The Lives of Twenty-Two Eminent English Divines, Biography 10 · Letter

The Lives of Twenty-Two Eminent English Divines · Biography 10 · Letter

p. 118Sir,

The Duke of Buckinghams Letter.I Have moved his Majesty, concerning Master Preston's succeeding of you, in the Mastership of Emanuel Colledge, who is not only willing, but is also graciously pleased to recommend him to the place in especial manner before any other; so that in making this way for him, you shall do a very acceptable thing to his Majesty, as also to the Prince his Master, of which I am likewise to give you notice, and to put you out of all doubt, that another may be thrust upon you; you shall not need to fear any thing, in regard that from his Majesty there will be no hinderance to his succession; and for that point of supply of maintenance, I shall (as I promised) take care for to procure it, when fit occasion shall be offered; so taking kindly what you have done, I rest.

Theobalds, Sept. 20. 1622. Your very loving Friend, G. Buckingham.

When the Doctor had received and read this Letter, he was in all things satisfied, as to the Court, but they all knew that Doctor Traverse lay in wait for this preferment; for being outed by the Statute at Emanuel Colledge, he sojourned at Christs Colledge as Fellow-Commoner, and presumed either by his Friends at Court, to get a Mandate, or be chosen in the Colledge by a party of the Fellows, whom he thought his own; therefore great care was taken to keep all secret, and though the Statute do ordain a vacancy of seven daies, and notice by a Schedule passed upon the Chappel-door, yet such was the concurrent uniform agreement of all the Fellows, that it was not discovered to any of the Scholars untill the day of Election; and because there is a Sacrament to be immediately before it; they were constrained to lock up all the gates that none might come in or go out till it was past; and then two of the Fellows were dispatcht to Queens Colledge, to acquaint Master Preston with what they had done,He is chosen Master of Emanuel. and to desire that at two of the Clock he would repair unto the Colledge to be admitted, and undertake the charge.

It was strange news at Queens, and all the Colledge were much affected with it, wondering extreamly that such a great transaction should be carried with so much secrecy, and that amongst Master Prestons twelve Disciples (as they called them) there should be never a Judas but all concentre in it; but there was order given presently, that all the Scholars should be ready against two of the clock that day, to attend Master Preston and the Fellows to Emanuel Colledge, in habits suitable unto their several qualities, which was done accordingly; and a very goodly company attended him from Queens unto Emanuel, where they were cheerfully received and entertained according to the custome, with a generous and costly banquet, and then returned unto Queens again; but left Master Preston, the prop and glory of it, at Emanuel.

In the plantation of Emanuel Colledge at the first, the godly Founder, took great care to store his Colledge with godly and able Fellows p. 119from all the other Colledges, and some were after added that were eminent; but now a Master is bestowed, God in mercy hath enabled that good society to pay their debts, by sending not only Members, but also Heads into very many of the other Colledges, so as they may now well say, Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris.

Sir Walter Mildmay their Noble and Religious Founder, was wont to say unto his Friends, that he had set an Acorn, that might perhaps in time become an Oak; blessed be God our eyes have seen it, not only grown and flourishing, but fruitfull, seasonable showers, a great promotion unto a new plantation, and earnest Prayers unto God, a special means to bring these down, of which I think no Colledge ever had more, which in these last years have returned a glorious Harvest; to God be praise.

This news ran swiftly all the Kingdom over, and was received as men were affected. Good men were glad that honest men were not abhorred, as they had been, at the Court, and presaged much of that inlargement and deliverance, which we have lived to see; The Courtiers made full account that he was theirs, and would mount up from one step to another, untill he were a prelate; especially the Duke of Buckingham, who from this time seemed sincerely to affect him, Multum fuit ad amorem, dedisse beneficium, thought he had given earnest and could not be defrauded of the purchase. The Earl of Pembroke, and the Countesse of Bedford had a great interest in him, and he in them; and all men looked on him as upon a rising man, and respected him accordingly. As for Lincolns-Inne, they made account they had a special influence into this honour, as having first expressed their good opinion of him, and there was an honest godly old man, one of the Benchers, Master Ayres, that upon hearing of the news, would needs be young again, and make an Anagram upon his name, though he was uncertain how he wrote it in Latine, for he had seen it written divers waies. Being therefore resolute, and loath to misse it, he resolves to write it both waies, as he that used to say his Prayers in Latine and English, that both might not fail, and so first he wrote it, Johannes Prestonius with this Anagram, En stas pius in honore: And this distitch:

Doctrina, ingenium, virtus tua, praemia poscunt;

En dedit Emanuel, stas in honore pius.

But lest this should be mistaken, he writes it Johannes Prestonus: with this Anagram, Se nosse, non tupiar. And this distitch:

Turpia non novisse, bonum; se nosse, beatum:

Ista doces alios, sed prius ipse facis.

The rest of that Society rejoyced, that their Lecturer was Master of Emanuel, and took occasion to expresse it according to their several dispositions and relations, when he came to them in the Tearm, which shortly followed. There was one thing in the Colledge-Statutes that greatly troubled him; and that was that the Masters absence from the Colledge was confined to a monethmonth in every quarter, and he saw not how he could attend at Court, and preach at Lincolns-Inne in Tearm time, but p. 120he should transgresse; but the Fellows soon consented to an interpretation, that absolved him from the rigid sense, there being in the Statute a double liberty; first that in case of violent detention it should not hold; they resolved that not only a natural, but also a moral violence was to be understood. The other was, that in case of Colledge-businesse he should not be esteemed absent. Now the Colledge was at that time in suit for a Living in the West, of good value, with one Master Ewins, a Gentleman in the Parish, who had bred up a younger Sonne to be a Scholar, in relation to that Living; and therefore contended for it, as it had been his own Inheritance; and when he was worsted at Common-Law, prefers a Bill in Chancery, and thought by mony to carry it against the Colledge-right. Bishop Williams the Lord-Keeper then, was his great Friend, and when after many delayes it came at last to hearing, would not allow the Counsell for the Colledge to speak; Master Preston being present, craved leave to speak in the cause himself, but was not only silenced, but severely reprehended for it; it was Trinity-Tearm, and the plague was very hot in London, so that Michaelmas Tearm was wholly adjourned, and the next Tearm was proclaimed at Redding, and the Records removed thither; but before that, the Lord-Keeper was removed from his Throne, and Sir Thomas Coventry, one of the Colledge-Council that were not permitted before to speak, succeeded him; by whose integrity and justice, the Colledge was restored to their right, which ever since they have enjoyed, and so his following the Colledge businesse excused his absence all his time.

Being therefore now established, and greatly minding the good thereof, he observed that the Scholars kept Acts but seldome, and accordingly when they came unto it, performed it but meanly; he therefore advised with the Fellows in it, and after many consultations, it was resolved that the number of Acts should be in a manner doubled, of those under Masters of Art, which was a great advancement to learning of all sorts in the Colledge.

About this time Sir Arthur Chichester, afterward an Irish Baron, was chosen to go Embassadour into Germany, about the Palatinate affairs, and Master Preston was by the Duke of Buckingham and other Friends, designed to go along with him; he did not greatly fancy the employment, but would not contradict; only it was considered, that though he was the Prince his Chaplain, and Master of a Colledge, yet he was not Doctor, which they thought might sound ill abroad, and reflect upon his Master, and there was not time to go unto it, in the ordinary way of Acts and Exercises, therefore a Mandate was addressed to the Vice-Chancellour and Heads, that forasmuch as Master Preston was to wait upon my Lord Ambassadour, and could not in so short a time perform his Acts, he should be forthwith admitted Doctor in Divinity, that he might be ready to attend the service, which was done accordingly with all alacrity.

Being therefore thus engaged, and not knowing what might befall p. 121him in the voyage, he resolved to settle his temporal estate before he went. He was not willing to be accounted rich; would often say, Manifestus thesaurus citò expenditur. And therefore though he had great Incomes from his Pupils, and was not Prodigal, yet he was not Master of his money; for he had been advised to adventure in the East-India Company, then newly set up, and because estates there were invisible, he was the willinger, but by that means wanted money; for there was paying for many years, but no returns; yet there was hope it might at last come in, and so it did without diminution of the principal, but not in his life-time. Therefore he thought it needfull to make a legall disposition of his estate by Will, and so he did, and named a very Honourable person his Executor, who lived to enjoy that money as well as other by vertue of it. But the voyage came to nothing; for Sir Arthur did not go as he intended, yet this was his last Will, and according to it all was enjoyed, though he made additions by way of request or direction, which were accordingly performed.

It was ever his ambition not to be mercenary in his Ministry, but at liberty to preach where he might do most good, without relation or respect unto the wages; and he considered that the Master of Emanuel could have no Living that had cure of souls annexed, and therefore was willing to give ear unto the sollicitations of the Townsmen, who greatly prest him to be their Lecturer at Trinity-Church; for they had applied themselves to Doctor Andrews Bishop of Ely, and propounded to him Master Jeffries, one of the Fellows of Pembroke-Hall; and he had given way, and Master Jeffries did preach at Trinity some years, but was desirous of a more setled condition, and had desired Doctor Preston to procure him to be Chaplain unto some Noble-man, that was like to help him to a Living, which was a very easie thing for him to do, having so much interest in many great ones; so he pitched upon Marquesse Hamilton, who presently admitted Master Jeffries, Chaplain to him, and shewed him much respect, as well for Doctor Prestons sake, as for his own, and long it was not before a Living fell, namely the Rectory of Dun-mow in Eessex, which the Marquesse procured and bestowed upon his Chaplain Master Jeffries; for he had not then commenced Doctor, and by that means the Lecture at Trinity was shortly to be void.

The Townsmen made account that now they had what they desired, namely an opportunity to settle Doctor Preston in the Lecture at Trinity; and great care was taken to increase the stipend from fourty or fifty pounds per annuum unto fourscore, that the Doctor might have twenty pounds a quarter paid him; for they thought the former inconsiderable, not knowing what principles the Doctor lived by; and when they had effected that, they employed some of the chief to propose the matter to the Doctor very solemnly; who was easily perswaded to accept their offer, without relation to the stipend; but there was one of the Fellows of Sidney-Colledge, Master Middlethwite that put in for it, and p. 122though few or none of the Contributors or Townsmen sided with him, yet he procured Letters from the Bishop of Ely, and ingaged all his friends, both in the Court and University, that it came unto a very great contest. Doctor Preston who was offered any Bishoprick he would resolve on, and told at Royston by the Duke of Buckingham, that the Bishoprick of Glocester was then void, contends with Master Middlethwite to be Lecturer at Trinity-Church, for a stipend of fourscore pounds per annum, as the upshot of all his hopes, and fruit of all his great atchievments at the Court; and the contention was so great on all sides, that it could not be concluded by any mediation, but was referred to an hearing at Royston before King James, who was really against the Doctors preaching in the University, the consequence whereof he well saw, and was informed fully of. I confesse I often wondered why Master Middlethwite, an eminent Scholar, and like enough to get preferment, as afterwards it's known he did, should stickle for so small an opportunity to preach, against the inclination and disposition of the Townsmen; untill I understood that he was set on by the Prelatical Heads, who told him that it was a service acceptable to the King, and he should be rewarded for it. At the time appointed it came unto an hearing, and an Argument was urged against the Doctor namely; that it was a Lecture maintained by six-pences, a thing unseemly for a Master of a Colledge and the Prince his Chaplain; but the Duke had taken care that nothing should be ordered and concluded against the Doctors mind; for the Duke resolved not to lose him, so the meeting was dissolved and nothing done; but that night, Sir Edward Contvey then Secretary, invited Doctor Preston to supper, and after supper told him, that the King had ordered him to tell him, that if he would give over his pursuance of that Lecture, and let the Heads dispose of it, he should make his choice of any other preferment, that was more honourable and profitable for him; but the Doctors end was to do good, not to get good; the Kings, to make him uselesse, and divide him from the Puritans. The Duke was more indifferent, who laboured in him to win and gratifie the Puritans, whose power in Parliament was now grown very formidable; therefore when nothing else would content him, he was confirmed Lecturer at Trinity-Church, the last preferment he ever had, where he preached after all his time, and did much good.

