The Interest of England in the Matter of Religion, Essays 1 · Section 14 – Section 16
Section XIV.
But Rebellion and Disobedience is the loud out-cry of some against this party. And this were a crying sin indeed. But let not sober minds be hurried into prejudice by such exclamations and out-cries. It were to be wished, for common peace and amity, that the late public discords were eternally forgotten. But seeing some in these times of expected Reconciliation will not cease to implead and condemn the honest minded, and render them odious to the higher Powers, a necessity is laid upon us to speak something Apologetical, at least to mitigate the business and remove prejudice. The Presbyterian party in England never engaged under a less Authority than that of both Houses of Parliament. I have read that the Parliament of England hath several capacities, and among the rest, these two; First, that it represents the people as Subjects, and so it can do nothing but manifest their grievances, and petition for relief. Secondly, that by the constitution it hath part in the Soveraignty, and so it hath part in the legislative power, and in the final judgment. Now when as a part of the Legislative Power resides in the two Houses, as also a power to redress grievances, and to call into question all Ministers of State and Justice, and all Subjects of whatsoever degree in case of Delinquency, it might be thought that a part of the supream power doth reside in them, though they have not the honorary Title: And this part of the supream power is indeed capable of doing wrong; yet how it might be guilty of Rebellion is more difficult to conceive. In this high and tender point it belongs not to me to determine. And as touching the much debated point of resisting the higher powers, without passing any judgement in the great Case of England, I shall only make rehearsal of the words of Grotius a man of Renown, and known to be neither Anti-monarchical, nor Anti-prelatical, which are found in his Book de jure belli & pacis, by himself dedicated to the French King. [Si Rex partem habeat summi Imperii, partem alteram populus aut Senatus, Regiin partem non suam involanti, vis just a opponi poterit, quia eatenus imperium non habet. Quod locum habere censeo, etiamsi dictum sit, belli potestatem penes Regem fore. Id enim de bell… externo intelligendum est, cum alioqui quisquis imperii summi partem habeat, non possit non jus habere eam partem tuendi.] lib. 1. c. 4. s. 13. With reverence to Soveraign Majesty I crave leave to speak this word of truth and soberness. In a knowing age flattery doth not really exalt or secure the Royal Prerogative; the Authority of Parliaments being depressed and undervalued is the more searched into and urged. Concerning the utmost bounds and limits of Royal Prerogative and Parliamentary Power the Law in deep wisedom chuseth to keep silence, for it always supposeth union, not division between King and Parliament. Wherefore the overstraining on either hand, let all men forbear: His Majesties wisedom and goodness, and his peoples obedience and loyalty in all ways of mutual satisfaction will best secure His Prerogative and their Liberty. Moreover as to the point of Loyalty now in question, the subversion of the Fundamental Government of this Kingdome could not be effected, till those Members of Parliament that were Presbyterian were many of them imprisoned, others forcibly secluded by the violence of the Army, and the rest thereupon withdrew from the House of Commons. For they had voted the Kings Concessions, a ground sufficient for the Houses to proceeed to settle the Nation, and were willing to cast whatsoever they contended for upon a legal security. In those times the Presbyterian Ministers of London in their publick vindication thus declare themselves. [We profess before God, Angels and Men, that we verily believe that that which is so much feared to be now in agitation, the taking away of the life of the King in this present way of Tryal, is not only not agreeable to the Word of God, the Principles of the Protestant Religion (never yet stained with the least drop of the blood of a King) or the Fundamental Constitution and Government of this Kingdom, but contrary to them, as also to the Oath of Allegiance, the Protestation of May 5. 1641. and the Solemn League and Covenant; from all which, or any of which Engagements, we know not any Power on earth able to absolve us or others.] And in conclusion they warn and exhort men to pray for the King, that God would restrain the violence of men, that they may not dare to draw upon themselves and the Kingdome the blood of their Soveraign. Let prudent men weigh things in the ballance of Reason. Is there any thing in the nature of Prelacy that frames the mind to obedience and loyalty? or is there any thing in the nature of Presbytery that inclines to rebellion and disobedience? If Loyalty be the innate disposition of Prelacy, how comes it to pass, that in ancient times, and for a series of many ages, the Kings of England have had such tedious conflicts with Prelates in their Dominions? If Presbytery and Rebellion be connatural, how comes it to pass, that those States or Kingdomes where it hath been established or tolerated have for any time been free from broyls and commotions? or that Presbyterians have never disclaimed or abandoned their lawful Prince, that they have never ceased to sollicite and supplicate his regards and favour, even when their power hath been at the highest, and his sunk lowest; yea, that they have suffered themselves rather to be trodden under foot, then to comply with men of violence in changing the Government? Let us further examine, are the persons that adhere to Prelacy more conscientious in duty to God and man then those that affect Presbytery? Are the former only sober, just and godly, and the latter vicious, unrighteous, prophane? Certainly if it hath been the lot of the one for a time to comply more with Kings then the other hath done, it ariseth not from any peculiar innate disposition of the one or the other, but somthing extrinsecal and accidental, and what that may be, let prudent men make their own observations.
