The True History of Councils, Part 2 – Part 3

The True History of Councils · Part 2 – Part 3

p. 1The General Part containing the Deſign and Sum of this and the former Book, that it may be underſtood what it is that Mr. Morrice defendeth, and oppoſeth; and what it is that I maintain or blame, and by what Evidence.

§ 1. I Have been theſe forty years much troubled with the temptation to wonder, why God ſuffers moſt of the World to lie drown'd in Ignorance, Infidelity and Senſuality, and the Church of Profeſſed Chriſtians to live in ſo great Scandal, Contention, Diviſion, and for the greater number, in a Militant Enmity againſt the Word, Will, Way, and Servants of Chriſt, while in Baptiſm they are Liſted under him. But of late ſince Experience tells me of the marvelous Diverſity of Humane Intereſts and Apprehenſions, and the deep Enmity of the Fleſhly Mind to Spiritual things, I admire the Wiſdom and Providence of God, that there is ſo much Order, and Peace, and Love in the World of Mankind as there is: And that all men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God had not preſerved by Common Grace ſome remnants of Moral Honeſty in the World, and had not alſo ſanctified a peculiar People, whoſe New Nature is LOVE, the Sons of Men would have been far worſe than Bears and Wolves to one another; and a man would have fled with greater fear from the ſight of another man, than from a Snake or Tyger. But God hath not left himſelf without witneſs, in his Works, and daily Providences, and in the Conſciences of thoſe who have not ſinned themſelves into Brutes or Devils. And hence it is that there is ſome p. 2Government and Order in the World, and that ſin is aſhamed of its proper name, and even they that live in Pride, Covetouſneſs, Ambition, Lying, Perſecution, &c. cannot endure to hear the name of that which they can endure to keep and practiſe, and cannot endure to forſake.

§ 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Honeſty and Piety, to Truth, and Love, and Peace, and Juſtice, that the deadlieſt Enemies of them are ambitious of their Names; and though they, will damn their Souls rather than be ſuch, they will challenge and draw upon any man that denieth them to be ſuch.

And I muſt profeſs, that I fetch hence a great confirmation of the Immortality of Souls, and a Future Life of Retribution. For if there were not a very great difference between Moral Good and Evil, what ſhould make all the world, even the worſt of men, be ſo deſirous to be accounted Good, and ſo impatient of being thought and called naught, and as they deſerve. And if the difference be ſo vaſt here, muſt there not needs be a Governour of the World that hath made ſuch a difference by his Laws and Providence, and who will make a greater difference hereafter, when the End and Judgment cometh.

§ 3. Among other Cauſes of Humane Pravity and Confuſion, one is the exceeding difficulty that young men meet with, in the communication of ſo much Knowledge as they muſt neceſſarily receive from others. Knowledge is not born with them: It is but the power and capacity of it, and not the act in which an Infant excels a Dog. And how ſhall they have it but by Objects and Communication? And Objects tell them not things paſt, the Knowledge of which is neceſſary to make them underſtand things preſent, and to come; and without which it is not poſſible to be wiſe. And God teacheth not Men now by Angels ſent from Heaven, but by Men that were taught themſelves before; and by his Spirit bleſſing mens endeavours. And when I have ſaid [by Man] how bad, how ſad a creature have I named? Alas! David's haſte Pſal. 116. was not erroneous paſſion; nor Paul's words, Rom. 3. a ſlander, when they called all men Lyers, that is untruſty; and ſo little do men know that muſt teach others, and ſo much doth all corruption incline them to love flattering Lies, and to take fleſhly Intereſt, the World, and the Devil for their Teachers, and to hate the Light, becauſe it diſgraceth their hearts and deeds, and ſo much goeth to make a man p. 3wiſe, that it muſt be a wonder of merciful Providence that ſhall help young men to Teachers that ſhall not be their Deceivers. There were ever comparatively few that were truly wiſe and truſty, and theſe uſually deſpiſed in the World.

§ 4. And how ſhould young men know who theſe are? This is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World ſo uncurable. It requireth much wiſdom to know who is wiſe, and to be truſted; who can well diſcern and value that Knowledge in another, which he is a ſtranger to himſelf? Experience tells us, that young unexperienced men do commonly receive that man's Opinions, 1. Who hath by nearneſs, or ſome accident the greateſt advantage in their eſteem and love: 2. Or his that ſpeaks moſt for their fleſhly Intereſt, and for that which they would have to be true: 3. Or his that hath the laſt word. It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing, beyond the advantage of their ſenſes, and the Notitiae communes, according to Evidence of Truth, which muſt be received by long and ſerious ſtudy, and by willing honeſt minds, and by the help of antecedent Verities.

§ 5. In this therefore Divine free Election is very manifeſt; As in giving the Goſpel to ſome Nations in the World, when moſt others never have it, ſo in giving ſome young perſons the bleſſing of good Education, and Teachers, and chuſing for them that were unable to chuſe well for themſelves; as alſo in bleſſing the ſame helps to one, which are deſpiſed by another. And verily when I have been long ſtalled with the difficulties about Election and Differencing Grace, undeniable Experience hath been my chief Conviction. If the Goſpel be true, the common worldly fleſhly ſort, that are for Chriſt but by Tradition, Law and Cuſtom, and are religious for worldly ends, and no farther than the Intereſt of the Fleſh and World will give them leave, have no true Saving Grace at all. And the reſt that ſeriouſly believe and ſeek a better Life, and live above fleſhly worldly Intereſts, are in moſt places few, and made the ſcorn and hatred of the reſt. And if de facto, God do ſanctifie only a peculiar People, who can deny his differencing Will and Grace?

§ 6. I was my ſelf in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers among ſuch diverſity I ſhould prefer. And firſt God had ſuch a witneſs in my Conſcience, that Virtue and Holineſs were better than Vice and Sin, that it made me think that the ſort of p. 4Teachers who Traded meerly for the World, and never ſpake a ſerious, word of Heaven, nor differed from ſober Heathens, but in Opinion; yea, that endeavoured to make ſerious Godlineſs to ſeem but Hypocriſie, were not like to be the wiſeſt and moſt truſty men. And yet how to judge among the ſerious, which were right, was long too hard for me.

§ 7. When I came to conſider of the Diviſions of the Chriſtian World, and …eard the Papiſts pretend to Catholiciſm, and call all others Schiſmaricks or Hereticks, it ſometime ſeemed a plauſible Opinion, that the greateſt Power and Dignity of the Clergy, was the Intereſt of Chriſtianity: By Riches, Honour and Power, they may protect the Godly, and keep Religion from Contempt among the worldly ſort of men, or from oppreſſion at the leaſt.

2. And I ſaw that in all Ages and Countries of the World, Hiſtorians tell us how rare a thing, a wiſe and holy Prince hath been, and how commonly by Wealth and Greatneſs they have been bred up in that Senſuality and Pride, which hath made them the Capital Enemies to ſerious Piety; if not the Perſecutors of it.

3. I thought with myſelf if ſuch godly Chriſtians, as much value the Intereſt of Religion had lived in ſuch times and places, where Rulers were Perſecutors of the Truth, how glad would they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put into the hands of their Choſen Paſtors, what would they have deſired more?

4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed to the Office, the People had ſtill the Choice of their own Paſtors, and therefore could not chuſe but wiſh their Eſtates and Lives, and all, as well as their Religion, to be as much as might be in their hands. And ſo no doubt when the Biſhops were advanced to great Dioceſſes, and Power, it was by the deſire of the moſt Religious Chriſtians, who valued moſt the Intereſt of the Church.

5. And I could not but obſerve, that though Chriſt gave his Apoſtles no Power of the Sword, he ſet them above other Miniſters, not only in Miraculous Gifts, and Infallible teſtifying and recording his Commands and works, but in ſome ſort of overſight, which ſeemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well as preaching.

6. And I thought that if Church-Grandure were the Intereſt of Religion and Unity the ſtrength of the Church, it lookt very p. 5plauſibly to reaſon, that as Biſhops were over Presbyters, ſo there ſhould be ſome over Biſhops; and that National Churches ſhould by ſuch Government be hindered from Schiſm and Hereſie as well as Parochial. And that Dioceſans and Metropolitans Power ſhould be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters. And that when poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince, ſome that are above fearing his Power may.

7. And when I read the Popes Claim, I thought it ſeemed not improbable, that Petrus primus, and paſce oves meas, and ſuper hanc Petram were not ſpoken in vain And theſe thoughts pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes.

§. 8. On the other ſide, I ſaw 1. That Chriſt ſaid, His Kingdom was not of this world, and comes not foreign with obſervable Pomp. And that when they ſtrove who ſhould be greateſt, he reproved them, and Concluded [with you it ſhall not be ſo] and that the moſt ſerviceable is to be accounted the greateſt; that Peter himſelf accordingly deſcribeth their office, 1 Pet. 5.

2. I find that Chriſt appointed them another ſort of work to do, even to Preach the Goſpel to all Nations through all ſtreights, difficulties and ſufferings, and to baptize, and teach Chriſtians to obſerve the Laws of Chriſt. And that as he never put the Sword into their hand, ſo an official declaring and applying his Word to voluntary Diſciples was all their Office, as ordinary Paſtors to be continued.

3. I find that Chriſt ſent them out by two and two, as if it had been done on foreſight, that men would erect a Church-Monarchy: And that no Scripture tells us of any diviſion of the Church into Dioceſſes, where ore Apoſtle was a Monarch, or had Power above the reſt, or was his Peculiar Province: Nor that the twelve ſettled twelve ſuch, or any as the ſeats of their Succeſſors.

4. I find not that ever any one Apoſtle exerciſed Government over the reſt: Nor that ever Chriſt gave the reſt any Command or Direction to obey any one; Nor that ever the Contending or Schiſmatical ſort of Chriſtians were directed to end their ſtriſe, by taking any one for the Head who muſt determine all their Controverſies: And that they that ſaid [I am of Cephas] are reproved with the reſt. And that all are called Members of the Body, and only Chriſt the Head. And if it had been his will that One Univerſal Head or Power ſhould have been ſet up as the Principium, or Center of Unity, it is a matter of ſo p. 6great conſequence, that it is not to be believed that Chriſt would not have plainly commanded it.

