Account of the Persecutions of the Protestants in France, Text

Account of the Persecutions of the Protestants in France · Text

AN ACCOUNT OF THE PERSECUTIONS AND OPPRESSIONS OF THE Proteſtants IN FRANCE.

London, Printed for J. Norris. 1686.

p. 1An exact account of the Cruel Oppreſſions and Perſaecutions of the French Proteſtants.

THE Cruelties exercis'd of late on the Proteſtants in France, do appear ſo deteſtable to all, who have not diveſted themſelves of Humanity, that no wonder the Authors of them uſe their utmoſt endeavours to leſſen what they cannot conceal. Were not this worſe than barbarous uſage, a project of a long contrivance, a Man might for Charity's ſake, ſuppoſe this their palliating it, to be an acknowledgment of their own diſpleaſure at it. However, their boldneſs is inexcuſable, who ſhall endeavour to impoſe on the World in matters known; not by Gazetts, and News-letters, but by an infinite number of Fugitives of all Conditions, who have nothing left but Tears and Miſeries to bring along with them into foreign Nations. 'Tis certainly too barbarous to oppreſs innocent People in their own Countrey; and afterwards to ſtifle their complaints in other places where they are driven; and by this means deprive them of a compaſſion which the bare inſtincts of nature never refuſe to the miſerable. Yet this is the courſe our perſecutors of France have held; their cruelty muſt be attended with Impoſtures, that the miſchiefs which they have acted may paſs undiſcovered.

I think we ſhould be much to blame, if we ſuffer them to go on in this ſecond deſign, as they have done in the firſt; and therefore we ſhall chooſe ſome principal inſtances, whereon we ſhall make ſuch reflections, as thereby to judge with greater evidence and exactneſs on the whole proceeding. And as we ſhall offer nothing but what ſhall be perfectly true; ſo we ſhall advance nothing in our reflections, but what all the world of reaſonable people will allow.

p. 2To begin with matters of Fact: There's no body but knows, that a while after his preſent Majeſty of France came to the Crown, there aroſe in the Kingdom a Civil War; which proved ſo ſharp and deſperate, as brought the State within an hairs breadth of utter ruine. 'Tis alſo known, that in the midſt of all theſe troubles, thoſe of the Reformed Religion kept their Loyalty in ſo inviolable a manner, and attended it with ſuch a Zeal and extraordinary fervour, that the King found himſelf obliged to give publick marks of it, by a Declaration made at St. Germains, in the year 1652. Then as well at Court, as in the Field, each ſtrove to proclaim loudeſt the deſerts of the Reformiſts; and the Queen Mother her ſelf readily acknowledged, That they had preſerved the State: This is known by all, but 'twill hardly be believed, though it be too true, what our Enemies themſelves an hundred times told us; and which the ſequel has but too ſhrewdly confirmed, that this was preciſely the principal and moſt eſſential cauſe of our ruine; and of all the miſchiefs which we have ſince ſuffered. Endeavours were uſed to envenom all theſe important Services in the Kings and his Miniſters minds, by perſwading them, that if in this occaſion, this party could conſerve the State; this ſhewed, they could likewiſe overthrow it, ſhould they have ranked themſelves on the other ſide; and might ſtill do it, when ſuch alike occaſion ſhould offer it ſelf. That therefore this party muſt be ſuppreſſed, and the good they have done no longer regarded; but as an indication of the miſchief, which they may one day be capable of doing. This Diabolical reaſoning, which hinders Subjects from ſerving their Prince, to avoid drawing on themſelves chaſtiſements, inſtead of recompences, was reliſh'd as a piece of moſt refined Policy. For as ſoon as the Kingdom was ſettled in Peace, the deſign was advanced of deſtroying the Reformiſts; and the better to make them comprehend that their Zeal had ruined them, the Cities which had ſhewed moſt of it, were firſt begun with. Immediately then, on ſlight pretences, they fell on Rochel, Montaubon, and Milan; three Towns, where thoſe of the Reformed Religion had moſt ſignalized themſelves for the intereſts of the Court; Rochel underwent an infinite number of preſcriptions, Montaubon and Milan were ſackt by the Soldiers. But theſe being but particular ſtroaks and meer preludes, which decided nothing, they tarried not long before they made appear the great p. 3and general Machius, they were to uſe in the carrying on of their intended deſign to the laſt extremity. 'Twill be a difficult matter to give an exact account of theſe ſeveral methods: For never humane malice produced ſuch multiplicity of them; every day brought forth new ones for twenty years together. To take only notice of the chief of them; which were, Firſt, Law Suits in Courts of Juſtice. Secondly, Deprivations from all kinds of Offices and Employs; and in general, of all ways of ſubſiſtance. Thirdly, The infraction of Edicts, under the notion of Explications of them. Fourthly, New Laws and Orders. Fifthly, Juggles and amuſing Tricks. Sixthly, The animating of People, and inſpiring them with hatred againſt us. Theſe are the moſt conſiderable means, which the perſecuters have employed to attain their ends, during ſeveral years; I ſay, during ſeveral years; for what they deſigned, being no eaſie matter, they needed therefore time, to order their Engins; not to take notice of their Traverſes and Interruptions by forrain Wars; yet whoſe ſucceſs have not a little contributed to encreaſe their Courage, and confirm them in the deſign which they had againſt us.

The firſt of theſe means has had an infinite extent. We ſhould begin with the recital of all the Condemnations of Churches, or ſuppreſſions of exerciſes of Religion, and all the other vexations which have hapned by the eſtabliſhing of Commiſſaries; this was a Snare dexterouſly laid immediately after the Treaty of the Picenees, the King under pretence of repairing the Edict of Nants, ſent them in the Provinces. The Roman Catholic Commiſſary was every where his Majeſties Intendant; who was beſure a fit man for the purpoſe, armed with the Royal Authority, and who was well inſtructed in the ſecret Aim. The other, was either ſome hungry Officer, a Slave to the Court, or ſome poor Gentleman, who had uſually neither Intelligence requiſite in theſe ſort of Affairs, nor the liberty of ſpeaking his Sentiments. The Clergy had ſet them up; He was their Ambulatory Spirit. The Syndicks were received before them as formal parties in all our Affairs; the aſſignations were given in their name, the Proſecutions alſo; and as well the Diſcords of the Commiſſaries, as the Appeals from their Ordinances, muſt be finally decided in the Kings Council.

Thus in general, all the rights of the Churches, for the exerciſes of Religion, the burying places, and all ſuch dependancies, were called p. 4into a review, and conſequently expoſed to the freſh purſuits of the Clergy, and the ill intention of the Judges. In which there was not the leaſt dram of Equity; for the Edict having bin once executed, according to the intention of him that made it, there needed no ſecond touches; it being moreover, wholly unlikely thoſe of the reformed Religion, who had bin ever in the Kingdom the ſuffering party, could uſurp any thing therein; and extend its limits beyond what belong'd to them. But there were other deſigns in hand than the providing againſt the Contraventions, and therefore by this order, the greateſt part of the Churches cited for the juſtifying of their Rights, ſaw themſelves ſoon condemned one after another, by Decrees of Council, how good and ſufficient ſoever their Titles and Defences were. Scarcely paſſed a Week, wherein theſe kind of Decrees were not made; and if it hapned, that the Modeſty of the Judges ſaved any of them, by the great evidence of their Right, as this ſometimes hapned; beſides that, the number was ſmall, in compariſon of thoſe condemned, the Judges often received order to condemn them, when they ſhewed they could not in Conſcience do it.

But the Oppreſſions of this kind, did not terminate in the bare condemnation of Churches; for particular Perſons had their part. In ordinary and civil Affairs, where the matter concerned a piece of Land, perhaps, a Houſe, a Debt between a Roman Catholick and a Perſon of our Religion; Religion was to be ſure always one of the chief Heads of the Accuſation; The Monks, the Emiſſaries, the Confeſſors, and all the whole Tribe of that Crew, intereſſed themſelves in the Affair. In Courts of Juſtice, all the cry was, I plead againſt an Heretick, I have to do with a Man of a Religion odious to the State; and which the King would have extirpated. By this means, there was no longer any Juſtice to be expected, few Judges were proof againſt this falſe Zeal, for fear of drawing the Fury of the whole Cabal againſt him, or paſſing for a favourer of Hereticks. 'Tis not to be imagined how many unjuſt Sentences theſe ſort of Prejudices have given, in all the Courts of the Kingdom; and how many mens Families have bin ruined by them: When any one complained, the Anſwer was ready, You have the remedy in your own hands; why do you not turn Catholick.

Yet all this had bin nothing, had the Perſecution kept here, p. 5and not proceeded to faſten on the Reputation, the Liberty, and even the very Lives of Perſons, by a general inundation (as a man may term it) of criminal Proceſſes. Writings were Printed at Paris, and ſent from thence to all Cities and Pariſhes of the Kingdom, which impowred the Curates, Churchwardens and others, to make an exact enquiry into whatſoever the pretended Reformiſts might have done, or ſaid for twenty years paſt, as well on the ſubject of Religion as otherwiſe, to make Information of this before the Juſtices of the Place; and puniſh them without remiſſion. So have we ſeen for ſeveral years, in execution of theſe Orders, the Priſons every where fill'd with theſe kind of Criminals; neither were falſe Witneſſes lacking; and that which was moſt horrible, was, that though the Judges were convinced they were Knights of the Poſt, yet they maintained them, and carry'd them throw ſuch Points, as they knew to be untrue. They condemned innocent and vertuous Perſons to be whipt, to the Gallies, to baniſhment and publick Penances. And if a Spark of Honor or Conſcience, at any time hindred them, yet there was always at leaſt an impunity for the falſe Witneſs.

This kind of Perſecution fell chiefly on the Miniſters; for of a long time they might not Preach, without having for Auditors, or to ſpeak better, Obſervators, a Troop of Prieſts, Monks and Miſſionaries, and ſuch kind of People, who made no ſcruple to charge them with things, which they not ſo much as thought of; and turn others into a contrary meaning. They alſo went ſo far as to devine the Thoughts, to make Crimes; for as ſoon as ever any Miniſter ſpake of Egypt, Pharaoh, the Iſraelites, of good or bad People, (as 'tis difficult not to ſpeak of theſe matters, when they explained the Scripture) Theſe Spies never failed to report, that by Egypt, and the wicked, they meant the Catholicks, and by the Iſraelites, the pretended Reformiſts. The Judges concerned themſelves in this, and what is moſt ſtrange, the miniſters of State themſelves reſpected theſe Interpretations of thoughts, as evident Proofs. On theſe grounds, the Magiſtrates filled the Priſons whith theſe kind of poor People, keeping them therein for whole years together, and often inflicted on them ſeveral corporal Penalties.

'Tis already ſeen by this firſt kind of Perſecution, what were the Uſages ſhewed in France to the Reformiſts before they came to the utmoſt violence. But we ſhall ſee them appear more, in what we have to add, touching the privation of Offices and Employs, p. 6and in general, of the means of gaining a Livelihood; which is the ſecond way we mentioned, that has been uſed to effect our Ruine. 'Tis not hard to comprehend, that in a great Kingdom, as France is, where the Proteſtants were diſperſed over all parts, there were an infinite number, who could not ſubſiſt nor maintain their Families, but by the liberty of ſerving the publick, either in Offices, Arts, Trades, or Faculties, each according to his Calling. Henry the great, was ſo well convinced of the neceſſity and Juſtice of this, that he made it an expreſs Article, the moſt diſtinct perhaps and formal, of all contained in his Edict: And therefore 'twas here the Perſecutors thought themſelves obliged to uſe their utmoſt endeavours. In this regard, they began with the Arts and Trades; which under ſeveral pretences, they rendered almoſt inacceſſible to the Proteſtants, by the difficulties of arriving to the maſterſhip of them, and by the exceſſive Expences, they muſt be at to be received therein, there being no candidate, but was forced for this purpoſe to maintain Law Suits, under the weight of which, they for the moſt part fell, not being able to hold them out. But this not being ſufficient, by a Declaration made in 1669. they were reduced to one third, in the Towns where the Proteſtants were more in number than the other Inhabitants; and they were forbidden to receive any therein till this diminution was made, which at one ſtroke excluded all the pretenders.

Some time after they abſolutely drove all the Reformiſts from the Conſulſhips, and all other Municipal Officers of the Cities, which was in effect the depriving them of the Knowledg of their Proper Affairs, and Intereſts, to inveſt wholly the Catholics with them.

In 1680. the King iſſued out an Order, which deprived them in general of all kind of Offices and Employs, from the greateſt to the ſmalleſt: They were made incapable ſo much as to exerciſe any Employ in the Cuſtom-Houſes, Guard, Treaſury, or Poſt-Offices; to be Meſſengers, Coach-Men, or Waggoners, or any thing of this nature.

In the year 1681. by a Decree of Council, all Notaries, Attorneys, Solicitors, and Sergeants, making Profeſſion of the Reformed Religion, were rendered uncapable throughout all the Kingdom. A Year after, all Lords and Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion were ordered to diſcharge their Officers and Servants p. 7of the ſaid Religion, and not make uſe of them in any caſe, without other reaſon than that of their Religion.