The Duke had now obliged Doctor Preston in the judgment and opinion of all the honest Party, and much displeased the Prelatical; and he saw apparently that King James approved not his siding with him; yet he was more expresse then ever in his affections to him, and freenesse with him. He had indeed a very happy and rare composure of sweetnesse and solidity, would play and dally with the King, as if he were a woman, and yet enquire, and apprehend, and argue counsels and debates of State, as if a Burleigh or a Walsingham: saw clearly the affections of the King were fading, which the Puritans (though never so p. 123much his Friends,) could not repair, and therefore eyed and adored the rising Sun, who now was grown, and fit for marriage, but no Preparatives to find a Consort for him. He knew the Spanish match was but a colour, and a Treaty dandled between Bristol and King James, to fool the Prince off, and shut his eares against the French proposals. This he discovers to the Prince, tels him Kings did not love an Heir apparent, how near soever; that the daughter of Spain was designed to a Monastery, and kept for a reserve unto the house of Austria; that in France there was a Lady much before her; that if he pleased, he would wait upon him into Spain in a disguise, and take the French Court in their way, and see that Lady, and so discover Bristols, and his fathers jugling; the Prince resents and hugs this overture. They tell King James, the Earl of Bristol and the Spanish Ministers abused him; that it was time to bring that Treaty to some Conclusion, desire they might go into Spain, and play the game out.

The King saw who had ploughed with his Heifer, feared, (as he was apt to do) a check-mate; yet for the present urgeth only his affections to them both, and asketh them how he should subsist so long, without their companies? But they persisting, signes a Warrant with his own hand for Jack Smith, and Tom Smith, with each of them a servant and their horses to go beyond-Sea.

The Duke even now was not unmindfull of Doctor Preston, but leaves order with the Dutchesse and Countesse of Denbigh, to be carefull for him; and Sir Ralph Freeman having a child to baptize, Doctor Preston is intreated for to preach, and the Dutchesse and Countesse were both Gossips, who shewed to the Doctor very great respect, and gave him hopes of doing good; and some he did, for he procured by their means, Master Hildershams liberty, and restitution to his place at Ashby de la zouch, and gave great hopes unto good Ministers of fairer times, then had been formerly; only he would relate with much regret, that he often found Doctor Laud, then Bishop of Saint Davids with them, and therefore doubted of the issue and event.

The Doctor saw by the debates about the Lecture, that he had enemies as well as friends at Court; that the Duke was mutable, as well as mortal; knew that the King abhorred that journey into Spain, and would remember it, if able: Dulcis inexperto; cultura potentis amici expertus metuit. And therefore though now he were setled and assured in the University, yet would not leave his Lecture at Lincolns-Inne; but being still in London in the Tearm-time, about the Colledge-businesse, continued Preacher at Lincolns-Inne, and thought it might be a good reserve, in case the naughty Heads or Factions in the Court should fall upon him; and it was well he did, for the Prince and Duke returned the next October, highly offended with the Spanish gravity, and both they and all their train did nothing but tell stories of the Spanish basenesse; so a Parliament was called, and the Duke cryed up by all the godly Party in the Kingdome. The Spanish Agent at the Court had order from his Master out of Spain, for to defie him and protest against him at the p. 124Counsel-Table, but seriously he could not have done him a greater courtesie, for the people universally did hate the Spaniard, and now the Duke became the peoples Martyr. I have seen Verses made in his defence and commendation; and Agents presently dispatched in France, to treat of that Match. King James liked not this stuff, but the Prince was able now to go alone, and especially when he had the Duke for one of his Supporters; all things are fairly carried for Religion, and the Duke of Buckhingham, the Princes and peoples Favourite. The people seemed now to have the better, and the Court-affairs for to decline and droop. Doctor Preston like another Mordecai was very great, the Prince his Master, and the Duke his Friend, and the Courtiers eyes upon him, because they saw he came not thither for preferment, as all men else. Pisoni in imperium adoptato nihil in vultu mutatum, quasi magis imperare posset, quam vellet. His honours altered nothing in him, but gave encouragement to all the godly Party; and his Sermons at Lincolns-Inne much wrought upon the Parliament, so that a bold Petition was contrived and presented to the King at Whitehall, from both Houses of Parliament, April 23. 1624. against the spreading and increase of Popery, and the Indulgence given unto Priests and Jesuites. King James was in the evening of his glory; his Party in the Court under a cloud; another Sun almost in view, and the foreign, or day-star already risen, and accordingly he answered warily to their Petition, bewails his want of information, as the reall ground of this their trouble, which otherwise he had prevented; acknowledged that whilest the Treaties lasted with Spain and Austria, he was obliged to comply; but now both being broken off, he would be rigid and severe against the Priests and Jesuites; bids them find out a way for to restrain the growth of Popery, and he would second them; but resolves to pay the Duke of Buckingham for all this, and gives order to the Earl of Bristol to prepare an information for that end; but the Match with France, and other intervenient accidents obstruct it, for the present.

The Duke having told tales out of School, and broken off the Match with Spain, was much obliged to further and promote the French, which he did seriously excuse to Doctor Preston, upon this ground, that there was not any Protestant for to be had: and for to marry with a subject had alwaies been unlucky and fatal to the Kings of England; that the French would not be ridged in religious observations, but the Doctor constantly opposed; only acknowledged this difference, that Spanish Popery was an absolute ingredient to their intended Western Monarchy, but French was not so, and so this was lesse evil.

But the French found out this obligation, and were untractable, unlesse the Duke would aid the King of France against the Rochellers: This was a hard chapter for one so much obliged unto the Puritans and Doctor Preston, and he therefore declined all he could, but nothing else would serve, and he knew King James lay ready to take advantages, p. 125so in Conclusion, eight Ships were granted to oppose the Rochel-fleet, and many colours sought to cloude it, and hide it from the world, but from that time Doctor Preston doubted of the Saint-ship of the Duke of Buckingham, whom otherwise he honoured and loved very much.

But it was high time for the Duke to look about him; King James was not to learn now how for to play his Game, he was an old, but not a foolish King, Eccl. 4.13. and therefore failed not to make Provision, and lay rods in pisse, that he might use upon occasion. Kings use for to account an ague in the Spring their Physick, yet Physick till March be past is not good, but this ague antidates the moneths, and comes in February. The King was then at Theobalds, and the Ague was made but small account of. He feared death, but was the most impatient and disordered of any living, what rules soever the Physicians gave, he would observe none; which intemperance might very well occasion the growing, strength and vigour of the disease, which howsoever more and more increased, and at last began to be considerable, then he began to take advice and to submit to rules, but now it was too late; for March 27. 1625. on the Lords day in the morning, about ten of the clock at Theobalds the King dies. Doctor Preston then attended in his monethmonth, and was sometimes hastened to the Prince to comfort him, and sometimes to the Duke; and indeed it was a very mournfull morning. Death is a serious thing, and knocks alike at Pallaces as at the meanest Cottage. King James was very much beloved of all his servants; some of the Huntsmen could not be gotten from him; the Prince and Duke were both of them retired and wept exceedingly. But Sir Edward Conwey and some of the Lords drew up a Wiring, and proclaimed Charles Steward King, with all his Titles; and hast was made to pack away to London. The Prince and Duke, and Doctor Preston in Coaches shut down, hasten to White-hall, and there he is proclaimed again with more formalities, and the Lord Maior and the City sent to, where it was done with much solemnity, and great rejoycing of the people; for the Prince had that exceeding happinesse to come upon the stage unprejudiced. For he had never interposed nor acted, but in the Spanish businesse, and that succeeded to his great advantage; so that if he listed he might have been as popular as ever any were.

This fall occasions many alterations in the Court; the Bishops generally, and Doctor Prestons enemies, and all that had contended with the Duke were Crest-fallen. King James was like enough to have out-lived the Duke of Buckingham, who had been very sick since his return from Spain, but all is altered, and the Duke does all.

But he had many things to do; the affronts received in Madrid, and at the Counsel-table by the Agent, were to be sent back by a puissant and mighty Navy, and Provisions made accordingly. King James to be interr'd; a Parliament to be summoned; the French Lady to be p. 126sent for, and brought into England, which the Duke especially intended, and spake to all the Gallants of his Retinue to attend him, and to many other of the Gentry and Nobility throughout the Kingdome. But he found it hard thus in the morning of the Kings affairs to be abroad, there being then a Parliament, and the sicknesse much encreasing in the City, so he was constrained to employ the Earl of Holland, and attend himself at home. All were not gratified in this great revolution and mutation of affairs, and the discontented Party murmured, and let flie at the Duke, and the sicknesse much encreasing, began to make a mutiny, and it was much desired that the Parliament might be prorogued till some other more healthfull and lesse dangerous time. But the Navy against the Spaniards, and the pressing wants of all sorts that depended on the Court would not permit; so it was only adjourned to Oxford; yet there the sicknesse was as soon as they, and some of their Members smarted for it, but hast was made to gratifie the new King, and the Provisions for the Navy went forward, many men ingaged, and the King resolved to attend that businesse, as admitting no delay.

There was one thing that invited Doctor Preston to a journey that year, and that was a strong suspition that the plague was in the town, in which case there is a liberty to dissolve the Colledge, without any detriment unto the Officers and Members of it. He was not willing to omit the opportunity, because he had many invitations into the West. The Bishop of Salisbury he desired to consult withall, about a Book of Master Montagues, that was commended to him by the Duke of Buckingham to peruse and give his sense upon it. Master Shervil the Recorder of Salisbury was a Bencher of Lincolns-Inne, and a very good friend of his; he had divers Friends at Dorchester, and was desirous to be sea-sick, and was still enticed forward, and at last resolved to wait upon the King and Duke, at Plimmouth, whether they were gone to see the Navy set sayl. Whilest he was there, the Rochel fleet was broken by those ships the King lent, and Mounsieur Sabeeza came into Falmouth with the remainder, and thence to Plimmouth, with most lamentable out-cries against the Duke, who seemed to be very much affected with it, and made mighty Promises of wonderfull repairs, but Doctor Preston failed not to set that businesse home, he did believe the Duke was over-ruled to lend them, and sorry when he saw the sad effects.

But whilest the Duke was thus detained in the West, the Earl of Bristol and the Lord Keeper Williams combined against him, and drew in many to their Party, among others the Earl of Pembroke, and divers great ones in the House of Commons, and was so incouraged and heartned in it, that the Earl of Bristol, May 1. 1626. preferred in the House of Lords twelve Articles against the Duke of Buckingham, tending to prove, That the Duke had promised unto the Pope and Ministers of Spain, to make the King a Papist; and over-ruled him, against the judgment of the Earl of Bristol, to write unto the Pope with the title of p. 127Sanctissime Pater; That his carriage in the matters of Religion was so offensive, that he stuck not to kneel before the Host as often as he met it; That he was so licentious and unchast in his behaviour, that the Spanish Ministers resolved not to have any thing to do with him; That when he could not bring about the Match to his own particular advantage, he used means to obstruct it and break it off; That he had informed King James of all these things, who promised to hear him, and leave the offender unto Justice, and that not many daies before his sicknesse.

The Duke had now reason to look about him, and was very able so to do, and first he labours to divide the Party by drawing off the Earl of Pembroke, by promising his Daughter to the Earl of Mountgomeries Sonne, which afterward he did accomplish, then he endeavoured to oblige the Puritans, by gratifying Doctor Preston all the waies he could, and particularly in the businesse of the Colledge-suit, by depriving Bishop Williams of the Seal, and giving it to Sir Thomas Coventry, who was one of the Colledge-counsel; yea he went so far as to nominate the Doctor to the King to be Lord Keeper, and the King was so firm to him, that the Earl of Bristol could do no good, and so withdrew his Articles.

Doctor Prestons Friends were Newters all this while, and looked on, neither engaged for him, nor against him, which was sadly represented to the Duke by the Bishops and that Party, who wondered he should dote upon a man that either could not or would not own him in his need, bad him consider whether Puritans were like to be his Friends, whose waies were toto coelo different, and told him plainly he could not have them both. If he adhered to those that sought their ruine, they must adhere to such as would support them: so that the Duke was in a great strait, and knew not what to do.