5. I find that Chriſt hath himſelf done the work, for which the neceſſity of Univerſal Humane Government (by Pope or Councils) is pretended; viz. He hath made and cauſed his Apoſtles (peculiarly qualified for it) to record Univerſal Church-Laws, even as many as are Univerſally neceſſary: And if ſo, I cannot but think, 1. That he hath done it better than Man can do; 2. And that to add more unneceſſarily muſt needs be a ſnare and burden to the Church; 3. And that it muſt be an uſurping the Power of Chriſt: For if there be no other Univerſal Governour, there is no other that hath Authority to make Univerſal Laws. Therefore this is Treaſon againſt Chriſt, and a making Man a Vice-Chriſt.

6. I found that there is not ſo much as a Natural Capacity in any one, or many, for an Univerſal Government: Church-Government being of ſuch a nature as maketh it far more impoſſible, than for one Monarch or Ariſtocracy to Govern all the Earth: And to do it by a truly General Council, or by the Diffuſed Biſhops of all the World is further from poſſibility than to do it by a Pope.

7. I ſearcht the Councils pretended to be General, to ſee whether they had made any better Laws than Chriſt's, or made any deſirable addition. And I found 1. That while they were not wholly Papiſts, they never pretended to make Canons for any Chriſtians, but only thoſe in the Roman Empire. 2. And that it had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no more Laws than Chriſt had made them, for holy Doctrine, Worſhip, and Church-Diſcipline, and had only as Teachers expounded and applied the Laws of Chriſt.

8. I conſidered the Preſent State of the Church Univerſal, and I find it ſuch as no Party of Chriſtians in the World doth own. The Pope pleadeth for an Univerſal Soveraignty, and all his Clergy do the ſame; ſome ſaying it is in Councils, ſome in the Pope, and moſt in both together, or Councils approved by the Pope: And Proteſtants, Greeks, Neſtorians, Jacobites, and almoſt all other Chriſtians in the World, accuſe this Roman Church and Claim.

The Papiſts condemn the reſt: The Greeks, Arminians, and almoſt all the reſt accuſe each other.

p. 79. I conſidered what Popery is, that is, Clergy-Power in its height, and what it hath done in the World. And I found 1. A woful deſcription of the lives of multitudes of Popes, recorded by their own moſt credited Hiſtorians. And 2. I found multitudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Univerſal Church. 3. I found moſt doleful Hiſtories of the Wars and Rebellions that they have cauſed from Age to Age. 4. I found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Chriſt in abundance of particulars. 5. And that they have lockt up the Sacred Scriptures from the Vulgar, as they have not done their Canons. 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Worſhip into a multitude of Superſtitious Rites, and ſcenical Ceremonies and Shews. 7. And that they have turned Spiritual Church-Diſcipline into a ſecular ſort of Tyranny. 8. And that they have moſt ſchiſmatically unchurched the reſt of the Churches, becauſe they are not Subjects of the Pope. 9. And that they have branded the ſoundeſt Churches with the name of Hereticks, while they are the grand Hereſie of the World. 10. And that they have been and are the greateſt Silencers of ſound Preachers, and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church. 11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are their Subjects, ſo that odious wickedneſs fed by Ignorance, abounds among them; and it is their Votaries that are called Religious, and a few Canonized perſons Saints; as if Religion and Sanctity were rarities, or any could be ſaved without them. 12. Laſtly, I find that they have lived upon Blood, like Leeches, and have been the cruelleſt Perſecutors of holy men, on pretence of killing Hereticks: And that it is this to which they truſt.

10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice, but have read, I think, as many Papiſts Books, as Proteſtants, or any other againſt them. Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture Prophecies, ſuſpecting my underſtanding of them: But 1. The matter of fact from themſelves: 2. Againſt their Papal Supremacy from ſuch Arguments as are fully collected by Dr. Barrow. 3. Againſt their heinous Church-corruptions, from ſuch Moral Evidence as Dr. H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Myſtery of Iniquity. 4. Againſt their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity, I fetcht my Arguments from the Hiſtories and Authors which they themſelves alledge, and eſpecially their Councils, with the Fathers Writings.

p. 8§ 9. Seeing the Church in this ſad Condition, and the Papal part ſo greatly vitiated, I conſidered how long it had ſo been. And I found that the Pope and his Biſhops grew not up like a Muſhroom in a day; but had been long in thriving to maturity: And I met with no man that could juſt tell what Year or what Age the diſeaſe or tumor did begin. Biſhop Bromhall thinks if they will abate their laſt 400 years Innovations, we may have hope of agreeing with them. Biſhop Gunning will own no General Councils, but the firſt ſix; ſome will receive eight; ſome but four. Mr. Morrice here goeth no further in his defence of them, whatever he think. Some begin Popery with Leo the great, ſome with Gregory's Succeſſour. But it is moſt certain, that it was firſt an Embrio, and next an Infant and ſo grew up from Childhood to maturity by degrees. And the firſt Church-corruption was not that which we now call Popery. And it is as certain that the tumor did neither begin nor grow up in the Biſhop of Rome alone, but in other Biſhops, who grew up with him, & were his ſtrength and Councils, and he their Head.

§ 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began moſt notably to ſtrive which ſhould be greateſt, and how the diviſion increaſed, and when and how it came to an anathematizing or excommunicating each other.

§ 11. It's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon, and Epheſus, that the great ſeparated bodies of Neſtorians and Eutychians (now called Jacobites) that poſſeſs the Eaſt and South, were broken off with Neſtorius and Dioſcorus, and ſo continue to this day.

§ 12. I conſidered who were the Chief Authors of all theſe lamentable Schiſms, and Church-corruptions in the ſeveral Ages when they roſe, and who continue them to this day: And I found that many Princes were much to be blamed, and the People not Innocent, no not the Religious Monks. But the Biſhops that had the main Church-power, by abuſing it, were with their Clergy the principal Cauſes, and ſo are to this day: The breaches might yet be healed in Eaſt, Weſt, and South, were it not for them.

§ 13. Finding this in Hiſtory of undoubted Truth, I next conſidered what was the Cauſe that the Biſhops and their Clergy ſhould become ſuch Church-corrupters and Dividers, and ſtill continue the Churches miſeries.

p. 9And I found as followeth, 1. That none are able to do ſo much hurt as thoſe that have the greateſt Parts, Power, Intereſt and Truſt. None kill ſo many (except Souldiers) as thoſe Phyſicians who are entruſted to heal and ſave them. If five hundred neighbours miſtake a man's Diſeaſe, whom he never truſted, it hurts him not: But an unskilful Nurſe or Parent may kill a ſick Child; and an unskilful or unfaithful Phyſician may kill multitudes.

2. And there goeth ſo much to make a man a skilful, faithful Paſtor, as that ſuch are rare. As a Phyſician is like to kill his Patient, if he miſtake but ſome one thing in his Diſeaſe, or ſome Ingredient in his Medicine, though he were right in all the reſt: So if a Guide of Souls were excellent in all other things, what work one Opinion, yea or unskilful word may make, not only the caſe of the Neſtorians, Eutychians, Monothelites, &c. tell us, but even the ſtrife that aroſe in the Church about Hypoſtaſis and Perſona, which had almoſt hereticated Jerom himſelf, for all his skill in the Languages: And the caſe of the Greeks and Latines about [Filio que ] and abundance ſuch.

3. And Pride is the Heart of the Old Man; firſt living, and laſt dying. And great Power, great Parts, and great Eſteem do feed it, if true Grace do not mortifie it. Knowledge puffeth up; and eſpecially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned, and are but half Learned themſelves, and are thought by the people and themſelves, to be much wiſer than they are: Inter coecos luſcus Rex.

4. And Selfiſhneſs is the very ſum of all poſitive iniquity: And Pride and Selfiſhneſs make men deſirous to be the Idols of the World, and to ſeem as Gods knowing good and evil, and to have their will of all that they have to do with.

5. And the ſtrongeſt temptations uſe to cauſe the greateſt ſins,

§ 14. Theſe Generals preſuppoſed, it is moſt clear, 1. That the remnant of theſe ſins, even in Chriſt's Apoſtles, ſet them on ſtriving who ſhould be greateſt, and made James and John deſire preheminence, and alſo to have called for Fire from Heaven; and made them after Chriſt's Reſurrection, hope that he would have reſtored the Earthly Kingdom unto Iſrael. And it put Paul to vindicate his Apoſtleſhip againſt many that diſparaged him; As it made Diotrephes, who loved to have the preheminence, to caſt out the Brethren, and ſpeak evil of John: It gave Peter occaſion to warn the Biſhops not to Lord it over God's Heritage, p. 10but to be Examples to the Flock, overſeeing them not by conſtraint, but willingly.

2. Even in good men this fault, though not in a reigning degree, did live more in others afterwards, that had not that meaſure of the Spirit as the Apoſtles had to overcome it. And if even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timothy, who naturally cared for the good of all; for all (too much) ſought their own, and not the things that are Jeſus Chriſt's, as Demas forſook him for ſome worldly Intereſt; what wonder is it if afterward Pride and Worldlineſs grew greater, and Hereſies and Strifes increaſed.

3. Yet while Chriſtianity was a ſuffering and laborious State, the Paſtors of the Churches were commonly the beſt men, that had more Knowledge, Holineſs and Love than others, and the Churches proſpered under the Croſs: They that ſpared not their labours, but imitated the pattern ſet by Paul, Acts 20. did not ſtrive who ſhould have the largeſt Dioceſs, and undertake that which they could not do, but they ſtrove to do as much as they were able, and to increaſe and edifie the Flock.

4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated, and acquired Ones became more neceſſary, and few Philoſophers turned Chriſtians, able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer, and thoſe few that were eminent in Knowledge and Speech were juſtly preferred before the reſt. And uſually ſome one man had the chief hand in converting men, and gathering a Church in each particular Town, and then he rightfully was taken for their Paſtor: And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls required in each Church, where were fit men, more than one Paſtor; It was not meet that more ſhould be brought to …im that was there before, without his approbation and conſent; but that he were to the Juniors as a Father; And becauſe the reſt were uſualiy below him in Gifts and Worth, it was thought but meet that they ſhould do what they did by his conſent: And alſo to avoid Diviſions, to which they were over-prone, it was judged fit that one ſhould have the preheminence, and a negative, and partly ruling Vote.

5. The Churches, which in the beginning had theſe Biſhops and Fellow-Presbyters, were ſingle Congregations: And ſhortly they grew to be more than could meet together in ſome few great Cities; Perſecution hindering them from very large Aſſemblies, p. 11beſides their want of large capacious Temples. Dr. Hammond thinks that there is no evidence, that in Scripturetime there were any other Presbyters than Biſhops, and conſequently a Biſhop had but one Congregation, unleſs he went one hour to one, and another to another, which was not their uſe. But doubtleſs in this he is miſtaken, as the many Speakers as Corinth ſhew.