In 1683. all Officers belonging to the Kings Houſhold, and thoſe of the Princes of the Blood, were alſo rendred uncapable of holding their Places. The Councellors and other Officers of Ayds, and Chambers of accounts, and thoſe of Seneſchalſhip, Baily wicks, and Royalties, Admiralry, Provoſtſhips, and Marſhal's Courts, Treaſury Exciſe, and others, who belonged to the Toll-Offices, and ſuch like buſineſſes, were ordered to leave their Places in favour of the Catholicks.

In 1684. all Secretaries belonging to the King and Great Officers of France, as well Titulary, as Honorary ones, and their Widows, were deprived by a Revocation of all their Priviledges of what nature ſoever they were. They alſo deprived all thoſe that had purchaſed any Priviledges for the exerciſing of any Profeſſions, as Merchants, Surgeons, Apothecaries, and Vintners, nd all others, without exception.

Nay, they proceeded to this exceſs, that they would not ſuffer any Midwives of the Reformed Religion to do their Office, and expreſly ordained for the future, our Wives ſhould receive no aſſiſtance in that Condition, but from Roman Catholicks. 'Tis not to be expreſt how many particular Perſons and Families they reduced every where, by theſe ſtrange and unheard of Methods, to Ruine and Miſery. But becauſe there were yet many which could ſuſtain themſelves; other Methods of Oppreſſion muſt be invented: To this end they iſſued out an Edict from the Council, by which the new Converts, as they call them, were diſcharged from any payments of their Debts for three years. This, for the moſt part, fell on the Reformiſts, who, having had a more particular Tye of Intereſt and Affair with theſe pretended Converts, becauſe of their Communion of Religion, were reckoned amongſt their Chief Creditors: By this Order they had found the ſecret to recompenſe thoſe that changed, at the charge of thoſe who continued firm: and this they did likewiſe by another way; for they diſcharged the Converts of all the Debts, which thoſe of the Religion had contracted in common, which by conſequence fell on the reſt. Add to this, the prohibition to fell or alienate their Eſtates, on any Pretence whatever, the King annulling and breaking all Contracts, and other acts relating to that matter: if it did not appear, that after theſe Acts, they had ſtayed in the p. 8Kingdom a whole Year: ſo that the laſt Remedy of helping themſelves with their Eſtates in extream Neceſſity, was taken from them. They deprived them likewiſe of another, which ſeemed the only one remaining, which was, to ſeek their Bread elſewhere, by retiring into other Countries, there to get their Living by Labour, ſince this was not permitted them in France. By repeated Edicts the King forbad them to leave his Kingdom, on ſevere Penalties, which drove them to the laſt Deſpair; ſince they ſaw themſelves reduced to the horrible neceſſity of dying with Hunger in their own Countrey, without daring to go to live elſewhere. But the Cruelty of their Enemies ſtopt not here, for there yet remained ſome Gleanings in the Provinces, though very few, and as thin as thoſe in Pharaoh's Dream. The Intendants in their Diſtricts had order to load the Reformed with Taxes, which they did, either by laying upon them the Tax of the New Catholicks, who were diſcharged thereof on favour of their Converſion, or by laying exorbitant Taxes, which they called Duties, that is to ſay, he who in the ordinary Roll was aſſeſſed at Forty or Fifty Livers, was charged by this Impoſtion at Seven or Eight Hundred. Thus had they nothing more left, for all was a Prey to the Rigour of the Intendants. They raiſed their Taxes by the effectual quartering of Dragoons, or Impriſonment, from whence they were not freed till they had paid the utmoſt Farthing.

Theſe were the two firſt Engins or Machins which the Clergy made uſe of againſt us: To which they added a Third, which we have termed the Infractions of the Edict of Nantes, under pretence of Explication. Thoſe who would know their Number and Quality, need only read the Books written and publiſhed on this Subject; as well by the Jeſuite Menier, an Author Famous for his Illuſions▪ as by one Beanard, an Officer in the Preſidial Court of Beſier in Languedoc. There you will find all the turns, which the meaneſt and moſt unworthy Sophiſtry could invent, to elude the cleareſt Texts of the Edict, and to corrupt the Sincerity thereof. But becauſe we do here give you only a brief Account of our, Troubles, we will content our ſelves with obſerving ſome of the Principal, iſſuing from this Fountain: What was there, for Example, more clear and unqueſtionable in the Edict than this; viz. That 'twas given with an Intention to maintain thoſe of the Religion, in all the Rights that Nature and Civil p. 9Society give to Men. Yet in 1681. there came out an Edict, that Children might at the Age of Seven Years, abjure the Reformed Religion, and embrace the Catholick, under pretence, that the Edict did not preciſely mark, that at this Age they ſhould continue at their Parents Diſpoſal. Who ſees not that this was a meer trick, ſeing that on one hand, the Edict forbad to take the Children from their Parents by force, or fair means: and on the other hand, the Edict ſuppoſed and confirmed all the Natural Rights, of which, without Controverſie, this is one of the moſt inviolable. Was there ever a more manifeſt Infraction of the Edict, than that, which forbad thoſe of the Proteſtant Religion, who had paſſed over to the Roman, to return to that they had left, under pretence, that the Edict did not formally give them in expreſs Terms this Liberty. For when the Edict permits generally all the Kings Subjects Liberty of Conſcience, and forbids the perplexing and troubling them, and offering any thing contrary to this Liberty. Who ſees not that this Exception, touching the pretended Relapſers, is ſo far from being an Explication of the Edict, that 'tis a notable violation of it.

Whereunto we may add the charge given to the Roman Catholicks not to change their Religion, and embrace the Reformed. For when the Edict gives Liberty of Conſcience, it does it in proper Terms, for all thoſe, who are, and ſhall be of the ſaid Religion. Yet if we believe the Clergy, this was not Henry the Great's meaning, intending only to grant it to thoſe, who made Profeſſion of it, at the time of the making his Edict. That of Nantes gave alſo to the Reformed, the priviledges of keeping ſmall Schools in all places, where they had the Exerciſe of their Religion, and by this Term of ſmall or little Schools, according to the common explication, thoſe were always underſtood, where one might teach Latin and Humanity. This is the Sence, which has been ever given in all the Kingdom, to this Expreſſion, which is ſtill given when it concerns the Roman Catholicks. Yet by a new Interpreation, this permiſſion was reſtrained to the bare Liberty of teaching to read, and write, as if the Reformed were unworthy to learn any more; and this on purpoſe, to tire out the Parents, and drive them to this extremity, either not to know what to do with their Children, or be forced to ſend them to the Roman Catholicks for Education.

p. 10The Edict gave them the liberty in all places where they had Churches, to inſtruct publickly their Children, and others, in what concerns Religion, which viſibly eſtabliſht the Right of teaching them Theology, ſeeing their Theology is nothing elſe but this Religion. And as to Colleges, wherein they might be inſtructed in Liberal Sciences, the Edict promiſed Letters Pattents in good form. Yet 'twas ſuppoſed the Edict gave no right to the Reformed to inſtruct them in Theology, nor to have Colleges, and on this Suppoſition, three Academies were condemned, all that remained. That of Sedan, although grounded on a particular Edict, was ſuppreſt as the reſt, and even before them.

But we muſt go further, and ſeeing we have undertaken, to ſhew in this Abridgment, the principal things they have done to exerciſe our Patience, before they came to the utmoſt Fury. We are not to paſs over the new Orders, or new Laws, which were to us as ſo many new Inventions to torment us. The firſt of theſe Orders, which appeared, was touching the manner of Buryals, and entering the Dead. The number of Attendants were reduced to thirty Perſons in thoſe places where the Exerciſe of our Religion was actually eſtabliſhed, and to ten where it was not. Orders were alſo iſſued out to hinder the Communication of Provinces with one another, by Circulary Letters, or otherwiſe; though about matters of Alms and diſpoſal of Charity. Prohibitions were likewiſe made of holding Colloquies in the Interval of Synods, excepting in two Caſes, the providing for Churches deſtitute by the Deaths of their Miniſters; and the Correction of ſome Scandals. They likewiſe took away from thoſe places, allowed by the Edict, which they call'd Exerciſes de fief, all the Marks of the Temples, as the Bell, the Pulpit, and other things of this Nature. They were likewiſe forbidden to receive their Miniſters in Synods to have any deciding Voice there, or to note them in the Catalogue of thoſe that belong'd to Churches. Others forbad the ſinging of Pſalms in private Houſes, as alſo ſome that commanded them to ceaſe ſinging even in their Temples when the Sacrament paſſed by, or at the time of any Proceſſion. Others were made to hinder Marriages, ſuch times as were forbidden by the Romiſh Church. Others forbad Miniſters to Preach any where, except in the place of their uſual Reſidence. Others forbad their ſetling in places, unleſs ſent by the Synods, though the Conſiſtories had call'd them thither according to their uſual forms. p. 11Others were made to hinder the Synods from ſending to any Churches more Miniſters than were there in the preceding Synod. Others, to hinder thoſe that deſign'd for the Miniſtry, to be educated in Foreign Univerſities. Others baniſh'd all Foreign Miniſters, though they had been ordained in the Kingdom, and ſpent there the greateſt part of their Lives. Others forbad Miniſters, or Cardinals for the Miniſtry to reſide in places where Preaching was forbidden, or nearer than ſix Miles of them. Others forbad the People to aſſemble in the Temples, under pretence of Praying, Reading, or Singing of Pſalms, except in the Preſence of a Miniſter, placed there by the Synod. One ridiculous one was made to take away all the Backs of the Seats in the Churches, and reduce them all to an exact Uniformity. Another, to hinder the Churches that were a little more Rich, to aſſiſt the Weaker, for the maintenance of their Miniſters, and other neceſſities. Another to oblige Parents to give their Children, who changed their Religion, great Penſions. Another to forbid Marriages betwixt Parties of different Religions, even in the caſe of Scandalous Cohabitation. Another to prohibit thoſe of the Religion, from that time, to entertain in their Houſes any Domeſticks or Servants that were Roman Catholicks. Another which made them uncapable of being Tutors or Guardians; and conſequently put all the Minors, whoſe Fathers dyed in the Profeſſion of the Proteſtant Religion, under the Power and Education of Roman Catholicks. Another forbidding Miniſters and Elders to hinder any of their Flock, either directly or indirectly, to embrace the Roman Religion, or to diſſuade them form it. Another forbidding Jews and Mahometans to embrace the Reformed Religion; and the Miniſters either to inſtruct or receive them into it. Another ſubjecting Synods to receive ſuch Roman Catholick Commiſſaries as ſhould be ſent them from the King, with an expreſs order to do nothing, but in their preſence. Another for bidding the Conſiſtories to aſſemble oftner than once in Fifteen days, and in preſence of a Catholick Commiſſary. Another forbidding Conſiſtories to aſſiſt, on pretence of Charity to the Poor Sick Perſons of their Religion; and ordaining that the Sick ſhould be carried into their Hoſpitals, ſtrictly forbidding any Man to entertain them in their Houſes. Another confiſcating, in favour of Hoſpitals, all the Lands, Rents, and other Profits of what nature ſoever, which might have appertained to a condemned p. 12Church. Another forbidding Miniſters to come nearer than Three Leagues to the place where the Priviledges of Preaching was in queſtion or debate. Another confiſcated to the Hoſpitals all the Revenues and Rents ſet apart for the maintenance of the Poor, even in ſuch Churches as were yet ſtanding. Another ſubjecting ſick and dying Perſons to the neceſſity of receiving Viſits, ſometimes from Judges, Commiſſionaries, or Church-Wardens; ſometimes of Curates, Monks, Miſſionaries, or other Eccleſiaſticks, to induce them to change their Religion, or require of them expreſs Declarations concerning it. Another forbidding Parents to ſend their Children before ſixteen years of Age to travel in Forreign Countries, on any pretence whatſoever. Another prohibiting Lords or Gentlemen to continue the exerciſe of Religion in their Houſes, unleſs they had firſt produced their Titles before the Commiſſaries, and obtained from them a Licenſe to have Preaching. Another which reſtrained the right of entertaining a Miniſter to thoſe only, who were in Poſſeſſion of their Lands ever ſince the Edict of Nantes, in a direct or collateral Line. Another which forbad Churches called Baillage, to receive into their Temples any of another Bailywick. Another which enjoined Phyſitians, Apothecaries, and Chirurgeons, to advertiſe the Curates or Magiſtrates of the condition of Sick Proteſtants, that the Magiſtrates or Curates might viſit them. But amongſt all theſe new Laws, thoſe which have moſt ſerved the Deſign and Intention of the Clergy, have been on one hand, the prohibition of receiving into their Temples any of thoſe who had changed their Religion, nor their Children, nor any Roman Catholick of what Age, Sex, or Condition ſoe…er, under pain of forfeiting their Churches, and the Miniſters doing publick Pennance, with Baniſhment and Confiſcation of their Eſtates; and on the other fide, the ſetting up in all the Temples a particular Bench for the Catholicks to ſit on; for by this means, as ſoon as any one reſolved to change his Religion, they needed only to make him do it in private, and to find him the next Morning in the Temple, to be obſerved there by the Catholicks, who were in their Seat. Immediately Informations were made, and afterwards Condemnations, in all the Rigour of the Law. The Roman Catholicks needed only to enter into the Temple, under pretence, that they had a place there, and then they ſlipt in amongſt the Croud, and immediately this was a Contravention to the Declaration, and p. 13an unavoidable Condemnation. 'Tis by this means they have deſtroyed an infinite number of Temples and Churches, and put into Irons a great number of Innocent Miniſters; for Villains and falſe Witneſſes were not wanting in this occaſion.