Doctor Preston also was importuned to put it to an issue, and if he would not leave the rotten and corrupted Clergy, then to leave him, and because there had been informations against that Book of Master Mountagues, they propounded it might come to a debate, and not remain as now it it did, unsetled. The Doctor and the Duke were both of them unwilling to an open breach, loved for to temporise and wait upon events. But Doctor Prestons friends would not be satisfied, but urged a conference, whereunto they were incouraged by some Orthodox and very learned Bishops, and at last it was concluded by two religious Noble-men, that a conference there should be, the Bishop of Rochester and Doctor White then Dean of Carlisle, on the one side, and the Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, and Doctor Preston on the other. A day was set, a Satturday in Hillary-Tearm, at four of the clock in the afternoon, the place was York-house, and Doctor Preston sent to in the morning for to attend it. The Noble-men came unto the Bishops lodgings, about two of the clock, and sent for Doctor Preston to them, who gave many reasons why he could not go, but they were resolute, and taking the Bishop with them went without him; but the Doctor considering, and fearing his absence might betray the cause, and give encouragement unto p. 128the other side, went afterward himself unto the place, and sate by as an hearer silent untill all was done; but talking afterwards occasionally of falling from grace, the Bishop shewed that a godly man might go far and yet return, by the instance of the Prodigal, Luk. 15. but Doctor White exclaimed against any that should think the Prodigal in acts of drunkennesse and whoredome not to be fallen from grace, and urged that of the Apostle, Rom. 1.32. That those that do such things are worthy of death, that is, said he, in a state of everlasting death, and therefore fallen from grace; so 1 Cor. 6.9, 10. shall not inherit the Kingdome of God; that is, are not sons, for if sons then heirs, Rom. 8.17.

But Doctor Preston answered, that these sins made indeed a forfeiture of all their interest into the hands of God, and he might make the seisure if he pleased, but did not unto those which were his children, and in Covenant with him; as two Tennants, by not paying of their Rent, or keeping Covenants forfeited their Leases, yet the Lord might seize the one, and not the other, as he pleased. But the Bishop and the Dean both cried out, this was the way to all licentiousness and looseness. To which the Doctor answered, That the seed of God, as the Apostle calls it, 1 Joh. 3.9. remained in the sinning Saint, or Sonne, and would repair him; as in water, there remains a principle of cold, even when it boyleth over, that will undoubtedly reduce it, when the heat and fire is removed, as in Peter, David, Sampson, and others, was apparent; so that they could not run out into all licentiousnesse, for the spirit lusted against the flesh, that they cannot do the things they would, Gal. 5.17. and though he did not disinherit them, and blot their names out of the Book of life, Phil. 4.3. yet he might, and would withdraw his favour, imbitter all their comforts, Mat. 26.75. raise trouble to them from their dearest interests, 2 Sam. 12.11. fill them with anguish, Psal. 38.3, 4. which in reason will keep them from running out, seeing the evil is commensurable unto that good of pleasure or profit their sinne afforded; and if need be, he can adde unto it eternal apprehensions, and make them feel the fiercenesse of his anger, Psal. 88.6, 7. without any hope of being eased; and after this can restrain and withhold them, as he did Abimelech, Gen. 20.6. For if one cease to be a Sonne, because he commits a sinne that doth deserve eternal death, then every sinne a child of Gods commits, rends his relation or sonship off; for every sinne deserves eternal death, Rom. 6.23. and because in many things we offend all, Jam. 3.2. we should be alwaies out of sonship and have neither certainty nor comfort in our estate, unlesse he could give some ground out of Scripture, to assure what sinnes put us out, and what did not.

The Duke had sent to Doctor Preston to decline this clashing conference, and assured him he was as much his Friend as ever, and would have stopt it if he could, but the Bishops had over-ruled it, which the Doctor at the first believed, and so was backward. But when he saw the confidence of Doctor White and his Companion, he doubted the sincerity of that assurance, and was afterward informed, that there had p. 129been a meeting at the Countesse of Denbies, and the Duke had promised to leave him; this gave him resolution and encouragement against the second conference, which was managed in a manner by him alone, against Master Mountague and Doctor White. For when the Doctor saw the Duke begun to double with him, he was less fearfull to offend him, though the Duke still carried it, with all the fairnesse that he could, and appeared not in person.

When the time came for the second Conference, the Doctor readily appeared; and the first thing he charged Master Mountague withall, was about his doctrine of Traditions, which he affirmed he had delievered as grosly and erroneously as any Papist, Gag. pag. 38, 39, 40. For he justfied that place in Bazil, where he saies, The doctrine retained in the Church, was delievered, partly by written instructions, partly by unwritten traditions, having both a like force unto Piety; which was so unlike to Bazil, and the opinions of those times, that it was generally believed to be put in by the Papists of later times. Master Mountague confessed, it was suspected by some of the preciser cut; but Doctor Preston told him, Bishop Bilson was none of them, yet he did judge it supposititious; and it must be so, or Bazil acknowledged to be erroneous. For he instanceth in praying towards the East, and use of Chrisme or Oyl in Baptisme; both which being rejected by the Church of England, argues they held that place of Bazil not Canonical.

Master Mountague answered, that foreign there used by Saint Bazil, might signifie a thing that seemed so, and so the sense might be, that some things that seemed true, of lesse esteem and consequence, might be delivered by tradition, as long as matters more substantial were taken from the Scriptures. But Doctor Preston shewed that foreign signified oftentimes doctrine, and was used here by Bazil for those Heads of doctrine that were more principal, and lesse exposed, comparing them unto those places in the Temple, whereunto the people had not accesse.

Master Mountague answered farther, that his assertion was hypothetical, that if a doctrine came from the same author, it was no great matter, whether it were by writing or word of mouth, for either had the same authority. But Doctor Preston told him, Bazil was positive, and spake directly, and him he justified, and therefore could not be hypothetical, as he pretended.

It is a great step unto victory for to divide. Paul sets the Pharisees against the Sadduces, Act. 23.6, 7, 8. that he might save himself. The Jesuites are so good at it, that though they have but one to be their adversary, they will endeavour to divide him from himself, by moving passion, or compassion, or some affection of his own against him. Doctor White had openly in the Commencement house, maintained that Election is not ex praevisis operibus, and therefore Doctor Preston resolved to pinch Master Mountague in that particular, that he might bereave him of his animating Champion Doctor White.

p. 130There were four several places that Doctor Preston had observed to make good this charge, the first which he produced, was Gag. pag. 179. Some Protestants hold, that Peter was saved, because God would have it so without respect unto his faith and obedience; and Judas damned, because God would have it so, without respect unto his sin. And added, this is not the doctrine of the Protestants, this is not the doctrine of the Church, the Church of England hath not taught it, doth not believe it, hath opposed it.

Now Doctor White was very fierce and eager to engage, told him it was no doctrine of the Church of England, but a private fancy of some, that Judas was condemned, without respect unto his sin; for the wages of sin is death, Rom. 6.23. The soul that sinneth shall die, Ezek. 18.4. But Doctor Preston answered, he did not charge that upon Master Mountague, but the former part of the assertion, that Peter was not saved, without respect unto his believing and obedience, and so Election should not be absolute, but grounded upon faith and works foreseen. Then saith Dr. White, I have nothing against that, but leave Master Mountague to answer for himself.

Dr. Preston was glad that he was eased of Dr. White, and yet resolved to make advantage of it, and therefore told Dr. White, if he thought Election was not ex fide Praevisâ, he desired to know whether saving grace were an effect, and fruit of Election, or no? Dr. White acknowledged readily it was; then said Dr. Preston, Whosoever hath saving grace is Elected. Now you know than an Elect person, can never finally miscarry, or fall away; therefore whoever hath true grace, can never fall away. The old man saw the snare, and would have avoided it, by denying the consequence. But the Dr. urged, that wheresoever the Effect is, there must be the Cause, but Saving Grace is an Effect of Election. This Dr. White would have denyed, but the hearers murmured that the Effect could not be without the Cause, as the day is not without the presence of the Sun. Then Dr. White answered, that Saving Grace was an Effect indeed, but a common Effect. But Dr. Preston urged, that it was not more common then Election; for all the Elect had Saving Grace, and none but they; and therefore they could never fall away. But this (said he) is by the way, I will now apply my self to Mr. Mountague.

But when Mr. Mountague perceived that his great Goliah Dr. White, forsook him, he was greatly troubled, and cavilled at the words a while, but the book adjudging it for Dr. Preston, he said, The Church of England had not declared any thing against it. Dr. Preston alledged the seventeenth Article, but told Master Mountague, that he affirmed the Church of England did oppose it, and he desired to know where?

But after one of the Lords had whispered with Mr. Mountague, he confessed, that for Arminius, he had never read him, and that he had written some things negligently in that book, which he never thought should thus be scanned among friends, and therefore promised to write p. 131another book in Butter and Honey, and therein more exactly for to acquit himself.

Some of the good Lords proposed, that in stead of this Book which Mr. Mountague had promised to write, the Synod of Dort might be received and established as the doctrine of the Church of England, seeing there was nothing there determined, but what our Delegates approved. But Dr. White opposed this mainly; for (said he) the Church of England in her Catechism teacheth to believe in God the Sonne, who redeemed me and all mankind, which that Synod did deny.

Dr. Preston answered, That by Redemption there, was only meant the freeing of mankind from that inevitable ruine, the sin of Adam had involved them in, and making of them savable upon conditions of another Covenant, Joh. 3.16, 17. so as now salvation was not impossible, as it was before the death of Christ, but might be offered unto any man, according to the tenor of that Commission, Mark. 16.15, 16. Which could not be unto the devils, for they were left in that forelorn condition, whereinto their sin and disobedience put them, Heb. 2.16. 2 Pet. 2.4. that the Jaylor was a boisterous bloody fellow, Act. 6.24, 27. yet Paul makes no doubt for to tell him, vers. 31. That if he believed on the Lord Jesus, he should be saved with his house.

But Dr. White in no sort received this, but affirmed earnestly, that Christ died for all alike in Gods intention and Decree, for Cain as well as Abel, for Saul as much as David, for Judas as much as Peter, for the reprobate and damned in hell, as well as for the Elect and Saints in heaven.

But Dr. Preston answered, That there was a speciall salvation afforded to Believers, 1 Tim. 4.10. That Christ was indeed a ransome for all, 1 Tim. 2.6. but the Saviour only of his body, Eph. 5.23. that he redeemed all, but called, and justified, and glorified whom he knew before, and had predestinated to be conformed to the image of his Sonne, Rom. 8.29.30. that to whom in this sense Christ was given, to them were given also all things appertaining unto life and godlinesse, 2 Pet. 1.3. as faith, 2 Pet. 1.…. Phil. 1.29. Eph. 2.8. Repentance, Act. 11.18. 2 Tim. 2.25. A new heart, Ezek, 36.26. His Spirit, Gal. 4.5, 6. So that nothing can be charged on them, but Jesus Christ hath undertaken, and is engaged to discharge them, Rom. 8.31, 32, 33, 34. So that they can never perish, nor be taken out of Christs hand, Joh. 10.28, 29, 30. but as they are begotten again unto a lively hope, 1 Pet. 1.3. so they are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, vers. 5. whereas Judas was lost, Joh. 17.12. and is gone to his own place, Act. 1.25. and there are many nations and people of the world, that have no outward offer made unto them in the Gospel, Psal, 147.19, 20. Act. 16.6, 7. and those that have it, have not hearts given them to understand it and believe it, Deut. 29.2, 3, 4. Esa. 6.9, 10. Mat. 13.13, 14, 15. and therefore they are lost, 2 Cor. 4.3, 4. and are damned, 2 Thes. 2.10, 11, 12. For he shewed that in Adam all men were lost, Rom. 5.12. and none recovered but by p. 132Christ; therefore such as had not Christs intercession, could not recover; but Christ prayed not for some, Joh. 17.9. and therefore such could not be saved, Heb. 7.25.

Dr. White acknowledged there was a difference; for though all had so much as by good improvement might serve their turn, yet the Elect had more, for God abounded towards them, Eph. 1.8, 9. Rom. 5.15, 17, 20. As all the Troop have horses, but the Officers have better. Both Travellers have staves to leap over the ditch, but the one a better and stronger then the other. The worst had grace enough to keep corruption, and the renitency of their natures down; but the Elect, such as would do it easily; for Christ had tasted death for every man, Heb. 2.9. and died for those which yet might perish, 1 Cor. 8.11. and bought those, that yet brought upon themselves swift damnation, 2 Pet. 2.1. because they did not husband and improve the favour offered to them.