6. The Greatneſs of the Roman Empire was prepared by God to be then an exceeding great fortherance of the Goſpel: For under the ſame Civil Laws and Powers, where one or two Languages were underſtood by moſt, Chriſtians had the far greater advantage for Communication. Want of forreign Languages is now our great hinderance from Preaching the Goſpel to other Nations of the World: And the Confuſion at Babel was an unſpeakable Judgment. But as Ships, yea Navies, can ſail on the Ocean, when ſmall Barks or Boats only can paſs on Rivers; ſo the vaſtneſs of the Roman Empire was a great help to the Church, by Communication, Language and Acceſſes: But eſpecially when the Emperour became Chriſtian, the advantage was exceeding great: Whereas now the Greatneſs of the Turkiſh, Tartarian & Indoſtan Empire, are great Impediments to the Goſpel; becauſe the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil Romans (notwithſtanding the ten Perſecutions) were; and their oppoſition is the more extenſive by the extent of their Dominions; and the Chriſtian Churches having now more ſcandalized the Infidels by their corruptions. While they were not corrupted by worldly power and wealth, the great holineſs of the Churches convinced the ſober part of the Empire. Albaſpineus ſhews us clearly that their ſtrictneſs was ſo great, that they endured no notable ſcandalous ſin among them; yea and came very near to the Novatians in their Diſcipline: And that it was not for greater ſtrictneſs that the Novatians were condemned, but for denying the Power of the Church to abſolve men penitent that ſinned after Baptiſm. And their Canons ſhew it. And it is certain, that Chriſtians obeying Paul, avoided the Heathen Judicatures as much as might be, and cenſured thoſe that did not, and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration, and took the Biſhop with the Conſent of his Clergy to be an Authorized Arbitrator; and thus the affairs of all the Chriſtians being caſt upon him, and he having no power to force any p. 12but only to govern Volunteers, the Biſhops were conſtrained to make their Rules of Diſcipline ſo much the ſtricter, that all that would not renounce Chriſtianity, and Church-Communion, might be brought to Obedience to eſcape Excommunication.

7. God having made the Great Power and Extent of the Roman Empire, ſo great a means for the propagation of Chriſtianity, the Chriſtians thought that the Greater they grew themſelves, the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance, from contempt and perſecution: And their advancement lay in that advancement of the Biſhops, which private men could not expect, ſave only by ſubſequent participation. Hereupon the Biſhops, by the Peoples conſent, endeavoured to form the Government of the Church within the Empire, into a conformity to the Government of the Empire: And they contrived that thoſe Cities whoſe Governours had the chief Civil Power, their Biſhops ſhould have anſwerable Church-Power; the Glory of the Empire drawing them for ſeeming Intereſt, into imitation.

8. From the like Principles they deſired greatly the enlargement of the Churches of which they were Overſeers: And whereas Chriſt had made ſingle Churches like Schools, and every ſtated Worſhipping Church, was alſo a Governed Church, as every School hath its School-Maſters, one, or mo… by degrees theſe Churches were by degeneration quite altered …o other things: Firſt, They were like a Parochial Church, … addeth Chappels: They thought not ſo contemptibly of the P…ral work as we do, but found enough, as is ſaid, for many me… a Church of a few hundred or thouſand ſouls: And when by Perſecution, or Numbers, or Diſtance, they could not all meet ordinarily in one place, they appointed them to meet under ſeveral Presbyters, in ſeveral places, but without appropriating a particular Presbyter to each Aſſembly.

2. After they appropriated them to their diſtinct charges, and diſtinguiſhed a ſtated Worſhipping company from a Governed Church, the Biſhop and his Conſiſtory ruling all in common; and the People tyed to communicate only at the Biſhops Altar, and elſewhere to be but Hearers and Worſhippers.

3. After that they ſet up Altars up and down for Monuments and Memorials of Martyrs, and then in the Presbyters Chappels; yet ſo that the People were at Eaſter, Whitſuntide, and the Nativity, p. 13to communicate with the Biſhop in the Mother Church or Cathedral.

4. Then when Country-Villages diſtant had a great increaſe of Chriſtians, they allowed Country-Biſhops, Chorepiſcopos, (proved by Petavius to be true Biſhops; if they were not, Presbyters ordained.) But they muſt be ſubject to the City Biſhop. 5. After this they decreed that very little Cities ſhould have no Biſhops, ne vileſcat nomen Epiſcopi; whenas before that every City had a Biſhop and Elders, that had Chriſtians enow: And every Town, like our Corporations, or Market-Towns, were called Cities: foreign did not ſignifie only ſuch as we now call Cities diſtinct from ſuch Towns; were they no bigger than Cenchrea, Majuma, and ſuch others cloſe to greater Cities, they had Biſhops. Yea every Church was to have their Elders, (and conſequently Biſhops, ſaith Dr. Hammond) where ever it was, by the Rule of the Holy Ghoſt, Acts 14. 23. And God never ſaid, Let there be no Churches but in Cities: Elſe when an Emperour would put down all the Cities, or many, he ſhould put down as many Churches.

6. After this they ſet up Patriarks as before they had done Metropolitans: And it was three that they firſt ſet up (but no where out of the Empire:) And the Papiſts find in the Inſtitution the myſtery of Trinity in Unity: For they could not find any where Twelve Seats Succeſſors to the Twelve Apoſtles; and ſo they feigned, that Peter being the Center of Unity, The Trinity flowed from him. 1. He as Biſhop erected the Antiochian Patriarchate. 2. By St. Mark his Diſciple, the Alexandriau. And 3. By his final Epiſcopacy the Roman, ſaith Joh. Dartis, de ſtatu Eccleſ. tempore Apoſtoli, pag. 23, 24. [Imitatur Eccleſia Deum ut trinum in Perſonis & unum in eſſentia, quatenus ſcilicet una & eadem Eccleſia eſt multiplex ratione locorum; nam diſtributio prima & generalis omnium Eccleſiarum fuit in tres Patriarchatus, Romanum, Alexandrinum, & Antiochenum, ut unum eſſet per tres Antiſtites Sacerdotium ad Trinitatis inſtar cui una eſt atque individua poteſtas ut recte interpretatur Symmachus Pap. ad Eonium—Dicendum eſt quod ſicut in Trinitate una exiſtente eſſentia, tamen perſonae differentes exiſtunt, it a Eccleſia una eſt eſſentia, licet plures particulares exiſtant: Et ſicut omnes Trinitatis perſonae originem ſumunt à Patre, qui eſt origo Filii, & uterque Sp. Sancti, ita Eccleſia origo eſt Romana aliarum.]

p. 147. At the ſame time they began to deſcribe Churches or Biſhops Provinces by the Meaſures of Land, which before were deſcribed by the Perſons of Volunteers, inhabiting near each other, ſaith the aforeſaid Dartis p. 128. Et ſane diu duravit ille mos tanquam Apoſtolicus in Eccleſiis, ut non eſſent alii termini Epiſcopatus quam multitudo eorum quos ad fidem convertiſſent & baptizaſſent, which he proveth out of the Canons.

8. Rome being the imperial Seat, the Biſhop of Rome was neareſt the Emperour and ſubordinate Rulers, and ſo moſt capable to make Friends for Chriſtians under any Accuſations and Perſecutions; by which advantage all Chriſtians through the Empire needing and being glad of ſuch help, did willingly give the Primacy to the Romane Patriark.

9. The Emperor Conſtantine turning Chriſtian, and taking them for his ſureſt Souldiers, reſolved to raiſe them as high as he well could, for the intereſt of Chriſtianity and his own, and thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees, and accordingly gave them chief Countenance, and chief Power; and their Biſhops being their chief men, it muſt be done by exalting them. He made them the authorized Judges of all Chriſtians that deſired it, even in criminal caſes. He yet gave not the Biſhops the power of the Sword; but if any Chriſtians had committed Fornication, Adultery, Perjury, yea Murder, the Biſhop was to puniſh them by Pennance and Suſpenſion from the Sacrament: Beſides which, Chriſtians had the chief Preferments as they were capable of in the Armies and Civil Government: So that they triumphed over their late Perſecutors, And now Honour, Power and Wealth, were moſt on the Chriſtians ſide, but eſpecially the Biſhops.

10. Worldly Intereſt being now on the Churches ſide, much of the World by ſuch Motives crowded into the Church, and no man can imagine that it could be otherwiſe, who conſiders which way the Vulgar go, and how apt to be of the Prince's mind, and how much nature inclineth to fleſhly Intereſt: Who had not rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for a crime, till he profeſs Repentance, than to be hanged or baniſhed, or ruined for it?

But eſpecially the Temptation was ſtrongeſt to the Biſhops, whoſe baits were the moſt alluring: And ever ſince then they that moſt loved Wealth, Power and Honour (that is, the worſt, moſt p. 15worldly men) have been the moſt eager deſirers and ſeekers of Biſhopricks: And while humble holy men muſt rather be ſought to, ſuch earneſt ſeekers are like to be the ordinary finders and poſſeſſors.

11. But yet three things kept up for ſome time a conſiderable number of godly Biſhops in the Churches, which with the humble Presbyters, kept up the Intereſt of ſound and practical Religion.

1. Thoſe that had been tryed worthy men before Conſtantines converſion, and the Biſhop's exaltation, kept their Integrity in the main; though in the Nicene Council their contentious Libels ſhewed that we are more beholden to Conſtantine than to them, that they fell not into ſuch ſtrife as their Succeſſors did. Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife, but they will not be maſtered by them, and turn againſt the Power of Godlineſs.

2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their Biſhops: And ſo (though they oft had tumults, as in popular Elections it will be) yet the worſt ambitious men were long kept out, and the beſt oft choſen, till the People and Presbyters themſelves were corrupted.

3. And divers good Emperours aroſe that took ſome care to promote the beſt: But alas! this had ſad and frequent interruptions.

12. For the Arians poſſeſt Conſtantine himſelf with hard thoughts of Athanaſius and his Adherents: And it could not be expected that Julian ſhould countenance the beſt, when Conſtantius and Valeus had done ſo much againſt them, and got moſt of all the Churches headed by Arian Biſhops; to ſay nothing yet of after times.