All theſe Proceedings were ſo violent, that they muſt needs make a ſtrong Impreſſion in the Reformiſts Minds, whereunto theſe things tended. And in effect, there were many of them, that bethought themſelves of their ſafety, by leaving the Kingdom, ſome tranſported themſelves into one Kingdom, and ſome into another, according as their Inclinations led them. But this was what the Court never intended, for more than one reaſon; and therefore to hinder them, they renewed from time to time this Decree, which we have mentioned, which ſtrictly prohibited, under the moſt ſevere Penalties, any to depart the Kingdom without leave; and to this end they ſtrictly guarded all Paſſages on the Frontiers. But theſe Precautions did not anſwer their Expectations, and 'twas better to blind the People, by hopes of abating this rigorous uſage at home; and to this end in 1669. the King revoked ſeveral violent Decrees, which produced the Effect expected. For though the Judicious ſaw well enough, that this Moderation ſprang not from a good Principle, and that, in the Sequel, the ſame Decrees would be put in execution, yet the moſt part imagined they would ſtill confine themſelves within ſome Bounds in our regard, and that they would not paſs to a total Deſtruction.

We have often drawn the ſame Concluſions from the ſeveral Verbal Declarations, which came many times from the Kings own Mouth, that he pretended not to indulge us, but he would do us perfect Juſtice, and let us enjoy the benefits of the Edicts in their whole extent, that he would be very glad to ſee all his Subjects re-united to the Catholick Religion, and would for the effecting this, contribute all his Power, but there ſhould be no Bloud ſhed, during his Reign, on this account, nor any violence exerciſed. Theſe preciſe and re-iterated Declarations, gave us hopes the King would not forget them; and eſpecially in eſſential matters, he would let us enjoy the effects of his Bounty and Equity. 'Twas the more expected by a Letter, he wrote to the Elector of Brandenburgh, the Copies of which the Miniſters of State took care to diſperſe through the whole Kingdom. His Majeſty aſſured him, that he was well ſatisfyed with the Behaviour of his Proteſtant p. 14Subjects, from whence he drew this natural Concluſion, that he intended not then to deſtroy us.

To which we may add the managements uſed ſometimes in the Council, where Churches were conſerved, at the ſame time when others were crdered to be demoliſh'd; to make the World believe, they obſerved meaſures of Juſtice, and that thoſe which they condemned, were not grounded on good Titles. Sometimes they ſoftned ſeveral too rigorous Decrees; other times they ſeemed not to approve of the violences offered by the Intendants and Magiſtrates; even to the giving of orders to moderate them. In this manner did they hinder the execution of a Decree made in the Parliament of Rouen, which enjoyned thoſe of the Reformed Religion to fall on their Knees, when they met the Sacrament. Thus did they ſtop the proſecutions of a puny Judge of Charenton, who ordered us to ſtrike out of our Liturgy a prayer which was compoſed for the faithful, that groaned under the Tyranny of Antichriſt. 'Tis thus alſo, that they did not extreamly favour another Perſecution which began to come general in the Kingdom againſt the Miniſters, under pretence of obliging them to take an Oath of Allegiance, wherein other Clauſes were inſerted, contrary to what Miniſters owe to their Charges and Religion. 'Twas thus alſo they ſuſpended the execution of ſome Edicts, which themſelves had procured, as well to Tax the Miniſters, as to oblige them to reſide preciſely in the place where they exerciſed their Miniſtry. With the ſame deſign the Syndic's of the Clergy, had the Art to let the principal Churches of the Kingdom to be at reſt, for many years without diſturbance in their Aſſemblies; whilſt they in the mean time, deſolated all thoſe in the Country. They ſuſpended alſo the condemnation of the Univerſities, and reſerved them for the laſt. It was alſo in this view, that at Court, the firſt ſeemed unable to belive, and at laſt not to approve of the exceſſes, which one Marillac an Intendant of Poitu, committed in his Province: A man poor and cruel, more fit to prey on the High-ways, than to be Intendant of a Province; though indeed they had a clauſe expreſly to make theſe Expeditions. But amongſt all theſe illuſions, there's none more remarkable, than five or ſix, which will not be improper here to take notice of: The firſt was, That at the very time, when at the Court they iſſued out all the Decrees, Declarations, and Edicts, which we have ſpoken of here before, and which they cauſed to p. 15be put in execution with the greateſt rigour, at the ſame time, that they interdicted their Churches, demoliſhed their Temples, deprived particular perſons of their Offices and Employments, reduced People to Poverty and Hunger, impriſoned them, loaded them with Fines, baniſh'd them, and in a word, ravag'd almoſt all; the Intendants, Governours, Magiſtrates, and other Officers in Paris, and over all the Kingdom, coolly and gravely gave out, the King had not the leaſt intention to touch the Edict of Nantes, but would moſt Religiouſly obſerve it. The ſecond was, that in the ſame Edict, which the King publiſh'd to forbid Roman Catholicks to embrace the Reformed Religion, which was in the year 1682. That is to ſay, at a time when they had already greatly advanced the work of our deſtruction; they cauſed a formal Clauſe to be inſerted in theſe terms, That he confirmed the Edict of Nantes, as much as it was or ſhould be needful. The third, That in the Circular Letters which the King wrote to the Biſhops and Intendants, to oblige them to ſignifie the Paſtoral Advertiſement of the Clergy to our Conſiſtories, he tells them in expreſs terms, That his intention was not that they ſhould do any thing that might attempt upon what had been granted to thoſe of the Reformed Religion, by the Edicts and Declarations made in their favour. The fourth, That by an expreſs Declaration publiſh'd about the latter end of the year 1684. the King ordained, That Miniſters ſhould not remain in the ſame Church, above the ſpace of three years, nor return to the firſt, within the ſpace of Twelve; and that they ſhould be thus tranſlated from Church to Church, at leaſt twenty Leagues diſtant from the other; ſuppoſing by a manifeſt conſequence, that his deſign was yet to permit the exerciſe of Religion to the Miniſters in the Kingdom for Twelve years at leaſt. Though indeed they at that moment deſign'd the Revocation of the Edict, and had reſolved it in the Council. The fifth conſiſts in a Requeſt preſented to the King, by the Aſſembly of the Clergy at the ſame time, that they were drawing an Edict to revoke that of Nantes, and put into the Hands of the Procurer General to frame it; and in the Decree which was granted on this requeſt, the Clergy complain'd of the miſrepreſentations which the Miniſters are wont to make of the Roman Church, to which they attribute Doctrines which they do not hold, and beſeech his Majeſty to provide againſt it. And alſo expreſly declared, that they did not yet deſire the Revocation of the Edict, upon which the p. 16King by his Decree expreſly forbad the Miniſters to ſpeak either good or hurt, directly or indirectly of the Church of Rome in their Sermons; ſuppoſing, as every one may ſee, that 'twas his Intention ſtill to let them Preach; were ever ſuch illuſions known! But was there ever any greater than this which they put in the very Edict we ſpeak of? The King after having cancelled and annul'd the Edict of Nantes, and all that depended thereon, after having interdicted for ever all publick Religious Exerciſes, he alſo for ever baniſh'd all the Miniſters from his Kingdom, and expreſly declares, that his will is, that his other Subjects, who are not willing to change their Religion, may remain where they are in all Liberty, enjoy their Eſtates, and live with the ſame Freedom as heretofore, without any moleſtation on pretence of their Religion, till it ſhall pleaſe God to enlighten and convert them. Theſe were Amuſements and Snares to entrap them, as it has ſince appeared, and it ſtill appears every day by the horrible uſages they ſuffer, and of which we ſhall ſpeak in what follows. But we ſhall, firſt, mention a preparatory Machin, which the Perſecutors have not fail'd to employ to effect their Deſign, and which we have reckoned to be the Sixth in order. It conſiſts in diſpoſing inſenſibly the People by degrees to deſire our Deſtruction; to approve of it when done, and to diminiſh in their Mind the Horror which naturally they muſt have at the Cruelties and Injuſtices of our Perſecutors Contrivances. For this parpoſe ſeveral means have been uſed, and the commoneſt have been the Sermons of the Miſſionaries and other Controverſial Preachers, with which the Kingdom has been for ſome years ſtockt, under the Title of Royal Miſſions. There were fitting Youths, choſen for this purpoſe, who had ſuch an Education given them, which was ſo far from making them Moderate, as rather enflamed them; ſo that 'tis eaſy to comprehend what Actors theſe are, when they not only found themſelves upheld, but ſaw themſelves moreover ſet on, and had expreſs Orders to inſpire their Hearers with Choler. And ſo well did they acquit themſelves herein, that 'twas not their fault if Popular Emotions have not followed thereon in great Cities, yea in Paris it ſelf, had not the Prudence of the Magiſtrates hindred them. To the Preachers we muſt join the Confeſſors and Directors of Mens Conſciences, the Monks, the Curates, and in general, all the Eccleſiaſticks from the higheſt to the loweſt; for they being not ignorant of the Courts Intention p. 17in this matter, every one ſtrove to ſhew moſt Zeal, and Averſion to the Reformed Religion, becauſe every one found his Intereſt lay therein, this being the only way to raiſe and eſtabliſh his Fortune. In this deſign of animating the People, there paſt few days wherein the Streets did not ring, as well with the publication of Decrees, Edicts, and Declarations againſt the Proteſtants, as alſo with Satyrical and Seditious Libels, of which the People in the Towns of France are very greedy.

But theſe things ſerved only for the meaner ſort of People, and the Perſecutors had this Mortification to ſee this Deſign diſapproved by all thoſe who were a degree above the Mobile. Wherefore they employed the Pens of ſome of their Authors, who had acquired any Reputation in the World; and amongſt others, that of the Author of the Hiſtory of Theodoſius the Great, and that of Mr. Maimburg, heretofore a Jeſuite. He publiſh'd his Hiſtory of Calviniſm, of which he has ſince had the leaſure to repent, by the ſmart and pertinent Anſwers which have been given him: Their Example has been followed by ſeveral others; and Monſieur Arnaud, who will always make one in theſe matters, would not deny himſelf the ſatisfaction of venting his Choler; and at the ſame time endeavour to recover the Favour he has loſt at Court. But although his Apology for the Catholicks was a Work as full of Fire and Paſſion as the Bigots themſelves could Wiſh, yet 'twas not agreeable, becauſe his perſon was not; he was ſo ill gratified for it, that he complained thereof to the Arch-Biſhop of Rheims, in a Letter, the Copies whereof were diſperſed over all Paris. Amongſt other things, he exaggerated his Misfortune, and compared himſelf with another, who for much leſs Services, received Twenty Thouſand Livers, as a Reward from the King. This more and more ſhewed the Character of the Perſon. However they needed not him, not wanting violent Writers, amongſt whom we muſt not forget one Mr. Soulier, formerly (as they ſay) a Taylor, and at preſent Author of the Hiſtory of the Edicts …f Pacification; nor Mr. Nicole, once a great Janſeniſt, and now a Proſelyte of the Archbiſhops of Paris; Author of the Book entituled, Proteſtants convinced of Schiſm: nor the Author of the Journal des Scavants, who, in his ordinary Gazets highly affirms. That the Catholick Faith muſt be planted by Fire and Sword, alledging for the proof thereof a King of Norway, who converted the Nobles of his country, by threatning them, To ſtay their Children p. 18before their Eyes, if they would not conſent to have them baptized, and to be baptized themſelves. For a long time we have ſeen in Paris, and elſewhere, nothing but ſuch ſort of Writings to ſuch a height was Paſſion come.

Whilſt all theſe things, which we have here obſerved, were done in France, they by great ſteps advanced to their end. 'Tis not to be imagined the Reformed neglected their common Intereſts or did not all that reſpected a juſt and lawful Defence. They frequently ſent, from the furtheſt Provinces, their Deputies to the Court; They maintained their Rights before the Council; Thither they brought their Complaints from all parts. They employed their Deputy General to ſolicit their Intereſts, as well with the Judges and Miniſters of State, as with the King himſelf. Sometimes alſo they preſented general Addreſſes, in which they expoſed their Grievances, with all the Humility and Deference that Subjects owe their Soveraigns. But they were ſo far from being heard, that their Troubles were ſtill encreaſed, and their Second Condition became worſe than the Firſt. The laſt Petition, preſented to the King himſelf, by the Deputy General, in March, 1684. was expreſt in Terms moſt ſubmiſſive, and moſt capable of moving Pity, as every one may judge, having been ſince Printed; and yet it produced no other Fruit, but the haſtning of what they had long reſolved, namely, to uſe open Force to accompliſh our Ruine.