Dr. Preston answered, That Christ was in himself sufficient to save all, and might be said to be provided for that end and use, as a medicine is to cure infected persons, though it cure none actually, but those that drink it, as Prosper. Habet in se quod omnibus prosit, sed si non bibitur non medetur. As 1 Joh. 5.11, 12. but many did not thus apply Christ, because they had him not so offered and exhibited as others had, Mat. 11.21. Luk. 10.13. for God gave some faith and repentance as we have shewed; as the Serpent Moses was commanded for to make, was in it self sufficient to cure those that were bitten, Numb. 21.8, 9. yet cured none, but only those that looked on it. So as Moses lift up the Serpent in the wilderness, shall the Son of man be lift up, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have life everlasting, Joh. 3.14, 15.

But Dr. White urged that place Esa. 5.4. that God had done all he could, but they neglected and rejected the counsel of God against themselves, Luk. 7.30.

Dr. Preston answered, That God had done all that they could challenge of him, for he had given them in Adam power, Eccl. 7.29. and proposed another way of mercy in a Mediatour, and therefore he appeals to any one that was indifferent, Esa. 5.3. but this was unto Israel, he dealt not so with other nations, Psal. 149.20. Beside, he had done what he could, without reversing and rescinding his Decree, Joh. 12.38, 39, 40. for otherwise he could have given them the same spirit of faith, 2 Cor. 4.13. the like gift that he did unto others who believed on the Lord Jesus, Act. 11.17. could have wrought in them both to will and to do according to his good pleasure, Phil. 2.13. could have healed them as he promised, Esa. 57.18. and as he did persecuting Saul, 1 Tim. 1.6. but God had other ends, Rom. 9.17. and attributes, Rom. 9.22. which he was willing to discover, Prov. 16.4.

But Dr. White asked how then he could require faith and repentance, Mark. 1.15. Act. 17.30. which was all one, as if he should require one to give his judgment and opinion of a colour, that had his eyes shut, and then shut his eyes as fast as he could.

p. 123Dr. Preston answered, That he might do it to shew and discover our impotency, as we bid our little children rise, that by their own fault fell, that we may let them know their inability, and be the more beholding unto us to help them up, as Mark. 9.23, 24. and because the call and command of Christ is the Vehiculum and Conduit-pipe of strength and power, Act. 14.10. Joh. 5.8, 9. as Lazarus, Joh. 11.43, 44. Thus God by bidding and commanding men to take grace, doth thereby fit them and enable them to do it, as that Creeple, Act. 3.6, 7, 8. was by the command inabled; so Saul, Act. 22.13. being commanded to receive his fight, was inabled the same moment to look upon him; and so vers. 16. being commanded to wash away his sins, had the blood of Christ provided ready for to do it. So these commands are not like those the Apostle speaks of, Jam. 2.16. for here is something given; when God bids, he doth not, Verba dare, sed rem.

But it was further urged by the Doctor, that God had no pleasure in the death of wicked men, Ezek. 33.11. but that he would rather they should repent and leave their sins, Ezek. 18.23. and vers. 32. if therefore God were not ready to the utmost of his power to give them grace, he could not be excused from dissembling and double-dealing.

But Dr. Preston answered, That superiours may command unable persons for many reasons, but cannot be said for to dissemble, unless they refuse to give when the required condition is performed. As if I bid one come unto me, and I will give him six-pence, if I refuse when he is come, I did dissemble; but if he comes not, he cannot charge me; for their not coming may be for want of will, Joh. 5.40. as well as for want of power, Joh. 6.44. Now if I know a Creeple will not come, though he could, I may punish him for it. It's true, God delights in nothing but himself, his joy and comfort, is terminated only in himself, not in the creature, but as some way served and represented by it; for God made all things for himself, Prov. 16.4. yea for his pleasure, Rev. 4.11. That is, the exercise and illustration of some one of his attributes; as his power, Exod. 9.16. Rom. 9.17. his wrath, Rom. 9.22. Never did strong man glory of his strength, more then God doth of his Soveraignty and Omnipotency, Job 40.9, 10, 11, 12, 13. Now, if it fall out, that in the illustration and exercise of these his glorious attributes and excellencies, some creatures smart, yet he delights not in their smart and sufferings, but in the demonstration of his own Omnipotency. Ahashuerus makes a Feast to all the States and Orders of his Kingdome, to shew the riches of his glorious Kingdome, and the Honour of his excellent Majesty, Esth. 1.3, 4. This was not done without the smart and suffering of many of the creatures, yet he delights not in their sufferings, but in his own magnificence and bounty. When Christ was at the Feast, Joh. 2.1, 2. he doth not condole the death of all those innocents that went to make it up; Qui fruitur poena, ferus est: but rejoyced in the good cheer, and good will of the Friend that bade him.

There were few present of Doctor Prestons Friends, and accordingly p. 134this conference was represented and reported with all the disadvantage that could be to him; insomuch that many Parliament men that were his friends, were much offended at it; which occasioned him as soon as he came to Cambridge, to write the several passages, and send them to those friends that were unsatisfied. But it was an evidence that the Duke and Dr. Preston were not so great, but that he sticked to the Prelates, and would in the issue leave Dr. Preston and the Puritans, which much abated good mens affections to the Duke; and it was believed that he had no such footing in the Kings affections, as he did pretend unto: Posteà Maecenas speciem potius, quam vim tenuit in amicitia Principis. They thought his greatnesse began to languish; and it was believed in the University, that there was another favourite in being, though yet obscure: for the Earl of Suffolke much about this time died, who had been a long time Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and great meanes was used to set the Duke up for to succeed him; but good men were fallen off, because of his deserting Dr. Preston, and others did believe his glory was departed; and so the Earl of Berkshire, the former Chancellors second Son, was set up against the Duke, and many visited for him that loved greatnesse, and were servants good enough unto the times; and it's believed, it had been carried for him against the Duke, if the wisdome of Dr. Goffing, then Vice-Chancellor, and some others in the scrutiny had not prevented it; but it was pronounced for the Duke, and great care was taken for the investing of him in a very solemn manner. A representative of the University is designed to attend him at York-house in their habits, and a sumptuous Feast provided for their entertainment; the Duke sate in the midst of the Table among the Doctors, where, by some body, there was an health begun unto the King. When it came to Dr. Preston for to pledge it, he was uncovered and bowed as others had done, but drank but very little, and so delivered it unto the next; but one of the Doctors took notice that he drank not all, and told him, he had seen him drink as great a glass of wine, and did believe he could have drunk this if he would, but that he loved to be singular. The Dr. acknowledged he was not skilfull in the laws of drinking healths, and therefore if he had offended, he desired it might be imputed to his ignorance; but he thought the end was to shew respect unto the persons named, which was done best by the Ceremonies that preceded, as being bare, standing up, and such like; wherein (he said) he had not willingly offended; but if it were an Engine to Court-intemperance, and engage men unto greater quantities then themselves liked, it fell short of that modesty and freedom of the Heathens, Esth. 1.8. and was a sin in all, but in men of their degree and rank and an abominable wickednesse.

The Duke misliked this incivility, and frowned on the Doctor that occasioned it; but it was believed it could not have been done, without assurance that the Dukes affections were ebbing towards Dr. Preston. And no wonder; for his end being to make impressions of good upon the Court, he could not but see, if they did not succeed, they would recoil. p. 135If you manure and sow your land, if the seeds subdues it not, and conquers it, it is enabled to bring forth the stronger weeds, Heb. 6.7, 8. If your Pearles be cast before swine, they will also turn again and rend you, Mat. 7.6. The Duke had now seen the worth and way of Dr. Preston; he had found that he could not winne him, and make him his, he could not therefore in the way of policy, but labour and resolve to wrack and sink him. When Herod was convented by prevailing conquering Augustus, for his great assistance of Mark Anthony his adversary, and knew it would be in Augustus power to take his head off, he setled his affairs, but gave peremptory order that his beloved Mariamne should be put to death; for this only reason, because another should not enjoy so great a beauty. So the Duke would not another should enjoy the great abilities of Doctor Preston, but was resolved to break him if he could; yet in a civil Court way.

But the Doctor was too knowing, not to see this afar off, Prov. 22.3. Quae alii levia faciunt, diu patiendo; ea sapiens, diù cogitando: and had accordingly provided a succession of reserves, wherein to hide himself. The first and surest was his conscience, 2 Cor. 1.12. This is our rejoycing, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have had our conversation in the world. If a man be wellcome into his conscience, he need not fear the stormes and blusters that he meets abroad. In te recedas, cum cogeris in turba esse. When a man is forced to be where he would not, as Peter was foretold he should be, Joh. 21.18. yet he may in despite of them retire into himself. Paul made it his businesse to have his conscience alwaies void of offence, Act. 24.16. and so did Dr. Preston; for though his actings, being many of them above the common size were not alwaies understood, and very often mis-interpreted, yet he was innocent and upright alwaies in them. An undeniable argument whereof was, that he never sued for the least preferment, as we have said, but studied, and often consulted, how without breaking, he might avoid them. And though he lived like himself, and gave relief to others, yet it was ever of his own, as very many yet alive can witness. And indeed he was a man of very much Communion and sweet Society with God; prayed much in private, and by himself, besides as Tutor with his Pupils, and after, as Master in his Family. Whatever weakness he was in, or business did occur, kept many private daies of Fasting by himself, especially before the Sacraments and Sabbath-daies; and accordingly enjoyed a constant clearnesse and assurance of his Justification, and interest in the blood of Christ; even then, when frailties and infirmities did most of all afflict and wound him. He never (that I know,) was troubled or perplexed about Adoption, though very often about the imperfection of his graces, and the unconstancy of Sanctification; so as he studied most exactly that Treatise of the Saints Infirmities, and there is nothing in all his works that may more properly be called his.

His next retreat was Lincolns-Inne; for now he said, the Duke was p. 136Chancellour, and would endeavour to ingratiate himself, and be a Benefactor; and had bought Erpenius Manuscripts, and did verily intend to found a Library; and so it would be easie, and in his power, to out him of the Colledge and University. For there was a resolution in some of the Fellows, to petition the Duke without him, and to annul the Statute of continuance or Commoration in the Colledge; yet he conceived the Lawyers would pretend a kind of freedom and exemption. For he saw, when that holy blessed Dr. Sibbs was outed, both of Fellowship and Lecture in the University, yet by the goodnesse and prudence of Sir Henry Yelverton, that constant Patron unto godly Ministers, (a vertue yet running in the veins of his posterity) he was received and retained at Grayes-Inne unto his death; therefore he would in no sort leave his title unto, and interest in Lincolns-Inne, but reserved it in his power unto his dying day.

But he knew Kings had long hands, and that the Dukes were nothing shorter; and that Lincolns-Inne, though a great deal stronger and better built then Grayes-Inne, yet would not hold out long, in case the Duke should seriously beleagure it; therefore he pondered of removing farther off if need were. And having weighed all retreats, resolved upon Basil in the Switzers Countrey, as a place which the longest handed Kings had seldome touched, even when it was a receptacle of their greatest enemies; and therefore he resolved, in case he could not be free in England, to settle there, and spend the residue of his surviving dayes, in writing what he was not suffered to preach, or had not published according to his mind.

He was naturally very affable and courteous unto strangers of any Countrey, and by conversing much with them, endeavoured to preserve his knowledge in the French and Italian languages. But after he had thus resolved upon Basil, he was very friendly to all he Germans, that were dispersed from several Universities, especially from the Palatinate; for whom he procured several sorts of entertainments, both in the Countrey abroad, and in the University; for which, as he had very many Gratulatory Epistles from particular persons, so one of note from the King of Bohemia, under his Hand and Seal.