13. But now two things became matter of Contention among the Biſhops and their Clergy, and increaſed the ſtrife from time to time. The firſt and chief was the Old Cauſe greatly ſtrengthened, viz. Who ſhould be greateſt? Who ſhould have the largeſt, fatteſt, and moſt Ruling Dioceſs and Seat? The other was, Who ſhould be taken for the moſt Orthodox, and whoſe Explications of the Faith ſhould be taken for the ſoundeſt; eſpecially about the deſcription of the Perſon and immanent acts of Chriſt? Or briefly, 1. Juriſdiction and Greatneſs: 2. Wiſdom and hard words.

p. 1614. Now alſo Conſtantinople contended with Rome, and being the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Reaſon of Church-preheminence, they at firſt modeſtly took the ſecond place: And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to five, Jeruſalem being made the fifth. At all this Rome grudged.

15. All this while the old Diſcipline of the Church was tolerably kept up; 1. Becauſe though much of the world had got into the Church, yet a very great part were tenacious of their Heatheniſh Cuſtoms, and prejudiced againſt Chriſtians by their Contentions, (odiouſly deſcribed by Am. Marcellinus, and many others, and prejudiced againſt Conſtantine for his Son Criſpus and Sopaters death, &c. and againſt Conſtantius for the Murder of Julian's Relations; and being taken with the plauſible parts of Julian, and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of Plotinus, Porphyrius, Jamblichus, Aedeſius, Maximus, Proereſius, Libanius, Chryſanthius, and ſuch others, deſcribed by Eunapius, &c. ſo that except Rome and Alexandria, for 200 years, and ſome few of the very great Churches for 400, the Churches were no greater than one Biſhop and his Conſeſſus, might tolerably govern by the Keys. 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were Church-Governours as well as the Biſhop, though he was their Chief, and all Excommunications were to be done by joint conſent; And ſo many Church-Governours may do more than one.

16. Then Councils called General, having by the Emperours Grant, and the Clergies Deſire and Conſent, the Supreme Church-Power, it was in theſe Councils that the Pride, Ambition and Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too ſoon got in, did exerciſe it ſelf as the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field of War: And as 1. The good men yet among them; 2. And the Articles of Faith yet retained by them, did cauſe them to do much good againſt ſome Hereſies and Diſorders, ſo the Pride and Turbulency, yea ignorance of the reſt, cauſed them to become the occaſions of the doleful Schiſms, and Hereſies; and Enmity of Chriſtians againſt each other, which continue to this day unhealed.

17. Theſe hurtful Contentions in Councils at firſt prevailed but little, and that at Nice did much more good (I think) than harm: And after at Conſtant: a little more hurt was done, and much good: And thoſe that followed did worſe and worſe, till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity, and ſo much p. 17prevailed, that for a thouſand years at leaſt the Biſhops with their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand Corruption and Plague of the Church; which many of the moſt Learned Expoſitors of the Revelation, take to be the Image of the Beaſt; and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heatheniſh Chriſtianity, which they have made their Religion.

18. In their progreſs to all this, as the Dioceſſes firſt grew up from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the preſent Dioceſan, ſo the very Paſtoral Power of all the reſt of the Presbyters, was by degrees taken away, ſo far as that they had no conſenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications, unleſs the Biſhop would chuſe a few for his Council: ſo that the proper power of the King's was confined to one Biſhop over many hundred Pariſhes; and ſo Diſcipline became an impoſſible thing, ſave as it ſerved the Biſhops againſt ſome that they diſliked: And ſo the Church which was as the Garden of Chriſt, became like the Commons, and good and bad were little differenced in Communion.

19. Yet becauſe the Power muſt ſtill be uſeful to the Biſhops ends, as he ſees cauſe, ſome ſhadow of the old exerciſe muſt be kept up: But the Biſhop having not leiſure for the tenth part of the labour which this very ſhadow required, Lay-men are made his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Abſolutions, and to Govern by the Church Keys; like a ſecular Court: And Commiſſaries, Officials, Surrogates, and other hard names and things, are ſet up inſtead of the Presbyters and their Antient Office.

20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was altered; and whereas it was long held, that a Church and Biſhop were Correlates, and there were no more Churches than Biſhops, now many hundred or a thouſand Pariſhes are become no Churches, but parts of one Dioceſan Church, which is the loweſt, and many ſcore or hundred of the old ſort of Biſhops, all caſt out and ſwallowed up by one. Juſt as if a thouſand, or ſome hundred Schools ſhould have but one Governing Schoolmaſter, and be but one School, but each part have an Uſher to read to the Boyes, and tell the one Schoolmaſter as a Monitor what they did amiſs; but might correct none, nor put them out.

21. By this time they began to live on blood; and even as they ſwelled in the beginning, cruelty grew up equally with p. 18Pride: For Reaſon and Scripture were not on their ſide, nor would juſtifie their Cauſe and them, and therefore violence muſt do it: They deſired not the bare title of Power, but the exerciſe of it, to promote the Iſſues of their Wit and Will. They began with raſh ſilencing, ejecting and depoſing Diſſenters, and thence to anathematizing them, and thence to baniſhing, till at laſt it grew up to tormenting in the Inquiſition, and burning them.

22. And whereas (notwithſtanding the petty Hereſies among Chriſtians too early) the glory of the Antient perſecuted Chriſtians was their entire Love and Concord, and the ſhame of the Philoſophers was their diſcord; it came to that paſs, that whereas a Hereſie of old did ſtart up among a few for a ſmall time, like our Ranters and Quakers, who ſhame Religion no more than Bedlams ſhame Reaſon: Now the great Continents of the Earth have been the Seats of the millions of thoſe called Hereticks and Schiſmaticks by each other, about 1400 or 1300 years. Euſebius in Praepar. & Demonſtr. copiouſly ſheweth that the Philoſophers were all confounded in diſſention (and yet did not perſecute each other) but that the Chriſtians were all of one Religion, cleaving to one Sacred Word of God: Of which alſo ſee Raym. Breganium in Theol. Gent. de Cogn. Dei, Enar. 5. cap. 8. To be Lovers of good men, was the character of the old Biſhops: To be dividers, and haters, and ſlanderers, and ſilencers, and perſecutors, and murderers of them, grew up with corrupters Pride.

23. And with theſe did gradually grow up corruptions of Doctrine, even while they pretended a burning Zeal againſt Hereſie; and corruption of God's publick Worſhip, till it grew up to all the Maſs and Roman Impurities.

24. And to ſecure all this againſt Reformation, ridiculous Legends, and falſification of Church-Hiſtory, made it hard for poſterity what to believe, or whom.

§ 15. Being thus far ſure of the matter of fact, by what degrees Prelacy grew up to the height, that it hath now attained in the World abroad, I conſidered what men thought of it now at home (I am ſpeaking yet but of matter of fact;) and I found great diverſity in mens thoughts of it.

1. As to the Roman height, I found that the Church of England ſince the Reformation till A. B. Laud's time took the Pope to be the p. 19Antichriſt; It was in their Church-books: Many other Biſhops, as well as Biſhop Downam, have written for it: What Biſhop Morton, and Hall, and Abbot, and abundance ſuch have written againſt Popery I need not name.

2. I found that then the ſtream began to turn, and the name of Antichriſt was put out, and our Reconciliation with Rome was taken to be a hopeful work, and actually endeavoured (which by their converſion all good men deſire.)

3. I found that many among us of greateſt reverence and name had laid down ſuch tearms as theſe, [That the Catholick Church is one Viſible Society under one humane Governing Soveraignty: That this Univerſal Soveraign hath power of Univerſal Legiſlation and Judgment: That the Colledge of Biſhops through all the World, are this one Supreme Univerſal Soveraign: That they exerciſe it in General Councils when they ſit: That every Biſhop is by Office the Repreſentative of his Dioceſan Church; and theſe Biſhops may, or muſt have Metropolitans and Patriarchs; and by theſe Patriarchs and Metropolitans per literas formatas, and their Nuntii the Univerſal Supreme Colledge may exerciſe their Power over all the World: And what they do thus, the Church or Colledge doth, in the intervals of General Councils: That the Pope of Rome is to be acknowledged the Principium Unitatis to this Univerſal Church and Colledge of Biſhops, and the Ordinary Preſident of General Councils ex Officio. That Councils called without the Preſident who hath the ſole power, are unlawful Aſſemblies, and puniſhable Routs. That the approbation of the Preſident, (if not of the moſt of the Patriarchs) is the note by which an authoriz'd obliging Council is to be known from others. That the Pope is to be obeyed accordingly as Prime Patriarch, Principium Unitatis, Preſident of General Councils, and Patriarch of the Weſt. That all that will not unite with the Church of Rome on theſe tearms, are Schiſmaticks, and ſo to be accounted and uſed. That thoſe that thus unite with the Church of Rome, are no Papiſts: But a Papiſt is only one that holdeth all to be juſt and good that is done by Popes, or at leaſt one that is for the Pope's Abſolute Power of Governing above Canon-Laws and Church-Parliaments or Councils. And that if they will but abate their laſt 400 years Innovations, or at leaſt not impoſe them on others, p. 20we may unite with the Church of Rome, though they claim as Peter's Succeſſors, the Univerſal Supremacy at leaſt to be exerciſed according to the Canons of Councils. And that it is not the Church of Rome, but the Court of Rome, which at preſent we may not unite with. That the Church of Rome is a true Church, and hath had an uninterrupted Succeſſion, and its Sacraments true Sacraments: But none of thoſe Proteſtant Churches are true Churches, that have not Dioceſan Biſhops; nor any of their Paſtors true Miniſters of Chriſt, who have not Dioceſan Epiſcopal Ordination; nor any that have ſuch, unleſs it hath as ſuch been conveyed down from the Apoſtles by uninterrupted Succeſſion by ſuch Dioceſans. That ſuch men have no true Sacraments, God not owning what is done by any not ſo ordained: That therefore they have no Covenant-promiſe of, or right to Pardon and Salvation, becauſe ſuch right is given only by the Sacrament: That therefore all ſuch Proteſtants Sacraments are but nullities, and a prophanation of holy things: And that the Holy Ghoſt being the Inſtituter of theſe ſacred things, it is the ſin againſt the Holy Ghoſt to undertake and exerciſe the Miniſtry, & celebrate Sacraments without ſuch uninterrupted ſucceſſive Ordination. That an Ordained Miniſter, hath no more power than was intended him by his Ordainers: That in ſuch Presbyterians, or Epiſcopal Churches, which have their power from the Ordainers, and ſo far for want of Succeſſion, are nullities; it is ſafe for men (as e. g. in France) to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs.