This was effectually done ſome Months after, and executed in a manner ſo terrible and violent, that, as we ſaid in the beginning, there are few in Europe, how diſtant ſoever from the notice of the common Accidents of the World, who have not heard the Report of it; but 'tis certain, the Circumſtances are not known to all, and therefore we ſhall give an account of them in few Words; if it be but to ſtop the Mouth of their Impudence, who publiſht abroad, That no Violences have been offered in France, and the Converſions there made, were with free Conſent. At firſt they took this Meaſure, to quarter Soldiers in all their Provinces, almoſt at the ſame time, and chiefly Dragoons, which are the moſt Reſolute Troops of the Kingdom. Terror and Dread marched before them, and as it were, by conſent, all France was filled with this News, That the King would not longer ſuffer any Hugonots in his Kingdom; and that they muſt reſolve to change their Religion, nothing being able to keep them from it.

p. 19They began with Bearn, where the Dragoons did their firſt Executions; theſe were followed ſoon after in High and Low Guienne, Xantoigne, Aunix, Poitu, High Languedoc, Vivarets, and Dauphine; after which they came to Lionois, Gevennes, Low Languedoc, Provence, Valeës, and the Country of Geix, afterwards they fell on the reſt of the Kingdom, Normandy, Bourgoigne, Nivernoix, and Berry; the Countries of Orleans, Tourain, Anjou, Britany, Champagne, Picardy, and the Iſle of France, not excluding Paris it ſelf, which underwent the ſame Fate; the firſt thing, the Intendants were ordered to do, was to ſummon the Cities and Commonalties. They aſſembled the Inhabitants thereof, who profeſt the Reformed Religion, and there told them, 'twas the King's Pleaſure they ſhould without delay become Catholics; and if they would not do it freely, they would make them do it by force, The poor People, ſurpriſed with ſuch a Propoſal, anſwered, They were ready to ſacrifice their Eſtates and Lives to the King, but their Conſciences, being Gods, they could not in that manner diſpoſe of them.

There needed no more to make them immediately bring the Dragoons, which were not far off. The Troops immediately ſeized on the Gates and Avenues of the Cities; they placed Guards in all the Paſſages, and often came with their Swords in their Hands, crying, Kill, Kill, or elſe be Catholics, they were quartered on the Reformiſts at Diſcretion, with a ſtrict Charge, that none ſhould depart out of their Houſes, nor conceal any of their Goods or Effects, on great Penalties, even on the Catholics, that ſhould receive or aſſiſt them in any manner. The firſt days were ſpent in conſuming all Proviſions the Houſe afforded, and taking from them whatever they could ſee, Money, Rings, Jewels, and in general, whatſoever was of value. After this, the pillaged the Family, and invited, not only the Catholics of the place, but alſo, thoſe of the Neighbouring Cities and Towns, to come and buy the Goods, and other things which would yield Money. Afterwards they fell on their Perſons, and there's no Wickedneſs or Horror which they did not put in practiſe, to force them to change their Religion. Amidſt a thouſand hideous Cries, and a thouſand Blaſphemies, they hung Men and Women by the Hair or Feet, on the Roofs of the Chamber, or Chimney Hooks, and ſmoakt them with Whiſps of wet Hay, till they were no longer able to bear it, and when they had taken them down, if p. 20they would not ſing, they hung them up immediately again. They threw them into great Fires kindled on purpoſe; and pulled them not out till they were half Roaſted. They tyed Ropes under their Arms, and plunged them to and again into Wells, from whence they would not take them, till they had promiſed to change their Religion. They tyed them as they do Criminals, put to the queſtion; and in this poſture, with a Funnel fill'd with Wine, poured it down their Throats, till the Fumes of it depriving them of their Reaſon, they made them ſay they would conſent to be Catholics. They ſtript them naked, and after having offered them a 1000 infamous Indignities, they ſtuck them with Pins from the top to the bottom. They cut them with Penknifes, and ſometimes with red hot Pincers took them by the Noſe, and dragged them about their Rooms, till they promiſed to become Catholics, or that the Cries of theſe poor Wretches, that in this Condition call'd on God for their Aſſiſtance, conſtrained them to let them go. They beat them with Staves, and dragged them, all bruiſed, to the Churches, where their bare forced Preſance was accounted for an Abjuration. They held them from ſleeping ſeven or eight Days, relieving one another to watch them Night and Day, and keept them waking. They threw Buckets of Water on their Faces, and tormented them a 1000 ways, holding over their Heads Kettles turned downwards, whereon they made a continual Noiſe, till theſe poor Creatures had even loſt their Sences. If they found any ſick, either Men or Women, that kept their Beds, diſtempered with Fevers, or other Diſeaſes, they had the Cruelty to bring twelve Drums ſounding an Alarm about their Beds, for whole Weeks together without Intermiſſion, till they had promiſed they would change. It hapned in ſome places, that they tyed Fathers and Husbands to the Bed-Poſts, and before their Eyes forced their Wives and Daughters. In another place Rapes were publickly and generally permitted for many Hours together. They pluckt off the Nails from the Hands and Toes of others, which could not be endured without intollerable Pain. They burnt the Feet of others. They blew up Men and Women with Bellows, even till they were ready to burſt.

If after theſe horrid uſages, there were yet any that refuſed to turn, they impriſoned them; and for this choſe Dungeons dark and noyſom, in which they exerciſed on them all ſorts of Inhumanity. p. 21In the mean time they demoliſhed their Houſes, deſolated their Hereditary Lands, cut down their Woods, and ſeized their Wives and Children, to impriſon them in Monaſteries. When the Souldiers had devoured and conſumed all in a Houſe, the Farmers of their Lands furniſht them with Subſiſtance; and to re-imburſe them, they ſold by Authority of Juſtice the Fonds of their Hoſts, and put them in poſſeſſion thereof. If ſome, to ſecure their Conſciences, and to eſcape the Tyranny of theſe Furious Men, endeavoured to ſave themſelves by Flight, they were purſued, and hunted in the Fields and Woods, and were ſhot at like Wild Beaſts. The Provoſts rode about the High-ways, and the Magiſtrates of places had orders to ſtop them without exception. They brought them back to the places from whence they fled, uſing them like Priſoners of War. But we muſt not fancy, that this Storm fell only on the common Sort, Noblemen and Gentlemen of the beſt Quality were not exempted from it. They had Soldiers quartered upon them in the ſame manner, and with the ſame Fury as Citizens and Peaſants had. They plundred their Houſes, waſted their Goods, raſed their Caſtles, cut down their Woods, and their very Perſons were expoſed to the Inſolence and Barbarity of the Dragoons, no leſs than thoſe of others. They ſpared neither Sex, Age, nor Quality; wherever they found any unwillingneſs to obey the command of changing their Religion, they practiſed the ſame Violences. There were ſtill remaining ſome Officers of Parliament which underwent the ſame fate, after having been firſt deprived of their Offices, and even the Military Officers, who were actually in Service, were ordered to quit their Poſt and Quarters, and repair immediately to their Houſes, there to ſuffer the like Storm; if to avoid it, they would not become Catholics. Many Gentlemen and other Perſons of Quality, and many Ladies of great Age and antient Families, ſeeing all theſe Outrages, hoped to find ſome retreat in Paris, or at the Court, not imagining the Dragoons would come to ſeek them ſo near the Kings Preſence; but this hope was no leſs vain, than all the reſt; for immediately there was a Decree of Council, which commanded them to leave Paris in Fifteen days, and return without delay to their own Houſes; with a prohibition to all Perſons to entertain or lodge them in their Houſes. Some having attempted to preſent Adreſſes to the King, containing Complaints of theſe cruel Uſages, humbly beſeeching his Majeſty to ſtop the p. 22courſe thereof, received no other Anſwer, than that of ſending them to the Baſtile.

Before we proceed any further, 'twill not be a miſs to make ſome Remarks; The firſt ſhall be, that almoſt every where, at the Head of theſe Infernal Legions, beſides the Commanders and Military Officers, the Intendants alſo, and the Biſhops marched every one in his Dioceſs, with a Troop of Miſſionaries Monks, and other Eccleſiaſticks. The Intendants gave ſuch Order as they thought moſt fitting to carry on Converſions, and reſtrain natural Pity and Compaſſion; if at any time it found a place in the Hearts of Dragoons, or their Commanders, which did not often happen. And as for the Biſhops, they were there to keep open Houſe, to receive Abjurations, and to have a general and ſevere Inſpection that every thing might paſs there according to the Inten…ons of the Clergy. The ſecond thing obſervable is, That when the Dragoons had made ſome to yield, by all the Horrors which they practiſed, they immediately changed their Quarters, and ſent them to thoſe who ſtill perſevered. This Order was obſerved in this manner even to the end, inſomuch that the laſt, that is to ſay, thoſe who had ſhewed the greateſt Conſtancy, had, in fine, quartered on them alone all the Dragoons, which at the beginning were equally diſpers'd amonſt the Inhabitants of the place, which was a load impoſſible to be ſuſtained.

A Third Remark, which we ſhall make, is, That in almoſt all the conſiderable Cities, they took care before they ſent Troops thither, to gain by mean of the Intendants, or ſome other private way, a certain number of People, not only to change their Religion themſelves, when it ſhould be ſeaſonable, but alſo to aſſiſt them in perverting others. So that when the Dragoons had ſufficiently done their part, the Intendant, with the Biſhop, and the Commander of the Forces, again aſſembled theſe miſerable. Inhabitant, already ruined, to exhort them to obey the King, and become Catholics; adding thereto moſt terrible Threats, that they might over-awe them, and then the new Converts failed not to execute what they had promiſed, which they did with the more ſucceſs, becauſe the People did yet put ſome kind of Confidence in them.

A fourth Obſervation is, that when the Maſter of the Houſe, thinking to get rid of the Dragoons, had obeyed and ſigned what they would, he was not freed from them for all this; if his p. 23Wife, Children, and the meaneſt of his Domeſticks did not do the ſame thing; and when his Wife, or any of his Children or Family fled, they ceaſed not to torment them, till he had made them return: which oftentimes being impoſſible, the change of their Religion did not at all avail them.

The Fifth is, That when theſe poor wretches fancied their Conſciences would be at reſt by ſigning ſome form of an Equivocal Abjuration offered them; a little while after theſe cruel men came to them again, and made them ſign another, which plunged them into ſuch depths, as caſt them into the utmoſt deſpair. Nay farther, they had the boldneſs to make them acknowledge, That they embraced the Roman Religion of their own accord; without having bin induced thereunto by any violent means. If after this they ſcrupled to go to Maſs, if they did not Communicate, if they did not tell their Beads; if by a ſigh eſcaped from them, they ſignified any unwillingneſs, they had immediately a Fine laid upon them, and they were forced to receive again their old gueſts.

In fine, for a ſixth remark; As faſt as the Troops ravaged in this manner the Provinces, ſpreading terror and deſolation in all parts; Orders were ſent to all the Frontier Countries and Seaport Towns, to guard well the paſſages, and ſtop all ſuch who pretended to eſcape from France: So that there was no hope of theſe poor wretches ſaving themſelves by flight. None were permitted to paſs, if he brought not along with him a Certificate from his Biſhop or Curate, that he was a Catholick: others were put in Priſon, and uſed like Traytors againſt their Country. All ſtrange Veſſels lying in the Ports were ſearched; the Coaſts, Bridges, Paſſages to Rivers, and the High-ways, were ſtrictly guarded, both night and day. The Neighbouring States were alſo required not to harbour any more Fugitives, and to ſend back again ſuch as they had already received. Attempts were alſo mad to ſeiſe on, and carry away ſome, who had eſcaped into Foreign Countries.

Whilſt all this was acting in the Kingdom, the Court were conſulting to give the laſt ſtroak, which conſiſted in repealing the Edict of Nantes; much time was ſpent in drawing up the matter and form of this new Edict. Some would have the King detain all the Miniſters, and force them as they did the Laity, to change their Religion, or condemn them to perpetual Impriſonment. p. 24They alledged for their reaſon, that if they did not do it, they would be as ſo many dangerous Enemies againſt them in Foreign Nations. Others on the contrary affirmed, that as long as the Miniſters continued in France, this their preſence would encourage the People to abide in their Religion, whatſoever care might be taken to hinder them; and that ſuppoſing they ſhould change, they would be but as ſo many ſecret adverſaries nouriſhed in the boſom of the Church of Rome; and the more dangerous on the account of their knowledge and experience in Controverſial matters. This laſt reaſoning prevailed; 'twas then reſolved on to baniſh the Miniſters, and to give them no more than fifteen days time to depart the Kingdom. As to what remained, the Edict was given to the Procurer-General of the Parliament of Paris, to draw it up in ſuch a form as he ſhould judge moſt fitting. But before the publiſhing of it, two things were thought neceſſary to be done; The firſt to oblige the aſſembly of the Clergy, ſeparately to preſent to the King a requeſt concerning the matter above mentioned, in which alſo they told his Majeſty, that they deſired not at preſent the repealing the Edict of Nantes; and the other to ſuppreſs in general, all kind of Books made by them of the Reformed Religion, and to iſſue out an Order for that purpoſe. By the firſt of theſe things, the Clergy thought to ſhelter themſelves from the reproaches, which might be caſt on them as the Authors of ſo many Miſeries, Injuſtices an Oppreſſions which this Repeal would ſtill occaſion: And by the other, they pretended to make the Converſions much more eaſie (as they ſtyled them) and confirm thoſe which had bin already made, by taking from the People all Books, which might Inſtruct, fortifie, and bring them back again.

In fine, This Revocative Edict of Nantes, was ſigned and publiſhed on Thurſday, being the 8th of October, in the year 1685. 'Tis ſaid the Chancellor of France, ſhewed an extream joy in Sealing it; but it laſted not long, this being the laſt thing he did. For as ſoon as he came home from Fountainbleau, he fell ſick, and dyed within a few days. 'Tis certain, that this mans policy, rather than his natural Inclination, induced him in his latter years to become one of our Perſecutors.