But he knew that these were but the Foxes earths, that might successively be taken and possessed. He therefore also thought upon that unum magnum of the Cat, or rather of the Holy Ghost, Prov. 18.10. the Name of the Lord, that is, the goodnesse, mercy, power, of the mighty God; where he was well assured, he should for ever be free enough from Kings and Dukes. Yet these did no way retard his industry in using means. Obstructions quicked industrious and active minds, but damp and clog the dull. There is a Statesman of no mean esteem, that writes professedly against the use of Cittadels and Forts, because it makes the Souldier lesse resolved in engagements. And the Spartans were forbidden to wall their City, because it would incourage Cowardise. But it did not take off Dr. Preston from his duty. For finding that his standing at Court was untermined, he resolved upon Buttresses to underprop him in the Countrey.

p. 137There was in the Countrey of Northampton, a Gentleman of very able parts, and clear affections to the publick good, no stranger to the Court in former times, nor to the Duke of Buckingham, with whom the Doctor used to communicate affairs, and who was then a Parliament man of much esteem; to him, the Doctor in a Letter discovers all, shews him the hopelesse posture of the Duke, how much they both were disappointed in him; layes some directions what to do, and urgeth activenesse. This Letter by a sad misfortune was let fall, by him that was intrusted to convey it, about Temple-bar, and handed from one to one, untill it came to Sir Henry Spillers; who having viewed and pondered the contents, concluded it was a purchase that would ingratiate him unto the Duke, and so immediately presents it to him.

The Duke was troubled to read his faults and face so shrewdly intimated and presaged. His temper was exceeding good, and he could mannage his affections many times, with much serenity and moderation; but now he was quite off, and could not think of any thing but a revenge. I have not known any thing so trouble and afflict the Doctor as this did, that the Duke should have his hand against him, and that he had involved so good a man to whom he wrote. But it pleased God to cut the Duke out other work; for the cry of Rochel, and the Protestants of France, was so exceeding great, and so much resented by the Parliament, that the Duke resolves to vindicate his honour by relieving them. And whilest he was busie to set that fleet out, and furnish forces for surprizing the Isle of Rhees, he could not undertake that work of revenge intended against Dr. Preston. But the Doctor thought not that he had done enough, unlesse he proclaimed in the Pulpit what he had often told the Duke in private; according to that Command of Christ, Mat. 6.27. What I tell you in darknesse, that speak you in light; and what you hear in the ear, that preach on the house-tops. As Chrysostome to his people; Cum verum singuli audire non vultis, publicè audietis. When the French Match was concluded, he preached that Sermon of the pillar and ground of truth, against the mingling of Religions, and mixing truth with falshood; and shewed how impossible it was to mingle truth with errour, or make up one Religion of theirs and ours. For, should they leave out any tenet of their Church, it would follow, that the Church, in that, before had erred; and so that pillar would be overthrown, on which have hanged so many necessary points of Popery. Neither could we part with any one truth; for Religion is of a brittle nature; break it you may, bend it you cannot. It cannot be accommodated to respects of policy, and interests of States and and Kingdomes; but as Elements, when mingled in a compound body, do close their proper Formes. So Religions, when made ingredients, and compounding parts of any other, do lose their Formes, and cease to be Religions in Gods account, 2 Kings 17.33, 34. Pillar and ground, pag. 16.

And when the Rochellers were in distresse, and laid their ruine and disasters at our door; fathered their losses and calamities on us; he p. 138preached that Sermon of the new life, where Page 48. we have these words: We cannot stand alone; what measure we mete to others in their distress, men shall measure the same to us in our necessity, Luk. 6.38. And how soon the fire may take here also, we know not. And pag. 52. If any be an impediment, nay, if any do not do their best; I pronounce this, in the Name of the most true God, that shall make it good sooner or later, that they and their houses shall perish, Esth. 4.14. The Court was hood-wink't in all these Comminations; for by Church, they understood the Prelates and their Party; and the King thought if he adhered to them, and did their work, he was absolved. But those that read the Commentaries that have been written since in red letters, will have occasion to believe the contrary.

And when the Duke was in the Isle of Rhees, in which voyage he had engaged many of his very good Friends, and much of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom, the Doctor preached that Sermon, called the Demonstration of the Deity, where Page 81. ye have these words: It is certain, that evil is intended against us, and will come upon us, except something be done for to prevent it; for there is a Covenant between God and us, and breach of Covenant causeth a quarrel; now the quarrel of God shall not go unrevenged. Lev. 26.25. I will send a sword upon you, which shall avenge the quarrel of my Covenant. Gods quarrels are not rash and passionate as mens are; and therefore he will not lay them aside without some true and real satisfaction. If we will not believe his Word, yet will we not believe his Actions? Are not our Allies wasted? Are not many branches of the Church cut off already, and more in hazard? In a word, have not our enterprizes been blasted, and withered under our hands for the most part? Have not things been long going down the hill, and are even now hastning to a period? This Sermon was preached to the King at Whitehall, on the Lords day, and on the Wednesday following, the news came of the total routing of our Army in the Isle of Rhees; which was such a ratification of his Prediction, but the Sabbath day before, as made many to believe he was a Prophet; and they called him Micaiah, because he seldome prophecied good unto them. And Dr. Neal, then Bishop of Winchester, said, That he talked like one that was familiar with God Almighty. And they were the more affected with it, because the Doctor had another course to preach before his monethmonth was out, (for every Chaplain was to preach twice, once upon the Lords day, and also upon the Tuesday;) but the Doctor was desirous to exchange his course upon the Tuesday, for a Sabbath-day. So Dr. Potter preached on the Tuesday, and Dr. Preston was to preach upon the Lords day following, and was resolved to proceed on the same text, but to handle a point relating to the third verse. For having shewed in this Sermon, that things were not done by chance, but by God; he now resolved for to shew, that God did things that men do not look for. Which being known among the Bishops, and they affrighted with that disaster at the Isle of Rhees, they interceded with the Clerke of the Closet, that (seeing Dr. Prestons turn was past already, and p. 139this was Dr. Pottors) another might be put up, and he deferred till another time; which was consented and yeilded to: and so upon the Friday before, a Messenger was sent unto the Doctor, to tell him,A special Providence. that another was provided to preach for Dr. Potter, and he might spare his pains. The Dr. wondered at the Providence; for he was resolved fully to have said that in that Sermon, if he had been suffered, that would in reason have deserved Micaiahs entertainment, 1 Kings 22.27. but God was mercifull unto him, and used his enemies as instruments to save him from the danger. It would have damped some men to be thus refused. He might have said with him, Mat. 22.4. Behold, I have prepared my Dinner, my Oxen and my Fatlings are killed, and all things are ready. But he considered what he had preached before, That a Sparrow fell not to the ground without Gods will. That his Will and Resolution for to sacrifice his all, was now accepted as Abrahams was; that his Sermon, whilest an Embryo, and only in intention, had an efficacious operation upon the Auditory. For as they had shewed and discovered their fears, so good men did their joys; and the Sermon was more talked of at Court and in the City, then any Sermon that ever he had preached before. For all men enquired what the Sermon was, that Dr. Preston was not suffered to preach; and many wise men were perswaded, that it did more good, then it would have done, in case it had been preached. So that in stead of being damped and dejected at the affront, he was enlivened and encouraged: Repulsus generoso excitatiram, languido tristitiam. I never knew him come home from the Court more satisfied, then he did this time, nor more encouraged in his Ministry at Cambridge; for he was then upon those Sermons of the Attributes, that since are printed, and God was greatly with him in them.

Those Fellows at Emanuel, that had been active in making of him Master there, were much satisfied, because the Doctor never would consent to the annulling of that Statute, De mora sociorum in Collegio. For he was convinced, that the Founder had added it upon very weighty grounds; and he saw it was a meanes to make the Fellows Preach, and look abroad, and lesse intend the actings of the Master; that young Schollers were heartned in their studies, with hopes that there would be preferments ready for rhem. And it was ordinary among the Scholars, to observe how long some Fellows were to stay. Therefore observing these affronts at Court, they Petitioned the King, that that Statute might be abrogated. The Duke was glad of this occasion to be revenged upon his old Friend Dr. Preston, and did embrace it with all alacrity. Commissions were dispatched for to hear and consider their Allegations, and many meetings and debates were had about it; in which it was acknowledged, it was a Statute of equal power and validity with the rest, though added three years after; and upon that, one of the Fellows that had Petitioned fell off. The Doctor used all his Friends, for to support and keep in power and effect this Statute, and found very many very forward to assist him in it; but above all, a very Noble Grandchild of the Founder yet living, did much encourage and p. 140enable the defence: for though a Courtier, and much obliged, yet adventured, and waved all his interests, rather then he would behold his Grandfathers pious and prudent care so overthrown. So a temper was at last agreed on, that it should be suspended from effects in Law, untill six livings of an hundred pounds per annum, should be annexed to to the Colledge.

The soul is the undoubted Soveraign of the body, and hath therein Despoticum imperium, an absolute and uncontrolled Jurisdiction; and in case of injury or over-burdening, there is no action lies. But souls should consider, soft and fare goes far: Qui vult regnare diù, languidâ regnat manu. It was Hobson that told the Scholars they would come time enough to London, if they did not ride too fast. It was incurable in this good man to over-ride himself; for the body is pars compositi, when it is tired, we cannot take a new one at the next stage, as we do Horses. But he thought all was one; some lived as much in seven years, as others did in seventy. Non diù vixit, sed diù fuit was his opinion of many men: that our life is like to iron that will consume with rust, as much as employment: Vita sicut ferrum, exerceas, vel perit. These were his principles, and his actings were according; the most unmercifull unto his flesh of any living. And it's true, that not time, but action should be the Metwand of all mens lives. Non annos meos, sed victorias numero: Not how long I have lived, but how? yet God doth usually allow his dearest servants time to do their work in. Moses 120 years of age, Deut. 34.7. David an old man before he dies, 1 Chron. 29.28. Paul aged, Phil. 9. notwithstanding all his labours and activity; but the Doctor had a shorter period put unto his daies: all mens is set, Job. 7.1. his was short. It was no disparagement to good Josiah to die about the Doctors age, 2 Chron. 34.1. Our glorious King Edward, that scarce out-lived his minority, out-stripped notwithstanding all his longest living Predecessors in doing good: God that had set his time, hastned his service, and so he did the Doctors. His preaching and studying labours were exceeding great; but that which spent and wore him, was his care and troubles for the Churches safety and prosperity; Often he would inculcate that, 2 Cor. 11.28. That which cometh upon me daily, the care of all the Churches.

His last sicknesse.When his body therefore began to be sick and languish, he was content a little to abate and take off, and thought a Counttey house in some good air might help, as formerly it had done; and accordingly took one at Linton, near the hils about six miles off, which he furnished and purposed to be in all the week, and come on Saturdays to preach upon the Lords daies; and had this course been taken time enough, much might have been. But now he feared, sollicitude would but be changed into solitude, the air of subitable converse he doubted would be wanting there; and being alone, he saw, would too much gratifie his melancholy▪ the Spring therefore approaching, he was willing to consult with some Physicians; and London being far off, he sent to Bury for Dr. Despotine. His present malady was want of rest, which now Tobacco would not p. 141help him to, as formerly it had done; and therefore he proposed letting blood. The Doctor plainly told him, that might perhaps allay his heats, and purchase sleep; but if it were within the verge of a Consumption, it would be fatal to him. He was inticed notwithstanding with the deceitfull hopes of present ease, and so was let blood, but never lived to repair that losse. For sinking more and more, he went to London, and took advice of those that were best acquainted with his state of health; by their advice he retired a little unto Newington, unto a loving Friend of his that lived there, and then to Harefordshire unto a thinner and more penetrating air. The malady they all agreed was in his lungs, which were not Ulcerated neither, but obstructed and opprest with stiff and clammy matter, that he could not void, and perspiration was that he wanted, and they supposed a penetrating air might do the cure; but that was found too searching and corrosive for the other parts, which were pervious enough and penetrable. He therefore thought upon Northamptonshire, his native Countrey, which would in reason be most propitious unto him. However he would leave his breath where first he found it, and thankfully return what had been serviceable now along time to him. He had at Preston four miles from Heyford, a very dear and bosome friend, that was ambitious of entertaining good men; old Master Dod was but a mile off, being seriously invited thither, he pitcht upon it, where he enjoyed with great contentment, what air, converse of friends, and loving entertainment could afford, and at the first was much refreshed by it; but nature being spent, and no foundation being left to work upon, all his refreshing quickly flagged. He had before made use of Dr. Ashworth, and he was one of much experience, and knew his body well; therefore he thinks of riding over unto Oxford to him, which he did, and there continued about twelve daies, and consulted with such as were there of any note. Men die and perish when their time is come, as well errore medici, as vi morbi. Doctor Ashworth was perswaded that the Scorbute was his disease, and that the London-Doctors had all mistook their mark, and therefore pitcheth upon applications suitable: A great errour for so experienced and grave a Doctor. Desire of restitution into a state of health, made shift to flatter him into belief it was so. The old man upon this perswasion, comes over unto Preston with him, strains and steeps Scurvy-grass, and gives him Drenches able to have weakned a stronger man then he was now; and having stayed and tampered with him about three weeks, and finding nothing answer his expectation, he takes his last leave of him, giving such order and direction as he thought good, and so leaves him, and returns to Oxford, July 9. 1628.

