperity; to whom our ſins (whatever they are) are Traitors, though our ſelves be never ſo loyal and affectionate ſubjects.And for any ſort of partnerſhip in this particular horrid fact,

3. Let us grieve (and herein I am ſure David had not ſo much cauſe by Sauls own frequent confeſſion) for that special guilt which the Nation in general, and particular perſons in great multitudes every where have contracted, by any way furthering antecedently, or abetting conſequentially, ſo horrid and execrable a murther.

Let no Perſon or Party think to ſhift off this duty, as that which only concerns ſuch and ſuch, who had the unhappineſſe to appear (which few are clear of.)in a contrary engagement to him in the field, (divers of whom, as hath appeared by many real evidences, have vindicated their integrity (with David) in this particular, notwithſtanding the foul reflections of ſome irreconcileable Zealots, (whoſe heat no Acts of Imdemp…ity or Oblivion can ſlake) I ſay, let no man ſhift off this p. 48guilt upon others, becauſe he was engaged in a Party or Intereſt leſſe obnoxious to ſuch an imputation: For, by that time we all have ſeriouſly examined our ſelves upon theſe weighty Interrogatories, Whether we have not (antecedently to this ſad accident) had an hand in the heightning animoſities, and fomenting the differences, whether Religious or Civil, and ſowing prejudices and jealouſies, which gave occaſion to the publick conteſts? Nay, whether we did what we might, and to the utmoſt of our power, to keep them from arriving at ſuch an height? And whether (during the civil broyls) we (ſetting aſide the conſideration of the Quarrel, which (I hope) we ſhall all ſtrive to remember no more) have not been guilty of ſuch unjuſt oppreſſions, and exactions, and violences, as exaſperated oppoſite parties into an irreconcileableneſſe? Nay further, whether we interpoſed (at the time wherein that bloody Tragedy was acting) in all ſuch waies as were within the compaſſe of our capacity to hinder it? Some did indeed, but how few to the body of the Nation? Nay rather, whether we did not, by Petition, or other encouragement, promote it? Or if not, yet, whether we mourned for it, and deprecated the guilt of it? Whether we declared (after the ſad blow given) our juſt abomination and deteſtation of the fact in our ſeveral places and capacities? Some indeed did (and let it be remembred to their everlaſting honour that they did ſo,) but how many were there (who ſhould have been more bold in ſuch a cauſe) in whoſe mouthes there were no reproofs? And laſtly, Whether (ex poſt facto) we have not juſtified the fact, by flattering Addreſses to the pretended Authority, of thoſe who uſurped the Royal Power ſucceſſively? Whether we have not laid our hands unjuſtly upon any of the Royal Revenues? Whether we have not contributed Money or Arms towards the oppoſition of his preſent Majeſties reſtitution? And (in a word) Whether we ſwallowed not the execrable Engagement againſt Kingſhip it ſelf, which very few (except only ſome nice Conſciences here and there, who valued their Allegiance at an higher rate) refuſed to ſubſcribe? I ſay, by that time every ones Conſcience hath ſeriouſly anſwered theſe Interrogatories, and many ſuch more as may be made, it will be well if Centeſimus quiſ que one of an hundred can before God and his own ſerious Conſcience, ſay, I am altogether innocent of this blood. O, that our Repentance might be as general as our Guilt; and that we might not by caſting it in each others Faces, think to clear our p. 49ſelves from that which muſt be diſcharged and blotted out only upon our particular and perſonal repentance.

4. And Laſtly, Let us (as common Chriſtianity blinds us) grieve And (laſtly) for thoſe who are hardned in the guilt of this ſin.for thoſe who will not be perſwaded to grieve for themſelves, but are ſo obdurate in the error of their ſeduced Conſciences, that they ſecretly applaud themſelves, and canonize others for Saints of an eminent Rank, upon the bare account of their influence upon, and engagement in this abominable Act. Alas I Poor ſeduced Creatures! Can you imagine that God will own it as a piece of merit in you or any other, that you affront, and contemn, and injure (with the utmoſt indignity) his own deputed Authority? Would any of you, ſi parvis componere magna liceret, account your ſelves obliged by him who with the utmoſt ſtrength he can make, attempts the moleſtation or diſpoſſeſſion of a Tenant that holds in your right? Did you ever read in any Scriptural or Church-Records, that any Perſon was ever accounted a Martyr, that ſuffered for conſpiring, and much leſs, for murdering his Lawful Soveraign; excepting only the Black Kalendar of the Apoſtate Church of Rome? And ſhall thoſe who bid the greateſt defiance to Popery in their Profeſſion, forſake all the Churches of Chriſt in all Ages of the world, to adhere to them, in a matter of ſuch concernment, and juſtifie Beckets and Garnets, and other ſuch Traytor-Saints, by vindicating them, in compariſon to whom, they were Saints indeed? O, let us pray for the Conviction of theſe deluded Souls, and if our Prayers prevail not, let us weep for them in ſecret, though they laugh never ſo much at our tenderneſs towards them, as a fooliſh pitty; and prophanely bleſs themſelves from our Charity, which their erroneous Conſciences judge miſtaken.