The Edict was Regiſtred in the Parliament of Paris, and immediately after in the others. It contains a Preface, and Twelve Articles. In the Preface, the King ſhews that Henry the Great's p. 25Grandfather did not give the Edict, and Lewis his Father did not confirm it, by his other Edict of Niſmes, but in the deſign of endeavouring more effectually the re-union of their Subjects of the pretended reformed Religion, to the Catholick Church; and that this was alſo the Deſign which he had himſelf at his firſt coming to the Crown. That 'tis true, he had bin hindred by the Wars, which he was forced to carry on againſt the Enemies of his State; but that at preſent being at Peace with all the Princes of Europe, he wholly gave himſelf to the making of this Re-union. That God having given him the Grace of accompliſhing it, and ſeeing the greateſt and beſt part of his Subjects of the ſaid Religion had embraced the Catholick one, theſe Edicts of Nantes and Niſmes conſequently became void and uſeleſs. By the firſt Article, he ſuppreſſes and repeals them, in all their extent; and ordains that all their Temples; which are found yet ſtanding in his Kingdom, ſhall be immediately demoliſhed. By the Second, he forbids all ſorts of Religious Aſſemblies of what kind ſoever. The Third, prohibits the Exerciſes of Religion to all Lords and Gentlemen of any Quality, under Corporal Penalties and Confiſcation of their Eſates. The Fourth, baniſhes from his Kingdom all the Miniſters, and enjoins them to depart thence, within Fifteen days after the publication of this Edict, under the Penalty of being ſent to the Gallies. In the Fifth and Sixth, he promiſes Recompences and Advantages to the Miniſters and their Widows, who ſhould change their Religion. In the Seventh and Eighth, he forbids the Inſtructing of Children in the pretended reformed Religion, and ordains that thoſe who ſhall be born henceforward ſhall be baptiſed, and brought up in the Catholick Religion, enjoyning Parents to ſend them to the Churches, under the Penalty of being fined 500 Livers. The Ninth gives Four Months time to ſuch Perſons as have departed already out of the Kingdom to return, otherwiſe their Goods and Eſtates to be confiſcated. The Tenth, with repeated Prohibitions, forbids all his Subjects of the ſaid Religion to depart out of his Realm, they, their Wives and Children, or to convey away their Effects, under pain of the Gallies for the Men, and of Confiſcation of Body and Goods for the Women. The Eleventh, confirms the Declarations heretofore made againſt thoſe that Relapſe. The Twelfth declares, that as to the reſt of his Subjects of the ſaid Religion, they may, till God enlightens them, remain in the Cities of his Kingdom, Countries p. 26and Lands of his Obedience, there continue their Commerce, and enjoy their Eſtates, without Trouble or Moleſtation upon pretence of the ſaid Religion, on condition, that they have no Aſſemblies under pretext of Praying, or exerciſing any religious Worſhip whatever.

In order to put this Edict in execution, the very ſame day that it was regiſtred and publiſhed at Paris, they began to demoliſh the Church of Charenton. The eldeſt Minſter thereof was commanded to leave Paris within twenty four Hours, and immediately to depart the Kingdom. For this end they put him into the Hands of one of the Kings Footmen, with orders not to leave him till he was out of his Dominions. His Collegues were little better treated, they gave them forty eight hours to quit Paris, and then left them upon their Parole. The reſt of the Miniſters were allowed fifteen days, but it can hardly be believed to what Vexations and Cruelties they were all expoſed. Firſt of all, they neither permitted them to diſpoſe of their Eſtates, nor to carry away any of their moveables or effects, nay they diſputed them their Books and private Papers, one pretence, that they muſt juſtify, their Books and Papers did not belong to the Coſiſtories wherein they ſerv'd, which was a thing impoſſible, ſince there were no Conſiſtories, that then remained. Beſide, they would not give them leave to take along with them either Father or Mother, or Brother or Siſter, or any of their Kindred, though there were many of them infirm, decay'd and poor, which could not ſubſiſt but by their means; they went ſo far, as even to deny them their own Children, if they were above ſeven Years Old; nay, ſome they took from them that were under that Age, and even ſuch as yet hang'd upon their Mothers Breaſts. They refuſed them Nurſes for their new born Infants, which the Mothers could not give Suck. In ſome Frontier Places they ſtopped and impriſoned them, upon divers ridiculous Pretences; they muſt immediately prove that they were really the ſame Perſons, which their Certificates mentioned; they were to know immediately whether there were no Criminal Proceſs or Informations againſt them; they muſt preſently juſtify, that they carryed away nothing that belonged to their Flocks; ſometime after they had thus detained and amuſed them, they were told that the fifteen days of the Edict were expired, and that they ſhould not have Liberty to retire, but muſt go to the Gallies. There is no kind of Deceit and Injuſtice which they did not think of to involve them in Troubles.

p. 27As to the reſt, whom the Force of Perſecution and hard Uſage conſtrained to leave their Houſes and Eſtates, and to fly the Kingdom, it is not to be imagined what dangers they expoſed them to. Never were Orders more ſevere or more ſtrict, than thoſe that were given againſt them. They doubled the Guards in Poſts, Cities, High-Ways, and Foards, they covered the Country with Solders, they armed even the Peſants to ſtop thoſe that paſſed, or to kill them: They forbad all the Officers of the Cuſtoms to ſuffer any Goods, Moveables, Marchandize, or other Effects, to paſs. In a Word, they forgot nothing that could hinder the flight of the perſecuted, even to the interrupting almoſt all Commerce with Neighbouring Nations: By this means they quickly filled all the Priſons in the Kingdom; for the fear of the Dragoons, the Horror of ſeeing their Conſciences forced, and their Children taken away, and of living for the future in a Land where there was neither Juſtice nor Humanity for them, obliged every one to think of an eſcape, and to abandon all to ſave their Perſons. All theſe poor Priſoners have been ſince treated with unheard of Rigours, ſhut up in Dungeons, loaded with heavy Chains, almoſt ſtarved with Hunger, and deprived of all Converſe, but that of their Perſecutors. They put many into Monaſteries, where they experience none of the leaſt Cruelties; Some there are ſo happy as to dye in the midſt of their Torments, others have at laſt ſunk under the Weight of the Temptation, and ſome by the extraordinary Aſſiſtance of Gods Grace, do ſtill ſuſtain it with an Heroick Courage.

Theſe have been the Conſequences of this new Edict in this reſpect; but who would not have believed that the Twelfth Article would have ſhelter'd the reſt of the Reformed; that had a mind ſtill to ſtay in the Kingdom, ſince this Article exprefly aſſures them, that they may live there, continue their Trade, and enjoy their Eſtates, without being troubled or moleſted upon pretence of their Religion. Yet ſee what they have ſince done, and yet do to theſe poor Wretches. They have not recall'd the Dragoons and other Soldiers which they diſpatcht into the Provinces before the Edict: On the contrary, they to this day commit with greater Fury the ſame Inhumanities, which we have before repreſented: beſides this, they have marched them into Provinces, where there were none before, as Normandy, Picardy, le Berry, Champaigne, Nivernois, Orleans, Beleſſois, and the lſle of France.

p. 28They do the ſame Violence there, exert the ſame Fury they do in other Provinces. Paris it ſelf, where methinks this Article of the Edict ſhould have been beſt obſerved, becauſe ſo near the Kings Preſence, and more immediately under the Government of the Court, Paris, I ſay, was no more ſpared than the reſt of the Kingdom. The very day that the Edict was publiſhed, without more delay, the Procurer-General, and ſome other Magiſtrates, began to ſend for Heads of Families to come to their Houſes. There they declared to them that 'twas abſolutely the Kings Will that they ſhould change their Religion, that they were no better than the reſt of his Subjects, and that if they would not do it willingly, the King would make uſe of means, which he had ready, to compel them. At the ſame time they baniſh'd by Letters under the Privy Seal, all the Elders of the Conſiſtory, together with ſome others, in whom they found more of Conſtancy and Reſolution; and to diſperſe them, choſe ſuch places as were moſt remote from Commerce, where they have ſince uſed them with a great deal of Cruelty, ſome complyed, others are yet under Sufferings.

The diligence of the Procurer-General and Magiſtrates, not ſucceeding ſo fully as they wiſh'd, though Threats and Menaces were not wanting, Monſieur Seignelay, Secretary of State, would alſo try what influence he could have within his Diviſion at Paris. For this end, he got together about five or ſix ſcore Merchants, and others into his Houſe, and after having ſhut the doors, forthwith preſented them with the form of an Abjuration, and commanded them in the Kings Name to ſign it; declaring, that they ſhould not ſtir out of Doors till they had obeyed. The Contents of this Form were, not only that they did renounce the Hereſie of Calvin, and enter into the Catholick Church, but alſo that they did this voluntarily, and without being forced or compelled to it. This was done in an Imperious manner, and with an air of Authority, yet there were ſome that dared to ſpeak, but they were ſharply anſwer'd, That they were not to diſpute it, but to obey; ſo that they all Sign'd before they went out.

To theſe Methods they added others more terrible, as Priſons, actually ſeizing of their Effects, and Papers; the taking away of their Children, the ſeparation of Husbands and Wives; and in fine, the great Method, that is to ſay, Dragoons and Guards. Thoſe that moſt firmly ſtood out, they ſent to the Bastile, and to p. 29the Fort l'Eveque; they confin'd them to their own or other Houſes, where they lay concealed for fear of Diſcovery; they plunder'd thoſe of many others, not ſparing their perſons, juſt as they had done in other places.

Thus the 12th Article of the Edict, which promiſed ſome relaxation, and a ſhadow of Liberty, was nothing but an egregious deceit to amuſe the credulous, and keep them from thinking to make their eſcape, a ſnare to catch them with the more eaſe. The Fury ſtill kept its uſual courſe, and was heated to ſuch a degree, that not content with the Deſolations in the Kingdom, it entred even into Orange, a Soveraign Principality, where the King of Right has no power, and taking Miniſters away from thence by force, remov'd them into Priſons. Thither the Dragoons were ſent, who committed all kind of miſchief; and by force conſtrained the Inhabitants thereof, both Men, Women and Children, and the very Officers of the Prince to change their Religion. And this is the ſtate of things in the year 1685. and this is the accompliſhment of the dealing which the Clergy has ſhewed us three years ſince, towards the end of their Paſtoral Letter; You muſt expect miſchieſs more dreadful and intolerable, then all thoſe, which hitherto your Revolts and Schiſms have drawn down upon you. And truly they have not been worſe than their words. There are ſome in the Kingdom who ſtill continue firm, and their Perſecutions are ſtill continu'd to them. There are invented every day new Torments, againſt thoſe whom force has made to change their Religion, becauſe they are ſtill obſerved to ſigh, and groan under their hard ſervitude; their hearts deteſting what their months have profeſt, and their hands ſigned. As to ſuch that have eſcaped into Foreign Countreys, who are at leaſt 150000 perſons, their Eſtates are Confiſcated; this being all the hurt which can be done to them at preſent. I ſay at preſent; for 'tis not to be queſtioned, but our Perſecutors are contriving to extend their Cruelties farther. But we muſt hope in the compaſſions of God, that whatſoever intentions they may have in deſtroying the Proteſtant Religion in all places, he will not permit them to effect their deſigns. The World will ſurely open its Eyes; and this which they now come from doing with a high hand, and a worſe then barbarous Fury, will ſhew not only the Proteſtants; but the wiſe and circumſpect Catholicks, what they are to expect, both one and the other, from ſuch a ſort of People.

p. 30In effect, he that ſhall give himſelf the leiſure to reflect on the matters of Fact which we come now from relating, which are things certain, and acted in the face of the Sun, he ſhall ſee not only the Proteſtants ſuppreſt, but the King's Honour ſullied, his Countreys damnified; all the Princes of Europe intereſſed, and even the Pope himſelf, with his Church and Clergy, ſhamefully diſcredited.

For to begin with the King himſelf: What could be more contrary to his Dignity, then to put him upon breaking his word, and perſwading him that he might with a ſafe Conſcience violate, revoke, and annul ſo ſolemn an Edict as that of Nantes.

To palliate in ſome ſort the Violence of this proceeding, they make him ſay in this new Edict, That the beſt and greateſt part of the Reform'd Religion has imbraced the Catholick; and therefore the execution of the Edict of Nantes, and whatſoever elſe has been done in favour of the ſame Religion, remains void. But is not this an Eluſion unworthy of his Majeſty, ſeeing that if this beſt and greateſt part of his Subjects of the Reformed Religion have embraced the Catholick; they have done it by force of Arms, and by the cruel and furious Oppreſſion which his own Troops have laid upon them.

Perhaps one might thus ſpeak, had his Subjects changed their Religion of their own free will, although that in this caſe too, the Priviledges of the Edict continue for thoſe that remain. But after having forced them to change by the horrible inhumanities of his Dragoons; after having deprived them of the Liberty which the Edict gave them; to ſay coldly, that he only revokes the Edict, becauſe it is now uſeleſs, is a Raillery unbefitting ſo great a Prince. For it is as much as if he ſaid, that he was indeed obliged to continue to his Proteſtant Subjects all the Priviledges due to them; but having himſelf overthrown them by a major Force, he finds himſelf at preſent lawfully and fairly diſengaged from this Obligation: Which is juſt as if a Father, who himſelf had cut his Childrens Throats, ſhould glory in the being henceforward freed from the care of nouriſhing and protecting them. Are other Kings wont thus to expreſs themſelves in their Edicts?