When this dream and fancy of the Scorbute failed, and Dr. Ashworth was gone, he resigned up himself to God alone, and let all care of Physick and the Doctors go. He had a Servant who had been laborious with him, and whom he often used as a Friend; he would say, Servi sunt humiles amici was very true of him. To him he therefore now unbosomed himself, not only touching the vanity and emptinesse p. 142of all things here below, but his own belief and expectation of a suddain change; not of my company (said he,) for I shall still converse with God and Saints, but of my place, and way of doing it. His Will was made (as we have said) some years before, but he was doubtfull, if it come to proving, it might be baffled and affronted, and therefore purposed to wave it, and make a Deed of Gift to him that was in that Will his Executor, with such restrictions and limitations as he thought good, all which he set down with his own hand; wherein he carefully provided for his Mother during life, and both his Brothers. His Books, and all the furniture and goods belonging to, and in his lodgings at Emanuel-Colledge, he gave one of his Pupils that was Fellow there, whom he alwaies greatly favoured. Some exhibitions he gave Scholars there to be disposed of from time to time, by him that was Executor. And as he truly valued, so he liberally rewarded his Servants faithfulnesse, who liveth yet in very good condition and reputation; of whom is verified what is said, Prov. 27.18. Whoso keepeth the fig-tree, shall eat the fruit thereof; so he that waiteth on his Master, shall surely come to honour. And having thus discumbred himself of worldly cares, he took care for the places he now possessed, prayed for the Colledge, that it might continue a flourishing Nursery of Religon and Learning, told those about him as David before his death, 1 Chron. 29.2, 3, &c. what he had done towards that goodly building since erected, and what care he had taken to get those Rectories in the Kings Letter mentioned, whereof we spake before; prayed God to furnish Lincolns-Inne from time to time with able preaching Ministers, and so the Lecture at Cambride, that had cost so much trouble in the procuring. Then for his Sermons, that they might not come into the world like Vagabonds; but seeing the Father lived not, to see them setled and provided for, those would be carefull whom then he named, and is long since intimated upon occasion. In all which great things God hath so answered him, as I think no man was since Elisha, 2 King. 2.9, 10.

The night before he died, being Saturday, he went to bed, and lay about three hours desirous to sleep, but slept not; then said, My dissolution is at hand, let me go to my home, and Jesus Christ who hath bought me with his precious blood. And so lay still as in a slumber, till about two of the clock in the morning; then drinking and resting on his servants armes, he fell into a cold and clammy sweat, which he told them was the Messenger of death; and so continued for about two hours very silent. About four of the clock, he said, I feel death coming to my heart, my pain shall now be quickly turned into joy. And so his Friends were called that were present in the house, who spake unto him, but had no answer from him as they were used to have. They kneeled all down, and a Reverend Divine there present prayed. When Prayer was ended, he looked on them, and turning away his head, gave up the ghost. It was about five a clock on the Lords day, but to him an everlasting Sabbath. He never (by his good will) rested that day, since God was truly known unto him untill now; God gave him therefore now an everlasting rest. p. 143No man deserved better Funeral solemnities. But Master Dod was much against it; and his Friends at Cambridge, who did highly honour him, and desired nothing more, then to have waited on his dust unto its long home, were now obliged to attend the Election of another Master, that they durst not so much as make it known, or do any thing, from which it might be gathered. So he was buried decently, but without state, in Fawsley Church in the County of Northampton. Old Master Dod, the Minister of that place preached, and a world of godly people came together, July 20. 1628. being within a little of one and fourty years of age.

Dr. Preston just before his death, asked what day it was, and being answered, that it was the Sabbath day; A fit day (said he) to be sacrificed on: I have accompanied Saints on earth, and now I shall accompany Angels in Heaven. Also, Mrs. Chaterdon telling him of his preaching so profoundly on Gods Attributes, he answered; If it shall please God to prolong my life, I will make all so plain, that every one shall be able to understand it.

This Life was written by my Reverend Friend, Master Thomas Ball of Northampton.

p. 144The Life of Master Arthur Hildersam, who died Anno Christi, 1631.

His ParentageARthur Hildersam was born at Stetchworth, near New-Market in Cambridgeshire, Octob. 6. 1563 He was Sonne of Thomas Hildersam of the said Town (a Gentleman of an antient Family) and Anne Poole his second Wife, daughter to Sir Jeffery Poole, fourth Sonne to Sir Richard Poole, (who was Cousen Germane to King Henry the seventh) and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury, that was Daughter to George Duke of Clarence, (the second Brother to King Edward the fourth) and Isabel the eldest daughter and Co-heir of Richard the great Earl of Warwick, His education.and Salisbury. Thus much for his Birth. For his Education; In his childhood he was brought up in the Popish manner; taught to say his Prayers in Latine, both his Parents and their Kindred, specially his Mother, being zealous Papists. When he was to be sent abroad to School, his Fathers aim was only to send him to a good School, where many Gentlemens Sons were taught; but God so ordered it, (by his good Providence) that his Father unawares placed him at Saffron-Walden School in Essex, with one Master Desborough, a godly man, and a Religious Protestant, who taking great affection to him for his wit and disposition,His conversion. was very carefull of him, and taught him not only that humane learning that was fitting for his years, but the grounds of the Protestant Religion.A special Providence. This his School-master, was the first blessed Instrument that God was pleased to make use of, to work in him a liking and relish of the Reformed Religion. He continued with him, till he was fit for the University, which was not long. For when he was but about thirteen years of age, he was placed by his Father (the good hand of God still over-ruling him) with a very godly and Religious Tutor in Christs Colledge in Cambridge, His going to Cambridge.where he concontinued till after he was Master of Arts, where he gained much love and esteem for his Piety, Learning, Ingenuity, affability and harmlesse inoffensive witty Converse.

When he had continued in Cambridge some two years, or thereabouts, his Father sent him up to London, intending to send him to Rome, (being confident he should neither want respect, encouragement, nor preferment, for his great Uncles [Cardinal Pooles] sake, Brother to his Mothers Father) but he refusing to go, his Father kept him long at London, taking him from one Popish Ordinary to another,

M^r: ARTHVR HILDERSAM

p. 145hoping that such company, would at length have prevailed with him, to have gone according to his desire. But he continuing firm in his resolution, not to go to Rome, his Father resolved to cast him off;His Father cast… him off. which soon after he did. Thus he, whom God had appointed to suffer much for him, began to bear the yoke in his youth;Lam. 3.27.Lam 3:27 and in his tender years, became a Confessor in forsaking, Father, Friends, all present maintenance, and probable hopes of great future preferment for Christs sake.

Being in this dejected and forlorn condition, God that comforteth those that are cast down, 2 Cor. 7.6.2 Cor 7:6comforted him by meeting with Mr. John Ireton (then Fellow of Christs Colledge,A special Providence. after Rector of Kegworth in Leicestershire, a man famous for Piety and Learning) in London, who at their meeting, said unto him; Arthur, why art thou so long from thy Book, and losest so much time? Alas Sir, said he, I shall go no more to Cambridge; and thereupon told him his condition, and the occasion of it. Be not discouraged, (saith Master Ireton) thou hast a Noble Kinsman, whom I will acquaint with thy case: and I doubt not but he will provide for thee. Accordingly Master Ireton soon after went to the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Huntingdon, Lord President of the North (whose Mother and Master Hildersams Mother, were Brothers Children) and representeth to him the sad condition of his poor Kinsman: The Noble Earl gladly embraced this opportunity of doing good; and sent for him, encouraged him, promised him maintenance, and gave order to Master Ireton to send him back to Cambridge, and to place him with a good Tutor; For (said he) I suppose his Father did place him with a Papist. But when Master Ireton assured him the contrary, he gave order he should go to his former Tutor, of whose love to him, and care of him, Master Hildersam was wont often to speak.

When Master Hildersam was Master of Arts, he was soon after to Common-place, [a Colledge-exercise in Divinity, not different from a Sermon, but in length] he being loth to adventure upon that Exercise, intreated one of the Fellows (his special Friend) to supply his place the first time; but he, out of love, refused to gratifie him in that, and wished him to remember one Master Sidney Zouch, Master of Arts of that Colledge, who getting one to supply his place the first time, and hearing afterwards some of his own year perform that Exercise so well, that he despaired of doing the like; could never after, be perswaded either to Common-place, or preach, though he were a very able Scholar. The first time he was to Common-place,His first Sermon. he was much afraid; but observing that there sate a very godly man (his Friend) on th'other side of the Chappel, he thought that that man prayed for him, which much encouraged him.

He was of so good repute for his Piety and Learning, that by the major part of the Fellows he was chosen Fellow of that Colledge;He is chosen Fellow of Christs Colledge, but opposed. but Dr. Barwell (the Master) making use of his negative voice, stopped him; and the matter came to the Visitors, two of which, viz. Doctor p. 146Perne, and Doctor Goad, favouring his Competitor, Master Willet, (who was afterwards Doctor Willet) made him Fellow. Not long after, he was chosen Divine of Trinity-hall in the said University; where he continued till Septemb. the 14, 1587. at which time, by the foresaid Right Honourable Earl, he was called to be, and placed Preacher at Ashby de la zauce in Leicestershire. His remove to Ashby.The impropriate Tithes of the same Parish being setled upon him for his life by the said Earl, and continued to him by the favour of the two succeeding Earls, George, and Henry, untill his death. He hath given publique notice to the world, of his duty and thankfulnesse to that noble house, in his Dedicatory Epistle to his Lectures on Joh. 4.

His marriage.January 5. 1590. He married Mistresse Anne Barfoot (Daughter to Master Barfoot of Lamborn-hall in Essex, who was a very loving and carefull Wife of him, and the like Mother of his Children;) she survived him about eight years.His first silencing. He was silenced in June 1590. and restored again in January, 1591. He was instituted and inducted into the Vicaridge of Ashby, Octob. 4. 1593.

He preached at the Assiises at Leicester in the time of a great dearth, July 20. 1596. a godly, learned, zealous, plain, and powerfull Sermon, upon those words, 1 King. 18.17, 18. And it came to passe when Ahab saw Elijah, His Sermon before the Judge.that Ahab said unto him, Art thou he that troubleth Israel? And he answered, I have not troubled Israel, but thou and thy fathers house, in that ye have forsaken the Commandements of the Lord, and thou hast followed Baalim. In the handling of which Text he so offended Judge Aderson, that he manifested his anger and displeasure, both by his countenance and gesture, arising to go away; But Master Hildersam speaking some words unto him with ministerial authority,Judge Aderson angry with him. he stayed till the Sermon was done. After Sermon, the Judge would have had the Grand-Jury to have indited him; but in those daies, it would have been hard to have found a Grand-Jury in Leicestershire, that would have done that. Some further and greater danger Master Hildersam was in, by reason of that Judges displeasure for that Sermon; but God in mercy prevented it.

In the year 1598. there was an attachment sent out of the High-Commission for his apprehension. In the beginning of King James his reign, when many petitioned for Reformation, (which Petitions were very modest, and moderate, subscribed by above seven hundred and fifty godly able Preachers, in but twenty five Counties; which Petition was directed to the Parliament,He manageth the Petition for Reformation. and other Petitions to his Majesty, and the Lords of the Council, and to the Bishops:) he with some few others of his Brethren, were chosen, and chiefly intrusted to mannage that important businesse, to prosecute the Petitions, to solicite the cause; and if required, to dispute it. And whereas there were some appointed to deal (for those that desired Reformation,) in the Conference at Hampton Court, he, with Master Stephen Egerton of London, and Master Edward Fleetwood of Lancashire, delivered to them some ten demands and requests, made by thirty Reverend p. 147Ministers, in the name of themselves and many others, which they intreated them to solicite his Majesty for, in the behalf of the Church.