§ 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the aſcendent in England, ſo I met with ſuch as were for uſing Proteſtants accordingly, even for the ſilencing of them by thouſands, if they would not ſwear, profeſs, promiſe, and do all that—And for uſing the People accordingly. And abating neither big nor little, an Oath or a Ceremony to unite or ſave them. And I lived in an Age where theſe things were no idle ſpeculations.

§ 17. Being thus far ſure of the Matter of Fact, I ſtudied as well as I was able to know which of theſe waies was right: And I ſaw that either Popery that is, the Popes univerſal Headſhip or Government is of Divine Inſtitution, or elſs it is a heinous Uſurpation, and formeth a ſort of Church which is not on any pretence of Concord to be owned. And as to the firſt I have ſaid before and in many Books what I have to ſay againſt it; which p. 21is all ſummed up in Doctor Iz. Barrow, and Doctor H. Moore, and largely told the world by Chamier, Sadeel, Whitaker, Jewel, Uſher, Morton, White, Chillingworth, Crakenthorne, and abundance more. And I thought it ſtrange if either Papacy, or that Tympanite of the Clergy which tended to it, were of God, that the Perſons ſhould be ordinarily ſo bad, and it ſhould introduce ſo great miſchief in doctrine, worſhip and practice over the Chriſtian world, and bring the Church into ſuch a divided and polluted ſtate, and that as the Clergy ſwelled the Body ſhould pine away, and the Spirit of holineſs and Love be turned into the Skelleton of Ceremony and Formality, and into hatred, cruelty, and tearing and tormenting pains.

§ 18. Upon all ſuch thoughts I concluded in theſe reſolutions; 1. That I muſt not accuſe any Office made by God, for mens abuſe of it. 2. Nor muſt I accuſe the good for the faults of the bad. 3. Nor Confound the Office it ſelf, with its diſeaſe, and the accidental Tympanite. 4. Nor aggravate humane infirmities in good men, as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies. 5. Much leſs lay any of the blame on Chriſtianity or Piety, when nothing in the world is ſo much againſt all theſe Evils, nor would they have been ſo far limited, reſtrained or reſiſted, had it not been for that Chriſtianity and Piety that was kept up againſt it; nor is there any other cure of it. It is not by Religion, but for want of more true and ſerious Religion, that all theſe miſchiefs have ſo lamentably prevailed.

§ 19. I therefore reſolving to avoid extreams, concluded thus; 1. That it is moſt certain that Chriſt is the only Head of the Church.

2. And that as ſuch he himſelf did make univerſal Laws, and will be the final univerſal Judge, and there is no other that hath univerſal Legiſlative and Judicial Power but he.

3. As ſuch he inſtituted neceſſary Church-Officers; firſt, extraordinary ones to be his Inſtruments in Legiſlation, as Moſes was to the Jews, giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that uſe, to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance, and guide them to deliver and record all his Commands: And ordinary Miniſters (as the Prieſts and Levites to the Jews) to teach and apply theſe Commands, or univerſal Laws, to the end of the World, but not to add, diminiſh or alter them.

4. That the formal Eſſence of this continued Sacred Miniſtry p. 22conſiſteth in a derived Power and Obligation in ſubordination to Chriſt as Prophet, Prieſt and King, to Teach, to Guide the Churches in holy Worſhip, and to Rule them by the Paſtoral Power, which maketh them Miniſterial Judges of mens capacity for Church-Communion; but they have as ſuch no forcing power of the Sword.

5. That there are two ſorts of theſe Miniſters accidentally diſtinguiſhed: 1. Such as are only ordained to the Miniſtry in general, and not ſpecially related to any one particular Church more than other; whoſe work is to do their beſt to Teach Infidels, and baptize them, and gather Churches, and occaſionally to Officiate orderly in ſuch Churches where they come as need their help. 2. Thoſe that have moreover an additional call to be the ſtated Paſtors, Overſeers or Guides of particular Churches as fixed Officers of Chriſt. All which have the three foreſaid Eſſentials of the Office, to Teach, Worſhip and Rule.

6. That the Office of theſe men is to be performed by themſelves, and no Lay-man may do any Eſſential part of them by their deligation, and therefore (as in Phyſicians, Tutors, &c.) neceſſary Perſonal abilities are as eſſential as the neceſſary diſpoſitio materiae is ad receptionem alicujus formae. And ex quovis ligno non fit mercurius.

7. That it is very much, and great, and moſt important work, which theſe Miniſters have to do. To Preach God's Word underſtandingly, faithfully, conſtantly, fervently; to reſolve the doubtful, to reprove the ſcandalous, to perſuade the obſtinate, to confute gainſayers, to comfort the ſad, and ſtrengthen the weak, particularly as there is occaſion. To viſit the ſick, Catechize, Baptize, beſides all acts of publick Government. Therefore one man cannot poſſibly do all this for too great a number of ſouls, but great Congregations muſt have many Miniſters: And ſo they had in the Primitive Church, where the moſt able Speakers preacht uſually in publick, and the reſt did more of the perſonal and more private work.

8. And whereas it was very early that moſt ſingle Churches had one that had a preheminence amongſt the reſt (not as of another Office, but as a Preſident in a Colledge of Philoſophers, Phyſicians or Divine Students, to be a Governour over thoſe of his own profeſſion, by moderate Guidance,) and it is not unmeet, that when one worthy Teacher hath gathered a Church, p. 23and brought up younger Chriſtians to Miniſterial abilities, that they when they are ordained ſhould take him for their Father, I will never gainſay ſuch an Epiſcopacy in ſingle Churches (that is, ſocieties of Chriſtians combined for perſonal Communion in Doctrine, Worſhip and Holy living under ſuch Paſtors as aforeſaid.)

9. And becauſe I find that the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts had a Miniſterial care of many Churches to teach, reprove, exhort the Paſtors and People; And though the Apoſtles extraordinary power and work ceaſed, yet Church-Overſight as well as Preaching being an ordinary continued work; and when I find Chriſt hath inſtituted ſome Teachers over many Churches, I dare not ſay that he hath repealed this till I can prove it. And the nature of the thing tells us, that if ſome grave holy men have the care of counſelling and warning and reproving the Miniſters of many Churches who are below them in parts and worth; It may do much good and can do no harm to the Churches, while they have no power of force or tyranny, Therefore I reſolved never to ſpeak or do any thing againſt ſuch Biſhops of Biſhops, though Dioceſan.

§ 20. Thus far I have oft declared my ſelf for Epiſcopacy: But finding in all the aforeſaid Hiſtory, how the Church came to the woful State that it hath been in theſe 1200 years, and what it ſuffereth by the Biſhops and their Clergy in almoſt all parts of the Chriſtian World; and that even the Engliſh Dioceſans can endure no more Parochial Paſtoral Diſcipline than they do▪ (I mean ſuch as Bucer in Script. Anglic. preſt ſo vehemently on King Edw. and the Biſhops) and that they cannot contentedly hold their Lordſhips, Wealth and Honours, without ſilencing and ruining Two thouſand ſuch as I, or better; and uſing many thouſands of godly Chriſtians as they do; and finding that I and ſuch others are accuſed as being diſobedient to them—and for not ſwearing and covenanting never to endeavour any alteration of their preſent Church-Government, and all excommunicate by the Canon that ſay there is any thing in it (even from the Archdeacon downward to [the reſt in Office] repugnant to the Word of God) I took it at laſt to be my duty to give the Reaſons of my diſſent in a full Treatiſe of Epiſcopacy.

And becauſe I perceived young men and ſtrangers to former times, deceived by the general noiſe, How Antient and p. 24Univerſal Epiſcopacy hath been; as if all that is called Epiſcopacy were but one and the ſame thing; or as if we were againſt the Primitive Epiſcopacy; therefore I ſuddenly (and too haſtily for want of time,) beſtowed a few weeks in ſumming up the Heads of the Hiſtory of Biſhops and Councils, out of a few Hiſtorians which were moſt common, next at hand, and of moſt credit with thoſe whoſe faults I opened: That it might be truly known How much the tumified degenerate ſort of Prelacy had cauſed the Diviſions and Calamities of the Church.

§ 21. For this Mr. Morrice (as fame ſaith) and many more are ſo greatly offended with me, and ſay of me herein what they do. And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it againſt corrupters did oppoſe it) he defendeth the corruptions and ſinful miſcarriages and diſeaſes of the Prelates: And this he doth, 1. By ſtriving to make me contemptible as unlearned, as if that would excuſe the ſins which I rehearſe and lament: He findeth in one place through my haſte and heedleſneſs, a word of Theodoret miſplaced, and the word [Calami] tranſlated Quills, which he thinks ſhould be Reeds; and one or two more ſuch; as if he prevaricated, and had a deſign to extol the Book, which he finds no more and greater fault in, than he really hath done. And he proveth it likely that I never ſaw the Hiſtories that ſtood by me near twenty years, becauſe the Printer put a Comma between [Marquardus] and [Freherus] (I think there are a dozen Comma's miſplaced in my whole Book;) when he himſelf ſaith of his own Book [The faults that have eſcaped are almoſt infinite.] But of theſe things more anon.

2. He loudly and frequently chargeth me with malicious falſifying Hiſtory; and when he cometh to the proof, I have ſhewed you who the falſifier is.

3. The great thing I am accuſed of, is making the Biſhops more the cauſes of Hereſie, Schiſm and Violence, than they were: And of that I have ſaid nothing, but what I think I have fully proved: And let the Reader judge by this following Catalogue.

Dominee…ing Pride hath been the chief cauſe of Hereſies and Schiſms, eſpecially working in the Clergy to tumid Prelacy and Tyranny.

I. I before noted how the Apoſtles began to ſtrive who ſhould be greateſt, till the effuſion of the Spirit after Chriſts rebukes p. 25had cured them. And what tiranny Diotrephes uſed through love of Preheminence.

II. If the doubtful ſtories of Simon Magus be true, his tumor was more than Papal; And Epiphanius makes Menander, Saturnilus, Baſilides, to be but his Off-ſpring. The Original of the Nicolaitans and Gnoſticks (who Epiphanius ſaith, had enſnared himſelf once) is utterly uncertain; Carpocras, Cerinthus, Ebion, Valentinus, Secundus, Ptolomaeus, were all but Birds of the ſame Gnoſticks Neſt, a crazed ſort of men that mingled Chriſtianity, Platoniſm, and Magical Imaginations; and what they were themſelves, is not known: Such was Marcus, Colarbaſus, Heracleon, the Ophitae, the Cainites, the Sethians, Cerdo; Marcion was a Biſhop's Son caſt out for vice; and Lucian, Apelles and Severus his Off-ſpring, the Heads of their little Sects; whether Biſhops or not, is unknown. What kind of Hereticks Tertullian, Tatianus, and Origen were, and how many faults as ſoul Lactantius, and many not numbered with Hereticks have, is well known: And among all theſe in thoſe early daies, till there were Popes and Dioceſans (ſuch as now) in the world, none ſuch could be Hereticks.