What they make him moreover ſay, to wit, That Henry the Great, his Grandfather, gave only the Edict of Nantes to the Proteſtants, that he might the better effect their re-union to the Roman Church; That Lewis the 13th alſo, his Father, had the ſame deſign, p. 31when he gave the Edict of Niſmes; and that he himſelf had entred therein at his coming to the Crown, is but a pitiful Salvo. But ſuppoſe (ſeeing they are willing we ſhould do ſo) the truth of this Diſcourſe, and take we it ſimply, and according to the Letter, in the ſenſe wherein they gave it us, what can we conclude thence, but theſe following Propoſitions: That Henry the Great, and Lewis the 13th, gave only the Edicts to our Fathers to deceive them, and with an intent to ruine them afterwards with the greater eaſe, under the mask of this Fraud. That not being able to do this, being hindred by other affairs, they have committed this important ſecret to his preſent Majeſty, to the end he ſhould execute it when he met with an opportunity. That his preſent Majeſty entring into the thought of this at his firſt coming to the Crown, he only confirm'd the Edicts and Declarations of 1643. and 1652. with other advantagious Decrees to the Reformed Religion, but to impoſe on them the more finely, (lay ſnares in their way) or if you pleaſe, crown them, as they crown'd of old the Sacrifices; That all that has been done againſt them, ſince the Peace of the Pirenees, till this time, according to the abridgment which we have made of it, has been only the execution of a Project, but of a Project far more ancient than we imagine, ſeeing we muſt date it from the Edict of Nantes, and aſcend up to Henry the Great: In fine, That what has been till now, has been a great myſtery, but is not one at preſent; ſeeing the King by this new Edict diſcovers it to all the World, that he may be applauded for it.

Will it not be acknowledged that the Enemies of France, who are willing to diſcredit the Conduct of its Kings, and render them odious to the World, have now an happy opportunity. Henry the Great gives his Edict to the Proteſtants with the greateſt Solemnity imaginable, he gives it them as a Recompence of their Services; he promiſes ſolemnly to obſerve it; and as if this was not enough, he binds himſelf thereunto with an Oath; he executes it to the utmoſt of his Power, and they peaceably enjoy'd it to the end of his Reign: yet all this is but a meer Snare, for they are to be Dragoon'd at a proper time: But being himſelf ſurprized by Death, he could not do it, but leaves it in charge to Lewis the 13th his Son. Lewis the Thirteenth aſcends the Throne, iſſues out his Declaration immediately, that he acknowledges the Edict of Nantes as perpetual and irrevocable, it needing not a new Confirmation, p. 32and that he would Religiouſly obſerve every Article of it, and therefore ſends Commiſſioners to ſee it actually executed. When he begins a War, he proteſts he deſigns not at Religion, and in effect he permits the full Liberty of it, in thoſe very Towns he takes by Aſſault: He gives his Edict of Niſmes, as the Edict of a Triumphant Prince, yet declares therein he underſtands, that of Nantes ſhould be inviolably kept, and ſhows himſelf to the laſt as good as his Word. But this is only intended to lull the Proteſtants aſleep, in expectation of a favourable occaſion to deſtroy them. Lewis the Fourteenth, at his coming to the Crown confirms the Edict, and declares, That he will maintain the Reformed in all their Priviledges; he afterwards affirms in another Declaration, how highly he is ſatisfied in their Services; and mentions his deſign of making them to enjoy their Rights. But this is but a meer amuſement, and an artifice to intrap them, the better to colour over the project of ruining them at a convenient time. What a Character now of the Kings of France will this afford, to its Enemies, and foreign Nations; and what confidence do they think, will be henceforward put in their Promiſes and Treaties; for if they deal thus with their own Subjects, if they careſs them only to ruine them, what may Strangers expect from 'em. Conſider we a while what they make the King ſay, That at his firſt coming to the Crown, he was in the deſign which he now comes from executing. They would ſay without doubt, from the time he actually took in hand the Reins of Government; for he was too young before, to enter perſonally on any deſign of this nature: he enter'd thereon then preciſely at the time, when the Civil Wars were ended. But what does this mean, but that he undertook this deſign, at the very time when the Proteſtants came from rendring him the moſt important Service Subjects were ever capable of. They came from rendring him the higheſt Teſtimonies of Loyalty, when the greateſt part of his other Subjects had taken up Arms againſt him. They had vigorouſly oppoſed his Enemies progreſs; rejected the moſt advantagious offers, kept Towns for him, yea whole Provinces; receiv'd his Servants and Officers into their Boſoms, when they could not find ſafety elſewhere; ſacrificed their Eſtates to him, their Lives, their Fortunes; and in a word, done all with ſuch a Zeal, as becomes faithful Subjects in ſo dangerous a conjuncture. And this is the time when the King enters on the deſign of deſtroying p. 33and extirpating them. This ſo confirms the Truth of what we ſaid in the beginning, that it puts it out of all queſtion, that the Project of their Deſtruction was grounded on the Services they had rendred the King. Do Chriſtian Ethics allow theſe moſt unchriſtian Policies? Is it not a ſtrange thing, that we muſt be taught this important Secret, and all Europe beſides; for although the Proteſtants have done nothing in this occaſion but their Duty, it could never be imagined their Duty ſhould be made their Crime, and their Ruine ſhould ſpring from whence ſhould come the Safety. God has brought Light out of Darkneſs, but the unchriſtian Politicks of France, on the contrary, has brought Darkneſs out of Light. However they cannot deny but that in this new Edict, the King is made to ſay, He has entred on the deſign to diſtroy the Proteſtant Party, in the very time wherein they have ſignaliz'd and diſtinguiſht themſelves with great ſucceſs for the intereſt of the Crown, which will furniſh perhaps matter enough to thinking Men for Reflexion, as well within as without the Kingdom; and will ſhew them what uſe is made of Services, and what Recompence is to be expected for them.

But we ſhall ſay no more of the Expreſſions of the new Edict, but rather conſider the matter of it. Was ever a worſe and harder uſage than that which we have ſuffered for the ſpace of Twenty Years, which have been employed informing the late Tempeſt which has fallen upon us. It has been a continual Storm of Decrees, Edicts, Declarations, Orders, Condemnation of Churches, Deſolation of Temples, Civil and Criminal Proceſſes, Impriſonments, Baniſhments, Pennances, Pecuniary Mults, Privation of Offces and Employs, depriving Parents of their Children, and all thoſe other Perſecutions which we have already briefly ſum'd up. We are told on one hand, that the King would continue to us the Edict of Nants, and he delivered himſelf on ſeveral occaſions to that Effect; and on the other hand we were made to ſuffer in our Eſtates, our Reputations, our Perſons, our Families, in our Religion, and our Conſciences, and all by unjuſt and indirect ways; by unheard of Inventions, by Oppreſſions, and publick Vexation, and ſometime under-hand Dealings; and all this under the Vail of the Kings Authority, and becauſe this was his good pleaſure. We know very well the Authority of Kings, and the Reſpect and Submiſſion with which we ſhould receive their Orders. And therefore have we, during all theſe unſupportable p. 34Uſages, a Patience, and an Obedience ſo remarkable, that it has been an Admiration of the Catholicks themſelves, our Countrymen. But it muſt be acknowledged that thoſe who put his Majeſty on dealing thus with us, or have uſed his Name and Authority for this, could not do him otherwiſe a greater diſhonor than they have done. For after all, thoſe Kings who would have themſelves eſteemed for their Juſtice and Equity, govern not their Subjects after this manner. They are not for putting all to an uncertainty, filling all places with Lamentation and Terror. They ſeek not their ſatisfaction in the Tears, and Groans of their innocent People, nor are they pleaſed with keeping their Subjects in a perpetual Agitation. They love not to have their Names mention'd with terror, nor meditate continual deſigns of extirpating thoſe, who give conſtant and unqueſtionable Proofs of their Loyalty; much leſs to invent cruel projects, which like Mines, in their time ſhall deſtroy their own Natural Subjects; for what elſe have been theſe ſlie and equivocal Declarations, Counter-Orders, and revocative Edicts.

There are three things, very remarkable, in this whole Affair, the Firſt is, that as long as they have been only in the way, the true Authors of the Perſecution have not concealed themſelves, but the King, as much as they could: 'Tis true, the Decrees, Edicts, and Declarations, and other things, went under the name of his Majeſty; but at the requeſt of the Agents, and Factors for the Clergy: And whilſt they were buſied in theſe matters, the King declared openly his Intention of maintaining the Edicts, and that 'twas abuſes which he deſign'd to correct. The Second is, that when they came to the laſt Extremities, and to open force, then they have concealed themſelves as much as they could, ſet forth the King at his full Length. There was nothing beard but theſe kind of Diſcourſes, The King will have it ſo, the King has taken it in hand, the King proceeds further than the Clergy deſires; by theſe two means they have had the Addreſs to be only charg'd with the leſſer parts of the cruelties, and to lay the moſt violent, and odious part at the Kings door. The Third thing which we ſhould remark is, that the better to obtain their Ends, they have made it their buſineſs to perſwade the King, that this Work would Crown him with Glory, which is a horrid abuſe of his credulity, an abuſe ſo much the greater, by how much they would not have themſelves thought the Authors of this Council; and when any particular perſon of them are ask'd this day, What they think of it, there are few of them but condemn it.

p. 35In effect, what more falſe an Idea could they give to his Majeſty of Glory, than to make it conſiſt in ſurpriſing a poor People, diſperſt over all his Kingdom, and living ſecurely under his Wings and the Remains of the Edict of Nants; and who could not imagine there were any Intentions of depriving them of the Liberty of their Conſciences, of ſurprizing and overwhelming them in an Inſtant, with a numerous Army, to whoſe diſcretion they are delivered; and who tell them that they muſt either by fair means or foul, become Roman Catholicks, this being the Kings will and pleaſure. What a falſer Notion of Glory could they offer him, than the putting him in the place of God, making the Faith and Religion of Men to depend upon his Authority, and that hence forward it muſt be ſaid in his Kingdom, I don't believe becauſe I am perſwaded of it, but I believe, becauſe the King would have me do it; which to ſpeak properly, is, that I believe nothing, and that I'le be a Turk, or a Jew, or whatever the King pleaſes. What falſer Idea of Glory, then to force from Mens Mouths by Violence, and a long Series of Torments; a Profeſſion, which the Heart abhors, and for which one ſighs night and day, crying continually to God for Mercy. What Glory is there in inventing new ways of Perſecutions, unknown to former Ages; which indeed do not bring Death along with them, but keep Men alive to ſuffer, that they may overcome their Patience and Conſtancy by Cruelties, which are above Humane Strength to undergo? What Glory is there in not contenting themſelves to force thoſe who remain in his Kingdom, but to forbid them to leave it, and keep them under a double Servitude, viz. both of Soul and Body? What Glory is there in keeping his Priſons full of innocent Perſons. who are charged with no other fault, than ſerving God according to the beſt of their Knowledge, and for this to be expos'd to the Rage of the Dragoons, or condemned to the Gallies, and executions on Body and Goods? Will theſe Cruelties render his Majeſties Name lovely in his Hiſtory, to the Catholick or Proteſtant World?

But we ſhould be very loath to exaggerate any thing, which may violate the Reſpect due to ſo great a Prince; but we do not think it a failure in our Duty, fairly to repreſent how far theſe refined Politicians have really intereſs'd his Honour, in the ſad Misfortunes wherein they have plunged us, and how Criminal they have thereby made themſelves towards him. They have committed no p. 36leſs Miſdemeanours againſt their Country, of which they are Members, and for which a Man would think they ſhould have ſome conſideration. Not to ſpeak here of the great number of Perſons of all Ages, Sexes and Qualities, which they have out off from it by their fierce Tempers; although perhaps this Loſs be greater, than they were willing to imagine. Its certain, that France is a very Populous Country, but when theſe Feavouriſh Fits ſhall be over, and they ſhall in cold Blood conſider what they have done, they will find theſe Diminutions to be no matter of Triumph; for 'tis not poſſible, that ſo many Subſtantial People, ſo many intire Families, who diſtinguiſh themſelves in the Arts, in the Sciences, Civil and Military, can leave a Kingdom without one day being miſſed: at preſent, whilſt they rejoyce in their Spoils, poſſeſs themſelves of the Houſes and Eſtates, this loſs is not felt; 'tis recompenſed by Booty, but it will not be always ſo: Neither ſhall we inſiſt here on that almoſt general Interruption of Traffick, which theſe moſt Ʋnchriſtian Perſecutors have cauſed in the Principal Towns of the State; although this be no ſmall Miſchief: The Proteſtants made up a good part of the Trade, as well within the Kingdom as without, and were therein ſo mixt with the Catholicks, that their Affairs were in a manner inſeparable. They dealt as it were in Common, when theſe Oppreſſions came upon them; and what Confuſions have they not produced? How many induſtrious meaſures have they broken? How many honeſt deſigns have they not diſappointed? How many Manufactures ruined? How many Bankrupts made? and how many Families reduced to Beggary? But this is what the Oppreſſors little trouble themſelves about; they have their Bread gained to their Mouths, they live in wantonneſs and eaſe; and whilſt others dye with Hunger, their Revenues are aſcertain'd to them. But this hinders not the Body of the Eſtate to ſuffer, both in its Honour and Profit; and we may truly ſay, that Four Civil Wars could not have produced ſo much Miſchief, as time will ſhew to ſprink from this Perſecution.