He was deprived and silenced by William Chaderton, then Bishop of Lincolne, April 24. 1605. for refusall of subscription, and conformity;His second silencing. yet after some time, by the connivance and favour of William Overton, then Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, he preached sometimes in that Diocesse, specially at those two famous Exercises at Burton upon Trent in Staffordshire, and Repton in Derbyshire, which were the meanes of great good to the souls of many,The successe of his Ministry. both Ministers and private Chaistians in the parts adjacent. He was the main upholder of these two Exercises for many years.

In January 1608. by the favour of William Barlow, then Bishop of Lincolne, he was allowed to preach again at Ashby aforesaid,He is restored to Ashby. where he began his Lectures on John 4.10. January 31. and continued that Lecture weekly on Tuesday, till Novemb. 12. 1611.His Lectures on John 4.John 4 These Lectures being one hundred and eight, he published in his life time, 1628. having them all written by himself, before he preached them; which course he took when he began those Lectures, and continued it to his dying day, blaming himself much that he began it no sooner, and by that neglect, both himself and others were deprived (in a great part) of the benefit of his former labours.

Novemb. 1611. he was silenced by Richard Neales meanes,His third silencing. then Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who complaining to the King of him, the King commanded the Arch-Bishop, to write to the Bishop of Lincolne, to send for Master Hildersam, and to silence him, which was accordingly presently done. The occasion of Bishop Neales complaint to King James was this: One Edward Wightman, a damnable Heretick (afterward burnt at Lichfield for Blasphemy and Heresie,Wightman burnt for Heresie.) dwelling in Burton upon Trent aforesaid; and coming sometimes to the Exercise there, the Bishop and his Friends gave out, that Wightman learned his Opinions (at least that of the souls sleeping) of the Puritans, and at the aforesaid Exercises, and of Master Hildersam by name.Slander. Bishop Neal informing King James of this, the King commanded him, (when he went into the Countrey) to send for Master Hildersam, and to hear what he could answer Wightman in this matter. The Bishop accordingly sent for Master Hildersam, but would not hear his defence till Wightman came. Wightman being called to his second publique hearing, Novemb. 26r. 1611. (in the hearing of more then five hundred people) charged the Bishop with sundry wrongs he had done him, naming this for one; That he had given it out, that he had learned his Opinions from Master Hildersam: whereas I professe (said he) he never taught, nor confirmed me in any of them; but was of all men ever most opposite unto me in them, and caused mine own Friends to reject me for them. Master Hildersam had long before in a private conference, in the presence of Master Aberly the Minister of Burton, (who had intreated him to take some pains to reclaim Wightman,) shewed him p. 148that his Opinion of the souls sleeping, was directly repugnant to the holy Scriptures, and an Heresie long since condemned in the Church. The places of Scripture he urged against him, were these, Luk. 16.22, 23. & 24.43. Phil. 1.23. Soon after, he received a Letter from Wightman, March 10. 1608. and perceiving by that, and the report of others, that he grew more and more obstinate in his errours, and laboured to draw others unto it, Master Hildersam took occasion in the next Exercise held at Burton, viz. upon March 15. 1608. publiquely and at large to confute his errour; the text that fell out that day to be handled, leading him directly unto it, viz. Heb. 9.27. Above a monethmonth after the said exercise, viz. April 21. 1609. Wightman sent him another letter, wherein he revileth him for the said speech, at the said Exercise, and took upon him, after his manner to answer it. Yet after this, viz. November 27. 1611. before the Bishop, he impudently avouched to Master Hildersams face, that at the conference forenamed, he should say, that the whole drift of the Scripture indeed, did make for the Opinion of the souls sleeping, but that the Church had otherwise judged of the matter. Master Hildersam did protest, that he never spake or thought so; and offered by Oath, or any other means that should be required to avow, that he ever held this his Opinion, to be directly contrary to the Scriptures, and a most detestable Heresie: Master Aberly also, who was present at the conference, was ready to depose that Master Hildersam spake no such thing at that time, but the direct contrary. So that not only the rest that were there, were fully satisfied; but the Bishop himself also openly professed, that he was assuredly perswaded, that Wightman had greatly wronged him in this that he had said of him. Thus was Master Hildersams innocency cleared in a publique audience, during the time of Wightmans trial at Lichfield; yet he remained under the censure of silencing, which was procured to be inflicted on him upon this occasion; and the two forenamed Exercises were put down. Concerning which, all the chief Gentlemen of worth in those parts, certified unto the Arch-bishop Bancroft a little before his death, that the profit which that Country (which above most other places of the Land besides, was known to stand in great need of such means of instruction) received by them was exceeding great.

Master Hildersam continued silenced a long time, yet could not live peaceably from men, though he lived quietly with men. For December 8. 1612.He is cited into the High-Commission Court. Letter missive were sent out of the High-Commission Court, requiring his appearance there; accordingly he appeared. April 22. 1613. at which time he was judicially admonished and injoyned, that (saving the catechizing of his own Family only) he should not at any time hereafter preach,Silenced. catechize, or use any part of the office, or function of a Minister, either publiquely or privately, untill he should be lawfully restored and released of his said suspension.

In the Spring, 1614. he fell into a violent Feaver, which held him long,His sicknesse. the malignancy of which, struck up into the roof of his mouth, and the gristle of his nose, which endangered him much; but by the p. 149blessing of God, upon the care and skill of Physicians and Chyrurgeons, he was recovered.

In Easter term 1615. by Letters missive he appeared in the High-Commission Court again, which committed him to the Fleet, His second summons into the High-Commission Court.(for refusal of the Oath ex officio,) where he continued a Prisoner divers weeks; at length he was removed by Habeas Corpus unto the Kings Bench, where he continued a great while. In both places,His imprisonment. he endured imprisonment three moneths. Then he was delivered out of prison, upon bond to appear the first Court day, Term. Mich. 1615. but by dangerous sicknesse (whereof affidavit was made in Court,) he was hindered from appearing at that time.

September 4, 5, 6. 1616. The Commissioners, Doctor Lamb, Master Owen, Master Middleton, and others sate at Ashby, to examine witnesses to prove the Articles exhibited against Master Hildersam, and his neighbours, Master Dighton, and Master Holt, where the deponents were, many of them, professed adversaries, specially Master Hacket, (then Vicar of Ashby) who was the principal accuser and informer of the Court against them; and so his testimony ought not in Law to have been received against them.He is falsly accused. It might well have been discerned by the disposition of many of the deponents, what little credit was to be given to them; and that Master Hildersam might have had the most odious and capital crimes desposed against him by such Witnesses, who did not only in matter of fact affirm upon oath, that which all the Parish knew to be notoriously false; but did also take upon them to know and deliver upon their oath, the reason and ground of his pretended practice, which (they having ever been, as all the neighbours knew, meer strangers to him) was impossible for them to do it.

The next term the cause came to be heard and censured; but Master Hildersam hearing of the heavy sentence against Master Dighton, and Master Holt, November 21. 1616. (viz. to return back to prison, there to remain till they conformed themselves; they were also fined a thousand pounds a piece, pronounced excommunicate, and ordered to be so publiquely denounced, and injoyned to make their submissions, in conceptis verbis, in three several places; and lastly, they were condemned in expences and costs of the suit) concealed himself, and did not appear at the day of his calling and censuring, but did eight daies before send a Copy of his answer to the several points that were desposed against him, to his Advocate, Doctor Hussey, to be shewed to the Court; Which Answer, in the judgment of rational, honest, indifferent men, was full and satisfactory.

To instance but in the proof of one Article, and his Answer thereunto. One George Reding deposed, That upon Palm-sunday was two years, he was one of those that came up to the Communion-Table in Ashby Church in several companies, and (though Master Hacket had before given warning, that he would admit none that would not receive it kneeling) refused so to receive it, but would have received it standing, and when he could not have it so, yet stood still among them that kneeled, till the Communion p. 150was done. To which disposition Master Hildersams answer was, That it is notoriously known to all the Inhabitants at Ashby, that I was at that time sick in my bed, and for many weeks before, and after, utterly unable to stir out of my Chamber; neither did I ever at any other time present my self in that manner to the Communion-Table, neither doth Master Hacket, or any other deponent charge me with any such matter. And this fellow that hath devised this against me, (whereof there was no colour at all of truth) would in all likelihood have sworn any thing that might have done me hurt, if he had been required to do it. Notwithstanding this his answer to that, and his answer to all the rest, delivered as aforesaid to his Advocate, the Court proceeded to censure him, November 28. 1616. whereby he was pronounced a man refractory and disobedient to the orders,His censure in the High-Commission Court. rites, and ceremonies of the Church of England. And because he yet refused to submit himself, and to joyn in the administration of publique Prayer, and divine Service and Sacraments, as they are here lawfully administred; therefore he was by the Court pronounced a schismaticall person, and a Schismatick, and thought well worthy of severe punishment. And in respect that he was the prime Ring-leader of all the schismatical persons in that Countrey, both of the Clergy and Laity, he was first fined two thousand pounds to his Majesties use, pronounced excommunicate, and ordered to be so publiquely denounced; as also was ordered to be attached and committed to prison, and so to be brought before the Commissioners, to be degraded from his Ministry; and was further ordered, to make his publique submission conceptis verbis, (as shall be prescribed him by this Court;) and lastly, he was condemned in charges.

A special Providence.When he heard of this terribly cruel sentence, it was his wisdom now to conceal himself, which accordingly he did for a long time in the City; and God so hid him under the shadow of his wings, that his adversaries could not meet with him.

He is sent for Leyden.During this time of his keeping close, one Master John Hartly, one of the Elders of the English Congregation at Leiden in Holland, came with Letters of Credence from the Congregation, making offer to him of the Pastors place, then vacant; which he resolved to have accepted of, had not his Wives unwillingnesse to go over the Seas, retained him here. The foresaid fine of two thousand pounds was estreated without abatement into the Exchequer, March 12. 1616. whence several Processes were issued to the Sheriffs of Leicestershire, to enquire of his estate; but they, by several returns, answered, They could find none. At length, the said fine was begged and granted by his Majesty, King James, under the Great Seal, to Master Williams, Page to the (then) Marquesse of Buckingham; whereupon Master Hilderdsam compounded both with him, (giving him a great summe of money,) and with the Registers also of the High-Commission Court, for their part of the fine, and obtained a discharge from them both. I suppose it will be hard to find that any man was before, or scarce hath been since in p. 151that Court, so deeply fined, and heavily censured, meerly for his judgment and conscience; having done nothing either factiously, or contemptuously against that Government, and those orders of the Church, that were then established. He was indeed alwaies from his first entering into the Ministry, a resolved and conscientious Non-conformist, as appeareth by the foregoing story, and so continued to his dying day, witnesse that clause in his last Will:His constancy. I do hereby declare and protest, that I do continue and end my daies, in the very same Faith and Judgment, touching all points of Religion, as I have ever been known to hold and profess, and which I have, both by my Doctrine and Practice, and by my sufferings also, given testimony unto. He was a great admirer, follower, and friend of Master Thomas Cartwright (famous for Religion and learning) who left his papers to Master John Dod and him, to peruse and publish what they thought fit.