III. Many Councils contended about the time of Eaſter, and Victor with one part of Biſhops, excommunicated Polycrates and the Arian Biſhops; while, as Socrates and Sozomen tell us, the Churches that left it indifferent had peace.

IV. A Council of the beſt Biſhops at Carthage decreed Rebaptizing.

V. A Council of the Biſhops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, Galatia, &c, at Iconium, for Rebaptizing thoſe Baptized by Hereticks: And Stephen Biſhop of Rome excommunicated them all.

VI. A Council at Synadis, and divers others decreed the ſame Rebaptizing.

VII. Divers more African Councils of good Biſhops with Cyprian, decree the ſame, whom Stephen Biſhop of Rome condemneth.

VIII. Divers Biſhops are ſaid to be Sabellian Hereticks.

IX. Paulus Samoſatenus Biſhop of Antioch was a Heretick.

X. The Council of Biſhops at Cirta in Numidia under Secundus Mr. M. calls worſe than I do.

XI. A Carthage Council of 70 Biſhops An. 306. ſet up the Donatiſts Schiſm, ſtriving for the preheminence, who ſhould be Biſhop of Carthage.

p. 26XII. An. 308. Another Donatiſts Council had 270 Biſhops. Many more Councils they had.

XIII. The firſt General Council at Nice we honour, and aſſent to its Creed: But thank Conſtantine for burning all their Libels, and keeping peace by his preſence and ſpeech.

XIV. The Schiſm made by Meletius and Peter, Biſhops, is well known.

XV. The Hereſie of Arius (a Presbyter that would have been a Prelate) quickly infected Euſebius Nicomed. If not Euſebius Caeſarienſis, and divers other Biſhops.

XVI. Epiphanius ſaith, that Audius was driven to his Hereſie by being long abuſed, beaten, and at laſt excommunicated for reproving the Biſhops and Prieſts for their Covetouſneſs, Luxury, and other ſins: And ſo he became a Biſhop himſelf.

XVII. Euſebius Nicom. made Biſhop of Conſtantinople (whom you tell us Valeſius thinks was no Heretick) hired a Whore at Antioch, to father her Child on Euſtathius the Biſhop there, and got more Biſhops to depoſe him, and the Emperour to baniſh him.

XVIII. A Council of Biſhops at Tyre unjuſtly condemn and perſecute Athanaſius.

XIX. Three Biſhops (ſaith Mr. M. overcome with too much Wine and perſuaſion) ordained Novatian falſly Biſhop of Rome (before this aforementioned.)

XX. A Council at Jeruſalem An. 335. tryed and approved Arius Faith, and reſtored him.

XXI. A Council at Conſtantinople condemned Marcellus Ancyranus, and Athanaſius, and juſtified Arius.

XXII. A Council of near 100 Biſhops at Antioch, 36 being Arians, depoſed Athanaſius.

XXIII. Another Council at Antioch make a new Creed without [foreign]

XXIV. A Council of 376 Biſhops at Sardica, decree Appeals to Rome, which Auguſtin and the African Biſhops were againſt.

XXV. The Semi-Arian Biſhops went to Philippopolis, and condemned ſuch as the other at Sardica had abſolved, but caſt out [foreign] as not ſcriptural, and caſt dreadful accuſations on Athanaſius, Paulus C. P. and Marcellus.

XXVI. An. 350. A Council at Milan received Urſacius and Valens, Arians.

p. 27XXVII. Stephen an Arian Biſhop hired a Whore to go in to Biſhop Euphratas; and this Euphratas after turned Photinian.

XXVIII. An. 353. A Council at Arles condemn Athanaſius.

XXIX. An. 355. A General Council at Milan of above 300 Weſtern Biſhops (though the Eaſtern that were moſt Arian could not come) where Athanaſius was condemned, and communion with the Arians ſubſcribed.

XXX. An. 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and baniſhed Hilary, and condemned them as Separatiſts or Schiſmaticks that renounced the Arian Communion.

XXXI. A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Weſtern Biſhops beſides the Eaſtern, made three different Creeds, condemned Athanaſius, left out the word [Subſtance] made P. Liberius, and old Oſius ſubſcribe againſt Athanaſius.

XXXII. The Oriental Biſhops at Ancyra were only for [foreign] and not [foreign] and with Macedonius againſt the Godhead of the Holy Ghoſt.

XXXIII. A General Council 400 Biſhops met at Ariminum; of whom moſt at firſt were Orthodox; but after when the Emperour interpoſed, ſubſcribed to the Arian Party.

XXXIV. The reſt ſate at Seleucia, and were more Orthodox, but divided into Acacians, who were for leaving out [Subſtance] and Semi-Arians, who were for [Like Subſtance.] Sulp. Severus tells us, that many Biſhops quieted their Conſciences by [ſubſcribing in their own ſenſe] and ſo deceived the Arians that thought they had won them.

XXXV. A Council at C. P. made a Ninth Creed, leaving out [Subſtance and Hypoſtaſit, The Semi-Arians for this baniſhed the Authors.

XXXVI. A Council at Antioch caſt out Miletius, and made a Tenth Creed, worſe than the reſt.

XXXVII. Julian Reigning, Athanaſius calls a Council at Alexandria, which had almoſt divided Eaſt and Weſt about the names [Hypoſtaſit and Perſona;] but that ſome wiſe men perſuaded them that the words were both of the ſame ſignification; which yet was hardly entertained afterward.

XXXVIII. A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned Jovianus to caſt out the Acacians; till they knew his mind, and then the Arian Biſhops turned Orthodox.

XXXIX. At a Synod in Tyana Euſtath. Sebaſt. denied [foreign] and the Godhead of the Holy Ghoſt.

p. 28XL. An Arian Council of Biſhops in Caria under Valens: And another at Singeduni in Miſia.

XLI. Damaſus in a Roman Council condemneth Siſinnius for Conventicles: For at the Election in the Church they fought for theſe two: And Damaſus his Party one day left 137 dead bodies behind them, and got the better.

XLII. Valens by cruelty ſet up Arian Biſhops in a great part of the Eaſ….

XLIII. The firſt General Council at C. P. is commonly called the Second General, when yet that at Sardica, Ariminum, Sirmium, Milan, were General alſo: They were many good men, and did good: But how they uſed Nazianzen to the great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Nazianzen deſcribeth them, I deſire the Reader to take from his own words, and not from mine, or Mr. M.

XLIV. The Council at Caeſar Auguſta did that which made Martin ſeparate from them and all their Councils after to his death.

XLV. A Council at C. P. ſet up Flavian at Antioch, and a Council at Rome were for Paulinus: The former advance C. P. and Jeruſalem.

XLVI. Many Schiſmatical Councils of Donatiſt Biſhops followed.

XLVII. For Theophilus caſe I refer you to Socrates and Sozemene.

XLVIII. Epiphanius his Schiſmatical uſage of Chryſoſtom is unexcuſable.

XLIX. And ſo is Theophilus proſecution of him, and a Synod of Biſhops caſting him out, and Cyril's reſiſting the reſtoring of his name when dead, and reviling the Joannites that kept ſeparated Meetings for his ſake.

L. The Dioſpolitan Council abſolved Pelagius. Divers Carthage Councils condemned him. P. Innocent condemned him. Zoſimus once abſolved him, and condemned his accuſers.

The Biſhops caſt out for Simony, I will not number here.

LI. The Contentions between Boniſace and Eulalius, and others after them to get the Biſhoprick of Rome, are ſo many as I will not number them. And the ſtriving of three Biſhops ſucceſſively againſt the African Fathers for the Roman ſuper-eminence and Appeals to Rome, are commonly known.

p. 29LII. One of Biſhop Boniface's Decrees is, That [No Biſhop ſhall be brought before any Judge, Civil or Military, either for any Civil or Criminal Cauſe.]

LIII. What the firſt General Council at Epheſus did in the Cauſe of Neſtorius I have fully opened: Derodons Evidence is undeniable, that Neſtorius was Orthodox as to the Matter, though he miſtook as to words, in thinking that Mary ſhould not be called The Mother of God, but of Chriſt who is God. (which Luther alſo ſhews.) Yet ſince that Councils anathematizing him, a great body of Chriſtians in many Eaſtern Kingdoms, to this day are a party hereticated by the reſt. Is not ſuch an effect of 1200 years continuance, a witneſs of the failing of that Council?

LIV. The Biſhops of C. P. and Alexandria ſtriving which ſhould be greateſt, a Council at C. P. decided it for C. P. where Theodoret was for Alexandria, and fell under diſpleaſure.

LV. Leo M. Biſhop of Rome, claims the title of Head of the Catholick Church.

LVI. Two Councils at C. P. one againſt Eutyches the other for him.

LVII. The ſecond Council at Epheſus is ſo heavily accuſed by Mr. M. and ſuch others, that I need not accuſe it more. Flavianus of C. P. was there hurt to death. Yet Bellarmin confeſſeth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Pope's approbation.

LVIII. A Council at Alexandria under Dioſcorus excommucateth Leo.

LIX. What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have ſhewed: Inſtead of reconciling the Neſtorian and Eutychian Controverſies by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words, they Anathematized both and baniſhed Dioſcorus, And ever ſince to this day, the Eutychians and Neſtorians are ſeparated Diſſenters.

LX. At Alexand. the Biſhops party that the Council was for (Proterius) and Timothy whom Dioſcorus party were for, ſo reged, that they murdered Proterius, and dragg'd his carkaſs in the ſtreets, and bit his fleſh: And each party ſtill accuſed the other.

LXI. Pulcheria (Theodoſius's Siſter and Martian's Wife) being for the Council, and Eudocia Theodoſius's Widdow for Dioſcarus, they animated the ſeveral Parties of Biſhops and Monks: And in Paleſtine Juvenal Biſhop of Jeruſalem was expelled, Severianus Biſhop of Schythopolis killed, &c.

p. 30LXII. Leo the Emperour commanding obedience to the Calcedon Council, at Alexandria and Antioch the Armies of contending Biſhops were in continual war, calling each other Neſtorians and Eutychians; one Biſhop baniſhed by the Emperour, the contrary Biſhop murdered by the people, and caſt into the River; the next getting the better again, &c.