Section XV.
Their principles, whose cause is now pleaded, if faithfully received and kept will make good men and good Christians, and therefore cannot but make good subjects. When men have learned to fear God, they will honour the King indeed, and none are more observant of righteous Laws then they that are most a law to themselves, yea their pattern and practice will be a law to many others, and consequently a main help to civil Government in a Christian Nation: Whosoever they be that teach blind obedience, Presbyterians teach faith and holiness, as also obedience active in all lawful things, and passive in things unlawful injoyned by the higher power. In the late distracted times the publick State was out of frame, always ready to fall asunder, the minds of people were unquiet and unsetled; those that held the power could never gain half that awful regard and reverence which was given to Kings, Nobles, and men of Authority in former times. Nevertheless; prophaness, intemperance, revellings, out-rages, and filthy lewdness, were not at any time in the memory of the present age, held under more restraint. Surely some special reason may be rendred, why in such want of publick Order, there should not be a greater disorder in mens lives and manners then at other times; which I conceive is manifest, to wit, that by means of a practical Ministery more thick set throughout the Nation, knowledge and restraining grace did more abound, and the orderly walking of religious persons did keep others more within compass, and withal, strictness of life was not openly derided under the name of Puritanism. Those places where Presbyterian Ministers had the greatest influence, were evidently the most reformed and civiliz'd, for which cause they were so much hated by men of loose principles and dissolute lives. Whereupon we affirm boldly, That those for whom we plead must needs be good Subjects to a Christian King, and good members of a Christian Common-wealth.
Section XVI.
Neither are they wandring Stars, a people given to change, fit to overturn and pull down, but not to build up. They do not hang in the air, bur build upon a firm ground; they have setled principles consistent with the rules of stable policy. Contrariwise, Fanaticks (truly and not abusively so called) do build castles in the air, and are fit instruments to disturb and destroy and root out, but never to compose and plant and settle; for which cause their Kingdom could never hold long in any time or place of the world. Upon this ground Presbytery, not sectarian Anarchy, hath been assaulted with greatest violence by the more observing Prelatists; against this they have raised their main batteries, this appeared formidable, for it is stable and uniform, and like to hold if once setled in good earnest. This party do not run so fast, but they know where to stop; they are a number of men so fixed and constant as none more, and a Prince or State shall know where to find them. They do not strain so high, but they consider withal what the Kingdoms of the world will bear, and are willing to bring things to the capacity of political Government. They can have no pleasure in commotions and alterations, for order and regular unity is their way, and therefore stability of Government and publick tranquility is their interest. It is most unreasonable to object, that the late wilde postures, extravagancies and incongruities in Government, were the work of Presbytery or Presbyterians. The Nation had never proof of Presbytery, for it was never setled, but rather decryed and exposed to prejudice by those that were in sway, and that in the more early times of the late Wars. The truth of this matter is cleared by a passage of our late Soveraign in a Letter to his Majesty that now is.] All the lesser Factions were at first officious Servants to Presbytery their great Master, till time and Military Success discovering to each their particular advantages, invited them to part stakes, and leaving the joynt stock of uniform Religion, pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and preferments, to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State, but of Presbytery it self.] Thus the joynt stock of uniform Religion was left, and Presbytery neglected, before the first War was ended: Yea, and those that stedsastly adhered to it were maligned and reviled by the exorbitant party for opposing their new models or agreements of the people.