2. Wonder and Aſtoniſhment, at …he monſtrous Confidence which and in our wonder at the; amazing confidence of the: late executed T…aytors.animated thoſe Wretches who preſumed to ſit in Judgment, and paſs Sentence of Condemnation upon their Lawful Soveraign, and (after 12 years time vouchſafed them by God to repent in, before his Vengeance found them out) would fain perſwade God by their Prayers, and the World by their Speeches, that they dyed with Conſciences ſo innocent, in this matter, as to need no repentance. I profeſs ſolemnly, I was never more ſurprized with admiration, at any thing in my life, than I was upon the accidental view of that dangerous inſinuating piece (the poyſon whereof (I fear) hath i…fected hundreds of ignorant and well-meaning people) The Relation p. 50of the laſt Paſſages of the late deteſtable Traytors; and that, to ſee how Omnipotent a Deceiver (if I may ſo ſpeak) that Spirit of Error and Deluſion is, that can ſo artificially extract Heaven out of Hell, and not only Charm Conſcience (even upon the very Brink of Eternity) into a ſleep, but impoſe upon it with ſuch a Cheat as to abſolve and juſtifie in ſo high a manner thoſe Offenders, and ſo many of them (except we will ſuppoſe a Confederacy in ſuch an uniform reſolution, of purpoſe deſigned for the animating the relicks of a broken Party, which I can hardly be ſo uncharitable as to believe) whom both the Law of God, and the Dictates of Nature in the Principles of all Nations under Heaven condemn. For my part, I dare not judge their eternal eſtate: But this I muſt ſay (for the prevention of any evil Influence from their examples) that I would not for 10000 worlds run their hazard, for all their Confidences and Comforts. And if I had an Infallible Revelation, to tell me they were gone to Heaven, I ſhould think my ſelf bound, to keep it in my own Boſom, leſt the publiſhing of it ſhould occaſion the leading Millions to Hell; and pray God, to lead me to Heaven in a more ordinary and unſuſpected Rode, and keep me from being carried up to a Pinacle of spiritual Pride upon the Devils ſhoulders in the ſhape of an Angel of Light.

3. Abomination of thoſe principles which tend to the like Practiſ…s. Of all and abomination of the Princ…ples that lead to ſuch horrid Crimes. Particularly the F…f…h Monarchiſ…s.which (and theſe late years have been as fruitfull in Doctrines of this tendency, as Aff…ica is of Monſters) there are none more deſperate, than thoſe of the Expectants of a Fifth Monarchy to be begun in the perſonal appearance of Chriſt upon earth to cruſh all Earthly Powers, and reign viſibly with his Saints a thouſand years before the ge…eral Reſurrection, which fancy with abundance more ſtrange conceits of like nature, ſome confident new Doctors among them, pretend to gather from the Propheſies of Daniel, and the Apocalypſe ſo eviden…ly, that they have often preſumed to ſet and fix the time of his appearance. What a spirit theſe Princ…ples can conjure up, there needs no further evidence then the deſperate attempt made ſo lately, by an inconſiderable number of the men of that perſwaſion; whiles they are ſeduced to believe, that to make way for this Kingdom of Chriſt, the horrideſt murthers are meritorius, and the juſteſt executions for thoſe murthers, Martyrdom. But alas! poor men, would Chriſt come to ſet up a Temporal Kingdom, he hath waies enough of his own to effect it: So that

Non tali Auxilio, nec Defenſoribus iſtis,

Christus eget.—

Christ hath no more need of their Arms to further it, then we have of their Principles, from both which, Good Lord deliver us. AMEN.

FINIS.

End of the text · Simon Ford, The Loyal Subjects Indignation (1661)