LXIII. In Martian's and Leo's daies moſt Biſhops ſubſcribed to the Council. When Baſiliſcus uſurped, and was againſt the Council, ſaith Niceph. three Patriarchs, and five hundred Biſhops renounced it, moſt before having damned its adverſaries. Baſiliſcus recanteth his Commands, and commandeth all to be for the Council, and the Biſhops obey him, ſave thoſe of Aſia. Zeno recovereth the Empire, and is for the Council, and the Aſian Biſhops turn for it, and ſay they ſubſcribed to Baſiliſcus at firſt for fear. Zeno ſeeing it impoſſible otherwiſe to make Peace, leaveth all indifferent whether they will ſubſcribe the Council or not. Then the War grew hotter between the Biſhops and their Armies againſt each other, ſpecially the Patriarchs; all being in Confuſion, at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Emperour wiſe enough to quiet them.

LXIV. Anaſtaſius a peaceable man, made Emperour, leaveth all to think of the Council as they will: Then the Biſhops fall into three Parties; ſome for every word in the Council; ſome anathematizing it, and ſome for the indifferency: The Eaſt one way, the Weſt another, and Lybia another; yea each Country divided among themſelves: Saith Niceph. So great confuſion and blindneſs of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls upon the impeaceable of both ſides: At his own place C. P. the Sedition of the People overcame him, for their Council Biſhop, which turned the Emperour more againſt the Council, and that Biſhop and the reſt.

LXV. At Antioch the Armies of two Biſhops fought it out, and the Council Party getting the better, killed ſo many Monks, as to ſave the labour of burying them, they caſt their bodies into the River: And after another Party of them made as great a ſlaughter. For this blood the Emperour baniſh'd Flavianus the Council Biſhop: This was called Perſecution. Pet. Alex. being dead, the Biſhops of Alex. Egypt and Lybia, fell all into pieces among themſelves, and had ſeparate Meetings: The reſt of the Eaſt ſeparated from the Weſt, becauſe the Weſt refuſed Communion with p. 31them unleſs they would anathematize Neſtorius, Eutyches, Dioſcorus, Moggus, and Acacius: And yet ſaith Niceph. Qui germani Dioſcori & Eutychetis ſectatores fuere, ad maximam paucitatem redacti ſunt. Note that Flavian the Council Biſhop for fear with his Fellow Biſhops (threatned by Biſhop Xenaias) ſubſcribed an Anathema againſt Theodore, Theodorite, Ibas, as Neſtorians: The Iſaurian Biſhops yield to anathematize the Council. Severus a fierce Enemy of the Neſtorians made Patriarch at Antioch, forced many Biſhops to renounce the Council; and many to fly. The Iſaurian Biſhops repent and condemn Severus: The Emperour commanded out two Biſhops for condemning their Patriarch: The People defend them, and force the Emperour to deſiſt, becauſe he would ſhed no blood for Biſhops. Helias Biſhop of Jeruſalem, ſaw all the Biſhops in ſuch confuſion, that he would communicate with none of them, but the Biſhop of C. P. The Monks at Jeruſalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not the four Councils to the four Evangeliſts, and write to the Emperour that they would make good the conflict to blood, and went about to engage men to the Council: The Emperour commanded the Biſhop to reform this: He refuſeth. The Emperour ſendeth Souldiers to compel them, and the Biſhops and Monks forcibly caſt them out of the Church. He ſent Olympius with a ſtronger band, who caſt out the Biſhop: The next Biſhops and more Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this, and the Souldiers driven away by force.

LXVI. Faelix of Rome, with 77 Biſhops, excommunicate Acacius of C. P. (with a [Nunquam Anathematis vinculis exuendus) and their own two Biſhops that obeyed the Emperour in communicating. The Schiſm between Laurentius and Symmachus, came to blood-ſhed, when five or ſix Councils laboured to heal it. Symmachus excommunicateth the Emperour and Biſhop of C. P. as communicating with Hereticks; but not an Arian King then at Rome.

LXVII. A Council of 80 Biſhops at Sidon anathematize the Council of Calcedon.

The ſtriving Parties keep up ſtill in great Bodies, and the Melchites (as they call thoſe that obeyed Kings and the Council) have one Patriarch at Damaſcus, the Eutychian Jacobites one at Meſopotamia, the Maronites one at M. Libanus, all called Patriarchs of Antioch, (and the Romans make a fourth of the ſame p. 32title) and the Neſtorians have their Patriarch at Muzal.

Of the many Hereſies or Sects that roſe up from the intemperate oppoſition to Neſtorius, and the woful ruines they made in the Eaſt after the Calcedon Councils, and all cauſed by Pride and Proſperity, and wantonneſs of Wit, and ſtopt only by the Conqueſt of the Sarazens and Arabians, and how orthodox now in their Captivity and Poverty they all are, even the Jacobites, the Neſtorians, the Armenians, the Cophti, the Abaſſines, the Indians, and the Maronites, ſee the notable words of Brierwrod Enquir. p. 180, 181, 182, 183. As alſo how the Perſian King was a great cauſe of the ſpreading of the Neſtorians through his Dominions.

LXVIII. The Eaſt and Weſt were divided in Juſtin's Reign, on the Queſtion, whether the names of two Orthodox dead Biſhops ſhould be reſtored into the Dypticks, even Euphemius and Macedonius, whom the Pope had damned as communicating with Hereticks; the Biſhops of the Eaſt being for it, and the Weſt againſt it.

LXIX. Juſtin turning the ſtream for the Calced. Council, the Biſhops in a Council at Jeruſalem, and another at Tyre are for it, and condemn Severus. And a Roman Council condemneth the three dead Biſhops of C. P. Acacius, Euphemius and Macedonius.

LXX. So far were the Biſhops yet from Peace, that Juſtinian being Emperour, headed the Council Party, and his Wife the adverſe Party.

About 30000 they ſay were then killed in C. P. at an Inſurrection.

LXXI. A miſchievous Schiſm for the Biſhoprick at Rome, between Boniface 2. and Dioſcorus and Agapetus after Boniface.

LXXII. In Juſtinian's time a Controverſie aroſe, whether we may ſay [One of the Trinity was crucified?] Hormiſda Biſhop of Rome ſaid No. The Neſtorians took hold of this and ſaid, [Then we may not ſay Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity.] Juſtinian ſent for a Council about it to Pope John: He and his Biſhops concluded contrary to Hormiſda, that we may ſay [One of the Trinity was crucified.] And ſay Baronius and Binius [Ita mutatis hoſtibus arma mutari neceſſe ſuit.] Faith changeth as occaſions change. Reader, if thou ſeeſt not here how Biſhops have broken the Church in pieces, I muſt not tell thee, leſt Mr. M. be angry.

p. 33I intreat the Reader to ſee what I ſaid, Hiſt. p. 132. of the Conference of Hypatius and the Eutychians.

LXXIII. A Council at C. P. calls their Biſhop Patriarcha Oecumenicus, and condemn divers Biſhops, as doth a Council at Jeruſalem.

LXXIV. At Rome the Arian King made Silverius Biſhop, and others choſe Vigilius that murdered him. Vigilius excommunicated Menna of C. P. which Juſtinian revenged.

LXXV. A new Controverſie is ſtated whether Chriſts body was corruptible: The denyers had Gainas A. Biſhop; The affirmers had Theodoſius; The firſt were called Phantaſiaſtae, the other Corrupticolae. Moſt were for Gainas, but the Soldiers for Theodoſius: They fought many daies, and the Soldiers killed many, and many of them were killed, and the Women with ſtones from the top of the houſes, and the Soldiers with fire, continued the war: And the diviſion continued in Liberatus's daies: Juſtinian was ſo zealous for the Council of Calcedon, that he murdered thouſands (as they ſay) in Egypt, and yet dyed a reputed Heretick himſelf, being for the Corrupticolae, and Evagrius ſaith, when he had ſet the whole world in tumult, he was damned himſelf. But God beſt knoweth that.

LXXVI. A Council at Barcelona Decree that Prieſts muſt cut their beards, but not ſhave them.

LXXVII. By the Cheat of an Eutychian Biſhop Juſtinian was perſuaded that the condemning of ſome Writings of Theodoré Mopſueſt, Theodorite and Ibas, would reconcile the Biſhops: He calls a General Council at C. P. to that end (uſually called the 5th) His Letters are read opening the doleful diviſions, that the Churches had no Communion with one another, &c. The three Biſhops writings are read: Theodorite charged by this General Council with that ſalt Epiſtle againſt dead Cyril, and a like Speech at Antioch, and none vindicated him: Binius and Mr. Morice and others ſay the Letter is forged: I know not; But the Tria Capitula are condemned. And now this General Council hath made a new dividing ſnare. Many that were for the Calcedon Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in receiving Theodorite, &c. The Adverſaries were never the more ſatisfyed; but ſaith Binius himſelf [The end was not obtained, but a moſt grievous miſchief added to the Church—The whole Catholick Church was torn by Schiſm, and worſe, the Emperour ſtir'dup Perſecution, p. 34depoſed or baniſhed P. Vigilius: But leſt the Eaſt ſhould all forſake the Weſt, he recanted and conſented to the Council. Doth either the work or the effect commend this General Council?

LXXVIII. A Council of Jeruſalem ſave one Biſhop, preſently received this Decree.

LXXIX. A Weſtern Council at Aquileia condemn this 5th General Council at C. P. and (ſaith Binius) ſeparated from the whole Catholick Church (even from Rome) for an hundred years till Sergius reconciled them. Q. Were the Weſtern Biſhops or the Pope then the Weſtern Church? So many ſeparated, that Vigilius being dead, there could but two Biſhops (and a Presbyter) be got to ordain Pelagius his Succeſſor. But the Emperour and his Pope perſecute the Biſhops, and the Schiſm ſeemed deſperate.

LXXX. Another Council at C. P. An. 587. decree that John Biſhop of C. P. be called The Univerſal Biſhop; which greatly increaſed the Churches diviſions.

LXXXI. King Gunthram called a Council at Maſcon An. 589. finding all things grow worſe and worſe, & all long of the Biſhops only, ſaith Binius.

LXXXII. Even Great Gregory called a Synod againſt the diſſenting Biſhops, and they not obeying his ſummons, the Biſhop of Aquileia was ruined (the Weſtern Head) Sabinian that ſucceeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt. Boniface the third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief Biſhops Seat (He to whom Greg. had ſung Laetentur coeli, & exult et terra, &c.)