But we will leave the conſequence of this affair to time, and only ſay, That the Edict of Nantes, being a fundamental Law of the Kingdom; and an agreement between two parties, by a reciprocal acceptation under the peaceable Reign of Henry the Great; by the publick Faith, and by mutual Oaths, as we have already ſeen; this muſt certainly be of ill example to the intereſt of the p. 37State: That after having made a thouſand infractions of it, it muſt be at length revok'd, cancel'd, and annul'd, at the motion of a Cabal, who abuſe their intereſt; and hereby make themſelves fit for enterpriſing, and executing any thing. After this Violation, what can henceforward be thought firm and inviolable in France. I ſpeak not of particular mens affairs, but of general eſtabliſhments, Royal Companies Courts of Juſtice, and all other ranks of men intereſted in Society, even they very rights of the Crown, and form of Government. There are in the Kingdom a great many thinking men, I mean not your Poets, and ſuch like kind of Flatterers, who make Verſes, Orations, Panegyricks, and Sermons too for Preferments and Benefices; but I ſpeak of ſolid and judicious perſons; who ſee into the conſequences of things; and know well how to judge of them; ſhall we think that theſe men, ſee not what is too viſible, that the State is pierc'd through and through, by the ſame …low given the Proteſtants; and that ſuch a open revocation of the Edict, leaves nothing firm or ſacred. It's to no purpoſe to alledge diſtinctions in the matter, and ſay that the pretended reform'd Religion, was odious to the State, and therefore was thus undertaken. For not to mention the dangerouſneſs of the example; as to the general averſion to our Religion in the minds of the Catholicks, it is certain, that excepting the Faction of the Bigots, and what they call the propagators of the Faith; neither the Commons, nor great People, have any animoſity againſt us; but on the contrary, do bemoan our misfortunes. Not to touch further on this, who knows not what an eaſie matter it is to run down any cauſe, or render it odious or indifferent in the minds of the People. There are never wanting reaſons and pretences, in matters of this nature; one party is ſet up againſt another; and that is called the State, right or wrong, which is the prevailing one: like as in Religion, not the beſt and honeſteſt, but the powerfulleſt, and boldeſt part, are termed the Church. We muſt not judge of theſe things then from their matter, but their from. Now if ever there was ſince the World ſtood, a matter authentick and irrevocable, it was the Edict of Nantes; To revoke and cancel it, is to ſet up ones ſelf above our obligations to God, as well as to Men; 'tis to declare openly, that there are no longer any ties or promiſes in the world. And this is no more then the wiſe will eaſily comprehend, and I doubt not but they have done it already.

p. 38Some perhaps may make an objection on this occaſion, which 'twill be good to anſwer; which is, that as the Edict, conſider it how we will, is become only a Law of State by Henry the Great's Authority ſo it may likewiſe be revok'd and annul'd by Lewis the 14th his Grandſon and Succeſſor. For things may be ended by the ſame means they have bin begun. If Henry the Great, has had the power to change the form of governing the State, by introducing a new Law; why has not Lewis the 14th the ſame power to alter this form, and annul whatſoever his predeceſſor has done? But this objection will ſoon be anſwer'd, by conſidering it's built upon a falſe principal, and offers a falſer conſequence. It is not the ſingle Authority of Henry the Great which has eſtabliſh'd the Edict. The Edict is a Decree of his Juſtice, and an accord or tranſaction that paſt between the Catholicks and the Reformiſts. Authoriz'd by the publick Faith of the whole Eſtate, and ſeal'd with the ſeal of an Oath, and ratified by the execution of it; now this renders the Edict inviolable, and ſets it above the reach of Henry's Succeſſors; and therefore they can be only the Depoſitaries and Executors of it, and not the Maſters to make it depend on their wills. Henry the Great never employ'd the force of Arms to make the Catholicks conſent to it; and though ſince his death, under the minority of Lewis the 13th. there have bin Aſſemblies of the States General, the Edict has remain'd in full force; 'twas then, as we have already ſaid, a fundamental Law of the Kingdom, which the King could not touch. But ſuppoſing this were not a work grounded on the bare Authority of Henry, which is falſe, it does not therefore follow, that his preſent Majeſty can revoke it. The Edict is a Royal Promiſe, which Henry the Great made to the Reformiſts of his Kingdom, as well for himſelf as his Succeſſors for ever; as we have already ſeen; and conſequently this is a condition or hereditary Debt, charged on himſelf and Poſterity. Moreover, it is not true, that Henry the Great, has changed any thing in the Government of the State, when he gave Liberty of Conſcience to his Subjects; for this Liberty is matter of right, and more inviolable than all Edicts, ſeeing that it is a right of Nature. He has permitted a publick exerciſe of the Reformed Religion; but this exerciſe was eſtabliſhed in the Kingdom before his Edict, and if he has enlarged the priviledges of the Reformed, as without doubt he has, he did not do it without the Conſent and Approbation p. 39of the State; and has herein violated nothing of his lawful engagements. But 'tis not the ſame with Lewis the 14th. who of his own pure Authority, makes a real and fundamental Change, againſt the concurrence of one part of his Eſtate, and without the conſulting the other; hereby violating his own Engagements, thoſe of his Kingdom, and even the Laws of Nature too. In fine, if we conſider what means have been uſed to arrive at the Revocation in queſtion, how ſhall a man not ackowledge the State is ſenſibly intereſted therein. They are not contented to ſuppreſs the Religious Aſſemblies, and to null the Proteſtants priviledges by unjuſt Decrees; but they alſo ſend them Soldiers to diſpute points of Religion with them; They are Sack't like People taken by Aſſault, forced in their Conſciences; and for this purpoſe, Hell it ſelf is let looſe upon them; and this is the effects of a Military, and Arbitrary Government, regulated neither by Juſtice, Reaſon, nor Humanity. Can it be thought, that, France will be at eaſe in this manner, or that wiſe people will think this an equitable way of governing? There needs only another deſign, another paſſion to ſatisfie, another vengeance to execute; and then, wo be to them who ſhall oppoſe it; for the Dragoons will not forget their Office.

To theſe two Reflections, which reſpect the French King and his States, we may add a third, which will have regard to the Intereſts of Kings, Princes, and other powers of Europe, as well of one as of the other Religion. We ſhall not be much miſtaken, if we ſay, that they have a common and general concern herein; inaſmuch as theſe skilful Artiſts in miſery, do as much as they can to trouble the good underſtanding that is betwixt them and their People. We are perſwaded, that their wiſe and juſt Government will, in this reſpect, put them beyond all fear: but this hinders not examples of this nature, from being always miſchievous, and naturally tending to beget in the minds of the Vulgar, (who commonly judge only of things in general) ſuſpitions and diſtruſts of their Soveraigns, as if they dream'd of nothing but devouring their Subjects, and delivering them up to the Diſcretion, or rather, the Fury of their Soldiers. The greater moderation and Juſtice that Princes have, the leſs they are obliged to thoſe who furniſh people with matter for ſuch dangerous thoughts, which may produce very ill Effects.

p. 40Beſide, is it not certain, that the Princes and States of Europe, cannot without a great deal of pleaſure ſee France, which makes ſo great a Figure in the affairs of the World, and gives them ſo powerful an influence, now put her ſelf in ſuch a condition, as that no juſt Meaſures can be taken from her? For after ſo ſcandalous and publick a violation of the word of three Kings, and of the publick Faith, what Credit can be given for the future, to her Promiſes or Treaties? It will not be ſufficient to ſay, that they will have no force but what Intereſt inſpires; but that they will hereafter depend on the Intereſt or Capriciouſneſs of a ſort of Heady People, that will give nothing either to the Laws of Prudence or Equity, but manage all by force. If they have had the power, to do within the Kingdom what they have lately put in execution, what will they not do as to Affairs without? If they have not ſpared their own Country-men, with whom they had daily Commerce, who were ſerviceable to them, will they ſpare the unknown? Will they have more reſpect to Truces or Conventions of four days Tranſaction, than to an Edict of an hundred years continuance, and that the moſt Auguſt and Solemn that ever was which yet they made no other uſe of then to amuſe a People, and to involve them more ſurely in an utter Deſolation? Methinks they have reſolv'd to bring things to this paſs, That there being no more Faith to be had in France, all her Neighbours ſhould be continually upon their Guard againſt her, and the more ſo when ſhe promiſes, then when ſhe threatens; more in Peace then in War; ſo that there is no more hopes of being at quiet, but what the Surety of Hoſtages, or the diminution of her Forces can give.

This being ſo in reſpect of all Princes and States in general, what may the Proteſtant Princes and States in particular think, but that it is the deſign of France to ruine them all, and to make no ſtop till ſhe has devoured them. Every body knows, that the Proteſtant Princes underſtand their Intereſts well enough, to be able to diſcern them through the Clouds, wherewith they would cover them; and 'tis not doubted but they ſee, that this is a beginning or Eſſay, which France expects ſhortly to give the laſt ſtroak to. The Court there has ſuffer'd it ſelf to be poſſeſs'd with groſs Bigotry, and a falſe Zeal of Catholiciſm. 'Tis the Genius a▪la mode; each there is become a perſecutor, even to Fire and Sword; and there are ſome perſwaded, that this ſhall p. 41weigh down the Ballance. Vain Glory is no ſmall Ingredient in this deſign, Policy has her Proſpects, and Myſteries in it too; and as theſe Proſpects have no Bounds, ſo her Myſteries want not inviſible Springs, and ſurpriſing ways, which ſhe will joyn when ſhe pleaſes to the Power of Arms. She thinks the Seaſon is ripe, and ſhe needs only to dare. The eaſineſs ſhe has found in making Conqueſts and Converſions ſwells her Courage, and already ſome talk of nothing but a further progreſs in ſo fair a way. 'Tis to be hoped that Proteſtant Princes and States will from thence draw their juſt Concluſions.

As to Catholick Princes and States, they have too ſagacious Judgments, not to ſee how much they ſhare in this Affair. It will be made uſe of to break the good underſtanding which is betwixt them and the Proteſtants, by amuſing thoſe with the fair Pretext of the Catholick Religion, and cunningly inſpiring theſe with Jealouſies of a general Deſign to deſtroy them. If the Catholick Princes and States remove not theſe Suſpitions, if they ſuffer France ſtill to aggrandize her ſelf by her pretended Zeal for Catholiciſm, which at the bottom is but a Mask, they may already be aſſured, that they are loſt. It will ſignifie little to ſay, We are good Catholicks as well as you, this will not ſecure them from Dragoons, all that will not take the Yoke ſhall be Hereticks; nay, worſe than an Heretick; for now the greateſt Hereſie is not to ſubmit; Spain, Germany and Italy already know this in ſome meaſure.

But it will not be thought a Paradox, if, to all that we have ſaid, we add, That the Pope himſelf, and the whole Body of the Roman Church, find themſelves ſenſibly intereſs'd in the Perſecution of us. And yet we will ſay nothing herein, but what is evident Truth, and which the wiſeſt of the Roman Catholicks muſt agree to. For is it not the worſt Character that can be given of the Roman Clergy, to repreſent them as an Order of Men, who not only cannot endure any thing that is not ſubject to them in a Religious, but alſo in Civil Society; as Men that are not content to Anathematize all that diſpleaſe them, but deſign nothing ſo much as to exterminate them, not only to exterminate them, but alſo to force their Conſciences, and inſpire their Opinions; and propagate their way of Worſhip by the knocking Arguments of Swords and Staves; as an Order of Men, who neither Faith nor Juſtice, who promiſe only to deceive, who for p. 42a while curb their fury only, that afterwards they may the more inſult, that in Peace as well as War, contrive only to overturn and deſtroy, that make Allyances only to ſurprize, and finding themſelves more powerful, deny thoſe they have ſurprized the Liberty to eſcape. Theſe are the exact Features and Colours by which the Roman Clergy may be eaſily known, if we judge of them by the perſecution in France, the like whereof was never ſeen to this day: The Aegyptians and Aſſyrians once perſecuted the Iſraelites, but forced them not to embrace the Worſhip of their Idols; they contented themſelves with making them Slaves, without doing violence to their Conſciences. The Heathens and the Jews perſecuted the primitive Chriſtians, forced their Conſciences indeed, but they had never granted them an Edict, nor by perſecuting them did violate the publick Faith, nor hindred them to make their eſcape by Flight. The Arrians cruelly perſecuted the Orthodox, but beſides that, they went not ſo far, as to make the common ſort of people ſign formal Abjurations; there was no Edict or Concordat between the Two Communions. Innocent the 3d. by his Croyſades, perſecuted the Waldenſes, and Albigenſes, but theſe people alſo had no Edict. Emanuel, King of Portugal, furiouſly perſecuted the Jews, but he gave them leave to depart out of his Kingdom, and they had no Edict. It was the ſame with thoſe Remains of the Moors, who had ſetled themſelves in ſome Cantons of the Kingdom of Granada, they were defeated in a War, and commanded to retire into the Country from whence their Anceſtors came. In the laſt Age the Duke of Alva exerciſed dreadful Cruelties upon the Proteſtants of the Seventeen Provinces, but he did not hinder them from flying, nor violated any Edict; and at the worſt, death was their Releaſe. The Inquiſition is to this day in Spain and Italy, but they are Countries, in which no Religion, beſides the Roman, was ever permitted by Edicts, and if the Inquiſitors may be accuſed of Violence and Cruelty, yet they cannot be convicted of Perfidiouſneſs.