Though he himself was a constant Non-conformist, yet such was his ingenuity and Christian Charity, that he respected, esteemed, and was very familiar with those he knew to be religious and learned, though of another judgment. He did alwaies oppose the separation of the Brownists, and the semi-separation of Master Jacob, with whom,His humility and charity. as also with some Ring-leaders of the former sort, he had divers conferences and disputes.He opposeth the Brownists, and Independents. He is called by Doctor Willet (his Contemporary, and sometimes Competitor) The Hammer of schismaticks, whom they commonly call Brownists; as you have it in J. C. his Epistle to the Reader, before the forenamed Lectures on John 4. That is, Master John Cottons of New-England, (his dear and familiar Friend,) who there expresses his high opinion of the Authour, those Lectures, and his Treatise of the Doctrine of the Lords Supper, printed 1608. annexed to a little Treatise of the like Argument, set forth by a godly learned man (his intimate Friend) Master William Bradshaw, of which Treatise of Master Hildersams, Master Cotten gives this Testimony: That it hath been of singular good use to many poor souls for their preparation to that Ordinance. Master Cottons testimony of him.And in very deed (saith he) those questions and answers do more fully furnish a Christian to that whole spiritual duty, then any other, in any language (that I know) in so small a compass. Master Cotton also mentioneth in the foresaid Epistle, a Letter of Master Hildersams, to a Gentlewoman, against separation, which, without his consent, a Separatist (Master Francis Johnson) printed and refuted; Which (saith Master Cotton) hath so strongly and clearly convinced the iniquity of that way, that I could not but acknowledge in it, both the wisedome of God, and the weaknesse of the Separatist; His wisdome, in bringing to light such a beam of the light of his truth, by the hand of an adversary, against the Authors mind; and the weakness of the other, to advance the hand of his adversary, to give himself and his cause such a deadly wound in open view, as neither himself, nor all his associates can be able to zeal. His judgment and testimony of the Author, and his Lectures on John 4. you may read in that Epistle. In a private Letter of his from Boston, February 3. 1629. to him; he mentioneth a Letter he received p. 152from a Dutch Minister in London, (one Timotheus Van Ul-eren) who telleth him, he had sent sundry of the Books on Iohn 4. to Ministers beyond the Seas, who do read them with such great satisfaction, that the said Dutch Minister did, in the name of many others, intreat Master Cotton, to beseech Master Hildersam to put forth his Sermons on Psal. 51. and other his lucubrations. And accordingly Master Cotton in that Letter writeth thus; Since the Sermons already on part of the Psalm, do arise to a just and full volume, be intreated to hearken to the desires of so many at home and abroad, and give them leave to be doing good, whilest the rest are preparing. You have cause to love the Lord your God with all your might; and therefore, since those Sermons might be shewing your love to God in working his work, before their fellows, do not hold back any part of their service to the Church, for the present time. This his request he renewed, in another Letter of Iuly 23. 1629.

Having mentioned the testimony and judgment of the Reverend Master Cotton concerning Master Hildersam and his labours, whom in his Reply to Master Roger Williams answer of his Letter, p. 117. he stileth A man of a thousand; I shall insert another testimony of a man deservedly famous in the Church, Doctor Preston, then Fellow of Queens Colledge in Cambridge, concerning the formentioned Lectures on Iohn 4. He having long desired, at length obtained of Master Hildersam the Copy of them, which he kept a long time, and perused, and being desired to deliver his opinion of them, in his Letter to the Author,Dr. Prestons testimony of his Lectures on John 4.John 4 November 28. 1615. speaketh thus: I will say to you faithfully and ingenuously what I think, without adding a word more then mine own heart is perswaded of. First in general, for putting them to the Presse, I do not only think that they are worthy of it, but so far as any intreaty of mine might prevail, I should presse you to it, as depriving Gods Church of a very great Benefit, if you should refuse. In particular, besides the profitablenesse of the matter, these two things I observe in the reading of it: First, throughout the whole carriage, there appeareth a continued strength (that I may so call it) without any failing or deficiency, without any inequality, unevennesse of deformity of some parts with the rest. Secondly, it is presse and succinst (though large) the things choice and pertinent, and throughly depending each on other. In brief, so it is, there is nothing that need be added, and nihil quod amputem. So that when I went about to take out some things for mine own use briefly, I could not almost tell what to leave out. To say all in a word, Sir, I do think it is such, as will answer to your name, and such as men would look for from you. There are very few writings, but wherein we commonly see some failings in these two particulars, which I mentioned. Besides, the method I much like, as very judicious; which hath not ruled you, but you it, in a seasonable changing it, as your matter lyeth, so casting the frame of it, that it extorteth not more then is necessary from you, nor cutteth off any thing that you would deliver: which one precise, uniform method strictly kept, often doth. I hope it will p. 153be a good help to Ministers when they read it, and bring the metod of Doctrine and Uses into more credit. These are Doctor Prestons own words in his Letter. Unto this ample and laudable testimony given, by these two Worthies, this may be added, that his most grave and authoritative manner of preaching, did give an edge and excellency unto his Ministry.

Though Master Hildersam, in the judgment of these eminent Divines at home and abroad, and most others that knew him, were a man of such worth and ability, and whose labours were so usefull in the Church; yet was he for a long time, by the then prevailing power in the Church, cast aside like a broken vessel.

After his censure in the High-Commission Court,His studiousnesse. he lived privately a long time, sometimes in the City, sometimes in the Countrey.

He was alwaies, whether silent or having a liberty to preach, a constant student; when he was in the Countrey, and had conveniency of place and weather, he used to walk alone every morning near an hour, to meditate. In the morning he read constantly a Chapter, whence he gathered some observations, and wrote them in a Book, with the reference to some common-place in the margent, which he referred to his Common-place Book by numbers. The like he did out of many Books that he read; in others which he read, he referred the most observable things in them to his Common-place Book, by the pages in them. As he was much in secret Prayer, so was he fervent therein; yea frequent in holy ejaculations audibly expressed, as was observed by some godly friends, whose occasions brought them often near to the place where he studied.

He was alwaies a diligent frequenter of the publique Assemblies,His care to profit by the Word. whether he were in the City or Countrey; he used often even in his old age to write Sermons in the Church. He so highly prized the Ministry of the Word, that he would often say, He never heard any godly Minister preach, though but of weak parts, but he got some Benefit by him.

He sojourned in many Families, and alwaies by his godly and amiable carriage, got love and esteem of all in the house.

In all places where he did reside, or whether he came occasionally, he was alwaies helpfull in Family-Prayers, in expounding the Scriptures read, and in the repetition of the Sermons preached in the publique Congregation; being also willing by private conference to instruct the ignorant, to satisfie the doubtfull, to settle the wavering, to comfort the dejected, and to encourage all sorts in the exercises of Religion.

He was much in the house of Mistresse Katherine Redich of Newhall in Derbyshire, (widdow to Alexander Redich of Redich in Lancashire Esquire, his bosome Friend) his antient acquaintance, and constant dear Friend to his death, who survived him not above eight daies; the grief for his death hastening (as it was supposed) her end. In her p. 154house at Hamstead near London, His sicknesse.August 21. 1624. he fell sick of a violent Feaver, which put him into such danger, that the Physicians doubted of his Recovery; he over-hearing some intimation of it, when he thought none were in the room, the Curtains being drawn about his bed, he was over-heard by one in the room, to speak audibly those words of Psal. 118.17. I shall not die, but live, and declare the works of the Lord. At that time there was as little hope of his preaching,His recovery. as of his recovery. But God, in great mercy, soon after restored him both to health and liberty. The next year, viz. June 20. 1625. he was licensed by Doctor Ridley, then Vicar-general to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to preach in the Diocesse of London, Lincoln, and Coventry, and Lichfield under the Seal of that office. By vertue of which License he began to preach, August 3. 1625. in Ashby Church aforesaid,His Lectures at Ashby, on Psal. 35.3.Ps 35:3 those eight Sermons on Psal. 35.13. concerning Fasting, Prayer, and Humiliation for sinne, which were published since his death, viz. 1632. according to his own Copy left under his hand, by his Son Master Samuel Hildersam.

September 28. 1625. he began his one hundred and fifty two Lectures on Psal. 51. published in the like nature,His Lectures on Psal. 51.Ps 51 1635.

After the last forementioned licensing, he was silenced again, March 25. 1630. by notice given him from the Court at Leicester of the Kings instructions,He is again silenced. for every Lecturer to read service in Surplice and Hood, and he began to preach again, Aug. 2. 1631. and so continued till December 27. 1631. which was the last Sermon that he preached.

His last sicknesse.Soon after he fell sick of his last sickness, and discerning it to increase, he sent for his forenamed Sonne dwelling at West-Felton in Shropshire, fourty nine miles from Ashby; He with his Wife came to him withall convenient speed, January 13. and stayed with him till his death.

Their company and attendance at that time (as alwaies formerly,) was very contenting and comfortable. And of his Daughter-in-law (who was by himself propounded as a meet Wife for his dearest Son, and in whom he ever took much delight) he was heard, with affection to ingeminate these words, Never man had a kinder Daughter-in-law.

His disease (though not discerned to be so at the first) proved the Scorbute, the which being a dull and melancholick distemper, indisposed him to speak much; yet, as he shewed wonderfull patience through his whole sicknesse, so he used many holy and heavenly expressions to those that attended him, or came to visit him, who (he being so much beloved and honoured in the Countrey) were not a few.

He suggested unto some dear Friends, his fears that Wolves would ere long come in amongst them, and thereupon earnestly exhorted them to continue stedfast in the truth, which they had received. And occasion being given to mention those words, 1 Tim. 3.5. How shall he take care of p. 155the Church of God? looking to his Son, he said, Oh Son, Son, that care of the Flock, is the main thing.

The most godly people in those parts, his constant hearers (who had been either converted to Christ, or edified and confirmed in grace by his Ministry) being very sensible of the great losse, which not themselves only, but the whole Church of God also would sustain by his death, (that they might not seem negligent in the use of any means within their reach, to prolong his life and their own comfort) did resolve amongst themselves to set apart a day, that they might solemnly in publique seek the Lord by fasting and Prayer in his behalf, wherein they had the hearty help of Master Simeon Ashe, both in the morning and afternoon by Sermons, and Supplications, who did more owe himself unto Master Hildersam, then to any other man, having been first placed in the University, under the tuition of famous Master Thomas Hooker, fellow of Emanuel Colledge, and afterwards directed and encouraged in his Ministry, by his great care and love.

March 4. being the Lords day, he grew very weak, and was prayed for in the Congregation in Ashby Church, both at the morning and evening exercise. His Sonne prayed with him divers times that day, and whilest he was praying the last time, he departed, and slept in the Lord, between nine and ten of the clock that night,His death. viz. March 4. 1631. Thus he who had diligently heretofore, kept the holy rest of the Sabbath, did in the close of the Sabbath rest from his labours; and having glorified God often, both in publique and private, on that day before, was at last on that day received into glory. Master Herring (his dear and familiar friend) being then at Coventry, was sent for the next day, and came and preached the Lecture in Ashby Church on Tuesday, March 6. in the morning, (Master Hhildersam having taken order in his Will, that there should be no Funeral-Sermon at his Burial,) and then spake like himself, holily, discreetly, learnedly, and affectionately, concerning the losse that that Congregation, the Countrey and whole Church had sustained by the death of him that was lately dead. In the afternoon of that day, his body was born by neighbour-Ministers to the grave, accompanied by a great multitude,His burial. both of Ministers and others, who expressed much sorrow and lamentation.

He lived in Ashby aforesaid for the most part (yet being often forced to remove his dwelling) of fourty three years, and six moneths, with great successe in his Ministry, love and reverence of all sorts. He was very charitable to the poor himself, and in exciting of his auditors to contribute towards their relief.His charity. In few Countrey-Congregations in England the Collections for the poor were so large, as they were at the Quarter-daies at his Lectures.

The losse of poor Ashby by his death, was exceeding great; for he was the Peace-maker amongst neighbours, and the Patron of the poor; wickednesse was checked, and godlinesse cherished by his great care p. 156and wisdome. He was a Friend to every one in a good cause, and it was his unwearied delight to be Christianly seviceable in any kind.

He lived to a great age, (considering that his pains in preaching did ordinarily weaken him so much) sixty eight years and five moneths; yet this happinesse God vouchsafed to him, which was more then ordinary, that he out-lived not his parts, but as his graces increased towards his end, so his abilities of invention, judgement, memory, elocution decayed not in his age. He left a precious memory behind him; had Letters of commendation written in the hearts of many, of which some live here, some in glory. His Books will prove more durable Monuments of his name, then that his Sonne erected for him in Ashby Church.

And yet his Name, with the lively picture of his Person, lives in his worthy Son, Master Samuel Hildersam, whose learning Cambridge knew, while he was Fellow of Emanuel Colledge; and whose present ministerial labours, and pious conversation at West-Felton in Shropshire, do perpetuate the honour of his reverend Father, whose very memory he doth much reverence, and whose rich Vertues, both personal and ministerial, he doth happily imitate. And his good help from his Fathers Papers, and other waies, hath most conduced to the drawing up of this faithfull relation, that God may be glorified, and many souls may be edified by this famous example, thus presented unto publick view.