But in this laſt Perſecution of France, there are Five things that ſtrike the Mind with horror; they make the Conſciences and Religion of Men to depend Soveraignly upon the Will of a King, they violate a Faith Authentickly ſworn to, they force Men to be Hypocrites, and wicked, by ſeeming to embrace a Religion which they abhor; they prohibit all Flights or retiring out of the Kingdom; they do not put to death, but preſerve Life to oppreſs it p. 43with longer Torments. If after this the Court of Rome and its Clergy, diſperſed over the reſt of Europe, diſclaim not ſo odious and ſo criminal a Conduct; if they condemn it not, it will be an indelibel Stain to the Honour of their Religion. Not only Proteſtants, who are of a different Communion, but alſo in an infinite number of their own Catholicks, will be mightily ſcandaliz'd thereat: nay, even the Turks and Jews and Pagans will riſe up in Judgment againſt them. They may already know what they have bin condemned of, in what paſſed in the Council of Conſtance, concerning John Huſs, and Jerom of Prague, whom they put to Death, notwithſtanding the ſafe Conduct of the Emperor Sigiſmund; but there is ſomething greater here: There only Two Men were concerned, here more than 1500000. thoſe they put to Death, and if they had done the ſame to theſe, they would have embraced their Death with Joy and Comfort. The Council thought its Authority greater than Sigiſmund's, but there cannot be produced one above that which has eſtabliſh'd our Edict.

We are not ignorant of the different Methods which the Perſecutors take to ſhelter themſelves from publick Condemnation. Some take a ſpeedy courſe to deny the Fact; and to perſwade the World; That Force and Violence have had no ſhare in the Converſions, but that they were ſoft, and calm, and voluntary; and that if there were any Dragoons concerned therein, 'twas becauſe the Reformed themſelves deſired them, that they might have a handſom pretence to change their Religion. Was there ever ſeen ſo much Impudence? What will they not deny, who can deny what's done in the Face of the Sun, and what a whole Kingdom from one end of it to the other hath ſeen, and to this day ſees? For in the beginning of the year 1686. whilſt I am compoſing this ſad Rehearſal, they continue to exerciſe in France the ſame Rage, that ended the preceding year, the ſame Dragoons both in Cities and Countries execute the ſame Fury againſt ſome lamentable Remains of Proteſtants, who will not fall down and worſhip.

They are uſed like Rebels in their Perſons, in their Eſtates, in their Wives, and in their Children; and if there be any difference, 'tis in this that their ſufferings are ſtill increaſing. Yet if we will believe the Clergy, haranguing the King, and the Biſhop of Valence their Speaker, he tells his Majeſty how miraculous his Reign is, ſeeing ſuch infinite number of Converſions are made to the Roman Church, without violences and Arms; much leſs, p. 44ſaith he, by the force of your Edicts, as by the example of your exemplary Piety. If we will believe the greateſt part of the Abjurations which theſe poor Oppreſt People, are forc'd to make, they ſpeak indeed the ſame ſence, viz. That they have done this without being conſtrain'd thereto. Thus is the Credulity of the publick impos'd on: They have Seeds of Impoſture ſown at their Feet, which are to grow with the time. Poſterity who ſhall ſee theſe Records, will belive they contain the truth; Here, ſay they, is what has bin told the King, who muſt not have falſhoods offer'd him: Here is the proper acts and deeds of thoſe that were converted. Why will not then Poſterity believe it, ſeeing that at preſent, there are indeed people impudent enough, or to ſpeak better, paid well enough to publiſh it in ſtrange Countries; and there are found credible perſons enough to believe it. But I pray what likelihood is there, that 150000 perſons already gone out of France, without any thing conſtraining them to it, ſhould leave their Houſes, their Lands of Inheritance, their Effects, and ſeveral their Wives and Children, for to wander about the World, and lead a miſerable Life for a humour. Is there any likelihood, that Perſons of Quality of both Sexes, who enjoyed 10, 15, 20, 30 thouſand Livers per annum, would abandon theſe their Eſtates, not only for themſelves, but for their Succeſſors; expoſe themſelves to the periſs, and incommodiouſneſs of long Journies, and reduce themſelves in a manner to Beggary; which is a condition the moſt inſupportable in the world, to Perſons of Quality; and all this without any reaſon, without any occaſion? What likelihood that this 150 thouſand perſons who have already eſcap'd, ſome of 'em into Switzerland, others into Germany, ſome into Denmark, others into Holland, ſome into Suedeland, and others into England, and ſome into America, without ſeeing or knowing one another, yet have agreed to tell the ſame lie, and to ſay with one voice, That the Proteſtants are cruelly perſecuted in France; and that by unheard of Severities they are forc'd to change their Religion; altho' there is no ſuch matter? Is it likely that the Embaſſadors and Envoys of Foreign Princes, ſhould lye all of them in conſórt, in telling them this news, wherein there is no truth? But I pray, If in France the Proteſtants thus voluntarily, and without conſtraint change their Religion, & that the Dragoons are cal'd in only as their good friends, whence happens this ſo ſtrict & general Guard on the Frontiers, to hinder Peoples departure? How is it that the p. 45Priſons of the Kingdom are cram'd, with Fugitives ſtopt by the way? Whence is it, that thoſe who have chang'd, are watch'd with ſuch great care to hinder their flight; to the obliging them to depoſit ſums of money to ſecure them from the ſuſpition of it? This muſt be an Epidemical Diſtemper that has ſeiz'd on his Majeſties Subjects, that ſhall make them fly thus without reaſon? But is not this a fine cover, to ſay that the Proteſtants have themſelves call'd in the Dragoons, to have the better pretence to change their Religion? It is about 10 or more years ſince there was a Bankſet up to traffick for Souls. Mr. Peliſon, has for a long time bin the great dealer of Paris, in this infamous Trade of purchaſing Converts. Theſe Converſions have of late, bin the only way of gaining applauſe, and recompences at Court, and in a word, a means of raiſing ones Fortune; and yet we muſt be told, that inſtead of being Converted by theſe eaſie ways, we had rather chooſe the help of Dragoons, that is, of being pillag'd. At leaſt let any one tell us, why ſince theſe pretended voluntary Converſions, the People not willing to go to Maſs, they have bin obliged to ſend them Troops, and uſe them with the ſame ſeverity as before.

This is ſo groſs and palpable an untruth, that others have undertaken to defend theſe Violences, as being naturally of the genuine Spirit of the Catholick Church; and for this purpoſe, they have continually in their mouths that paſſage of the Goſpel, compelle intrare, compel them to come in, and the perſecution which the Orthodox of Africk offer'd the Donatiſts, &c.

Were this a place to diſpute againſt theſe furious Divines, we could eaſily ſhow 'em the vanity of theſe allegations; but we ſhall rather ask 'em, whether the Jews and Pagans had agreed upon an Edict with the Apoſtles, when our Saviour ſays to them, compel them to come in. Has St. Auguſtin ever written, for he is cited in this matter, That we ought to be perfidious towards thoſe whom we eſteem as Hereticks, when we promis'd to live with 'em like Brethren and fellow Citizens. The Donatiſts, had they any Edicts which would ſhelter 'em from the inſults of the Orthodox? If we yield to this deteſtable Divinity, what will become of all us Chriſtians? For in ſhort, the Papiſt is as much an Heretick to the Proteſtants, as the Proteſtants are to the Papiſt; yet they live together in peace, on the Faith of Alliances, Treaties and Promiſes. But theſe publick Peſts as much as in them lies have brought all things into confuſion, and a State of War. They p. 46arm the Catholicks againſt the Proteſtants, teaching the Catholicks by this example, that their Religion obliges him to betray and ſurpriſe the Proteſtants, when they can do it unpuniſh'd; and knock …ut their Brains if they will not change their Religion. They arm the Proteſtant againſt the Catholick; for after all, what Peace, and Society can we have with People, who not only make no Conſcience to break their Faith; but on the contrary, make it a caſe of Conſcience to break it, when they ſhall find occaſion. Thus have they by their Dragoons deſolated a Kingdom, and plunder'd above a 100 thouſand Families. Do we think this method, is pleaſing to him, whom we both own to be the Author of our Faith; he has ſaid, That he will not ſuffer Hell Gates to ruine his Church; but he has not ſaid, he will open Hell Gates for the propagating his Church. Now if there were any thing that looks like the Gates of Hell, it is the perſecutions of France.

Whatſoever Antipathy there may be between the See of Rome and us, we will not believe that the preſent Pope has had any part, or that the Storm has fallen on us from him. We know he is a mild Prince, and his temper leads to more moderate Councils than thoſe of his Predeceſſors. Moreover we know, the Clergy of France do not always conſult him in what they undertake; and we have had often offered to us, what has bin done againſt Rome, to induce us to ſubmit our ſelves to the King's will in theſe other matters; and how ſmall a deference is paid to its Authority. So that we hope the Pope himſelf, conſidering us ſtill as Men and Chriſtians, will condole us, and blame the methods uſed againſt us, had he no other reaſon than the intereſt of Religion. Perhaps one day, it will be our turn to blame that which will be taken againſt him.

However, 'tis certain the Proteſtants of France are the moſt fit objects of publick compaſſion, the world ever knew. Some ſigh and lament under a hard Slavery, which they would willingly change for Irons in Algiers or Turke. For there they would not be forced to turn Mahometans, and might ſtill entertain ſome hopes of liberty by the way of ranſ…m▪ Others are wandering about ſtrange Countries, ſtript of their Eſtates, ſeparated in all probability, for ever from their Parents, their Relations and Friends, whom they have left in the moſt doleful condition imaginable Husbands have left their Wives, and Wives their Husbands; Fathers their Children, and Children their Fathers. We have p. 47ſeen our Eſtates vaniſh in a moment, our honeſt ways of living, our hopes, our Inheritances.

We have ſcarcely any thing left us but our miſerable Lives, and they are ſupported by the Charity of our Chriſtian Brethren.

Yet amongſt all theſe Afflictions we are not deſtitute of Comfort; we, if ever any did, do truly ſuffer for Conſcience ſake; the Malice of our Perſecutors not being able to charge us with the leaſt Miſdemeanour. We have ſerved our King and the State with Zeal and Faithfulneſs. We have ſubmitted to the Laws and to Magiſtrates; and for our Fellow-Citizens, they have no reaſon to complain of us. We have for Twenty years together ſuffered with an unexemplary patience all thoſe furious and dreadful Storms aforementioned. And when in Vivaretz and Cevennes, ſome have thought themſelves bound in Conſcience to preach on the Ruines of their Temples illegally demoliſht, their ſmall number, which were but a handful of Men, Women and Children, has only ſerved to ſtir up more the Reſignation and Obedience of our whole Body. In theſe latter Storms we have been like Sheep, innocent and without defence. We then comfort our ſelves in the Juſtice of our Cauſe, and our peaceable Deportment under it.

But we comfort our ſelves likewiſe in the Chriſtian Compaſſion ſhewed us by Forrein Princes, and more eſpecially of his Majeſty of England, who has received us into his Countries, ſuccoured and relieved us, and recommended our diſtreſſed Condition to all his Subjects; and we have found in them not only new Maſters, or the Affections of new Friends, but of real Parents and Brethren. And as theſe bowels of Commiſeration have been as Balm to our Wounds, ſo we ſhall never loſe the remembrance of it, and hope we nor our Children ſhall ever do any thing, by Gods Grace, unworthy any of theſe their protections.

All our Affliction then is, to ſee our Religion oppreſſed in the Kingdom of France; ſo many Churches wherein God was daily ſerved according to the ſimplicity of the Goſpel, demoliſhed, ſo many Flocks diſpers'd, ſo many poor Conſciences ſighing and groaning under their Bondage; ſo many Children deprived of the lawful Education of their Parent; but we hope that at length the ſame God who heard heretofore the Sighs of his People in the Servitude of Egypt, will alſo hear at this time the Cries of his Faithful Servants. We call not for Fire from Heaven, We are for no reſiſtance, we only pray that God would touch the Hearts p. 48of our Perſecuters, that they may repent, and be ſaved together with us. We entreat ſuch a deliverance, as he in his Wiſdom ſhall think fitting.

However 'twill be no Offence to God nor Good Men to leave this Writing to the World, as a Proteſtation made before him, and them againſt theſe Violences; more eſpecially againſt the Edict of 1685. containing the Revocation of that of Nants, it being in its own Nature inviolable, irrevocable, and unalterable. We may, I ſay, complain amongſt other things againſt the worſe than inhumane Cruelties exerciſed on dead Bodies, when they are drag'd along the Streets at the Horſe Tayls, and dig'd out, and denyed Sepulchers. We cannot but complain of the Cruel Orders to part with our Children, and ſuffer them to be Baptized, and brought up by our Enemies. But above all, againſt the impious and deteſtable practiſe, now in vogue, of making Religion to depend on the Kings pleaſure, on the will of a Mortal Prince, and of treating perſeverance in the Faith with the odious name of Rebellion: This is to make a God of Man, and to run back into the Heatheniſh pride and flattery amongſt the Romans; or an authoriſing of Atheiſm or groſs Idolatry. In fine, we commit our Complaints, and all our Intereſts into the Hands of that Providence, which brings Good out of Evil, and which is above the Underſtanding of Mortals, whoſe Houſes are in the Duſt.