LXXXIII. Next roſe up the Monothelite Controverſie, Cyrus Biſhop of Alexand. to end the Controverſies aforementioned, was told that to uſe the word [Dei virilis operatio & voluntas] would unite them all, which paſt as ſatisfaction in a Council at Alexand. P. Honorius perſuaded them to ſilence [One] and [Two.]

But this Counſel was rejected, and now whether Chriſt had [One or Two Wills and Operations, became as de fide, the new War of the Biſhops through the world. Some were for [One] and ſome for [Two] as if [Will and Operation, and One or Two] were words that had but one ſignification; When every Novice in Philoſophy muſt grant that Chriſt's Will and Operation in ſome ſenſe, was but One, and in other ſenſes Two, as I have proved. But Sergius Biſhop of Conſt. ſet it on foot, Heraclius being for it, and Pyrrhus his Succeſſor followed it on. And Sergius by a p. 35Council of Biſhops at C. P. decreed for [One Will.]

The Opinion and the Emperour Conſtans his ſilencing both, are condemned at Rome. The Pope, Emperours and Biſhops, are all condemned, and perſecuting each other about it.

LXXXIV. Conſt. Pogonat. called a General Council at C. P. called the 6th, which condemned Macarius Biſhop of Ant. and the pacificatory Epiſtles of P. Honorius and Sergius as Heretical, and all that were for One Will, and One Operation of Chriſt; 1. As denominated a naturis & earum principiis ſeu facultatibus, the Divine and Humane Will and Operations were and are Two: 2. As denominated ab unitate perſona; they are the Will and Operations of One perſon, and ſo far may be called One. 3. As denominated ab unitate objectiva they are One: The Divine and Humane Nature will the ſame thing, ſo far as the Humane willeth, and do ſo far the ſame work: But if any will make a new Hereſie by diſputing whether the Divine Nature alone do not will and act ſomewhat without the volition and action of the Humane (ſince the Incarnation) they ſhall have no company of mine in it. 4. In the ſenſe as the Operation of the principal and inſtrumental Cauſe are One, producing One Effect; ſo Chriſt's Divine and Humane Operations are One. 5. As Conſent denominateth Unity, and the Old Chriſtians are ſaid to be of One heart and ſoul, One mind and mouth; and Chriſt prayeth that we may be One in him, ſo his Will and Operation are One. 6. Yea if there be a ſort of Union between Chriſt & his Members, and between the Bleſſed in Heaven, which is quite beyond our preſent comprehenſion, it is much much more ſo between Chriſt's Divine and Humane Will and Operations.

And now Reader, whether it was well done to paſs over theſe and many other needful diſtinctions, and to put men barely to ſay that Chriſt's Will and Operations were not One, but Two, when really they were both One and Two; and to make the Pope himſelf a Heretick, for one of the wiſeſt Epiſtles that ever Pope wrote (I am no ſuch enemy to a Pope as to be partial;) and to divide the very Weſtern Church from Rome, and make Aquileia its Head for an hundred years, and to ſet all the Roman Empire in a flame, anathematizing and ſeparating from one another, becauſe they had not skill or ſobriety enough to ask each other by ſuch diſtinctions what they meant, I ſay, if this be wiſely and well done, and be a praiſe to Prelacy, and I be to blame for p. 36blaming it, then good and evil is but what every diſeaſed ſoul will make it. Mr. Morrice and his Maſters, that honour their Leviathan for ſuch works as theſe, do tell us, that they would do it themſelves were it to be done again. And let it be their work, and the reward be theirs: For my part I abhor and renounce it.

LXXXV. Faith and Salvation now depended ſo much on Arithmetick, that the Biſhops of Spain raiſed another Arithmetical Controverſie, aſſerting Three Subſtances in Chriſt, his Divinity, his Soul, and his Body, and ſay, [A Will begat a Will, that is, the Divine, the Humane.] Theſe things are true. But the wiſe Pope was ſo affrighted with Arithmetical Controverſies by experience of the miſchievous Effects, that he cautioned them much about it, and for that ſome judged him erroneous.

LXXXVI. The Council at Trull was one of the beſt that ever they had, yet ſhewed the Core of the Churches Plague, by decreeing, That whatever alteration the Imperial Power maketh on any City, the Eccleſiaſtical Order ſhall follow it. This Clergy ambition nurſt up Anti-Chriſt.

LXXXVII. A Council at Aquileia condemned the 5th General Council for condemning the Tria capitula.

LXXXVIII. Pope Sergius condemning the Trullane Council, the Emperour commanded him to be a Priſoner, and the Souldiers bribed reſcued him.

LXXXIX. Bardanes Philippicus being made Emperor, he calleth a General Council at C. P. where, ſaith Binius, out of the Eaſt there were innumerable Biſhops, (which is not ſaid of any other Council) who all condemned the 6th General Council, and their Decrees of Two Wills and Operations.

Here (not I, but) Baronius and Binius ſay [Thus at the Beck of an Emperour, and the Will of a Monothelite Patriarch, the holy 6th Synod is condemned, and what they ſaid of Two Wills with Chriſt, and two Operations, and all retracted by the Decree and Subſcription of very many Oriental Biſhops, that were in one moment turned from being Catholick to be Monothelites.] But do they forget the 100 Year, that even the Weſt made a head againſt the 5th Council and the Pope.

XC. Next all the World is ſet together by the Ears about Images, for which the Pope rebelled againſt and rejected the Emperour for Charles Martel of France.

And Pope Zachary bid Boniſace call a Council to eject the Aſtors of Antipodes

p. 37CXI. In a General Council at C. P. 338 Biſhops condemned the worſhipping of Images, and ſwear men not to adore them, and deſtroyed reliques, &c. and decreed, that Chriſt's Body is not fleſh in Heaven: But the Pope and Weſtern Biſhops of his Party, condemn this Council.

XCII. The Greek Biſhops condemn the Roman Biſhops for adding [Filio que ] to the Creed, and ſo another occaſion of Schiſm is raiſed.

XCIII. The Schiſms in Italy and Rome itſelf now grew ſo great and the Effects in Blood and Confuſions ſo diſmal, that I muſt not number them one by one.

XCIV. Conſtantine and Leo Iſaur. Emperours, being dead, a Woman Irene, and her Infant Son are for Images, and call a General Council for them at Nice, where Tharaſius Biſhop of C. P. got the Biſhops to carry it for Images and Reliques, and the Chief Biſhops that had condemned them before, now cryed peccavimus, and condemned thoſe that were againſt adoration of Images, &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance for reciting this, I cannot help it.

XCV. Yet more Schiſm: Two Biſhops, Foelix and Elipandus, ſay, That Chriſt as the eternal Word was Gods natural Son, but as Man he was but his adopted Son: (thinking that duo fundamenta, viz. Generatio aeterna, & temporalis, duas-faciunt Relationes, filiationis in una perſona.] But Councils condemned them as making two Sons. And the great Council at Frankford condemning the ſecond Council of Nice, and Image-worſhip, condemn alſo theſe two Biſhops, 1. For ſaying Chriſt was God's Adopted Son; 2. And that by Grace; 3. And that he was a Servant. Is any of this falſe, not excluding a higher title?

The Council concludeth that Chriſt was not a Servant ſubjected to God by penal ſervitude: Sure it was part of his ſuffering for our ſins, to be in the form of a Servant, Phil. 2. 7.

XCVI. Binius ſaith the Filio que was added to the Creed by the Spaniſh and French Biſhops without the Pope.

XCVII. One Council at C. P. reſtored him that married the Emperour adulterouſly to another wife: And another condemned Theod. Studita and Plato, for being againſt it.

XCVIII. The moſt excellent Emperour Ludov. Pius was ſo zealous to reform the Biſhops, that they hated him, and in a Council at Compendium (Compeigne) moſt perfidiouſly depoſed p. 38him, and after baſely abuſed him, even without the Pope.

XCIX. As to pleaſe his Son Lotharius, they depoſed the Father; ſo when he was beaten by his Brethren, they after in a Council at Aquiſgrane (Aken) depoſed Lotharius, accuſing him as they did his Father.

C. At C. P. a Council was called by the power of another Woman Theodora and the Biſhops that had under divers Emperours condemned Image-worſhip, now turn to it again, and anathematize on a ſudden the oppoſers.

CI. The Biſhops own Lotharius Adulterous marriage with Waldrada.

CII. The Councils that ſet up and pull'd down Ignatius and Photius at C. P. and the woful ſtir that they made as Emperours changed, were lamentable.

CIII. Many contrary Councils were between the French Biſhops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope.

CIV. Baſil the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his Biſhops, or elſe they ſhould be without, becauſe all had miſcarried, and turned with the times.

CV. A General Council at Conſt. called by the Papiſts, The Eighth General Council, condemned Photius again, and ſet up Ignatius, and the Changers cryed, peccavimus, and make extreme Decrees for Images (But they well condemn ſubſcribing to be true to their Patriarchs and Biſhops;) but decree that all Princes and Subjects worſhip the Biſhops, who muſt not fall down to them. Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they decreed—ſaying, A Biſhop, though it be manifeſt that he is deſtitute of all Virtue of Religion, yet is a Paſtor; and the Sheep muſt not reſiſt the Shepherd.

CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome and C. P. what Biſhop ſhould have the Bulgarians.

CVII. A Council at Metz called Praedaetorium, gave the Kingdom to Car. Calv. unjuſtly.

CVIII. A Council at Pavia falſly make Charles Emperour.

CIX. Another (Pontigonenſe) confirmed it; (the Pope claiming the Power.)

CX. A Roman Council unjuſtly made Ludov. 3. Emperour.

CXI. A General Council at C. P. again ſet up Photius, and caſt out [Filio que .]

CXII. The Roman actions for and againſt P. Formoſus, are odious to all ſober Chriſtians Ears.

p. 39CXIII. A Council at Soyſons confirm the A. Biſhoprick of Rhemes to a Child of five years old, Son to the E. of Aquitane. Divers other Councils do and undo about the ſame Cauſe.

CXIV. The Hiſtory of the Biſhops of Rome and their Councils from hence forward is ſo lamentable that even the moſt flattering Papiſt Hiſtorians mention them with deteſtation. So that I muſt not ſtay to name many particulars.

CXV. An. 1049. A Roman Council was fain to pardon Simoniacal Biſhops and Prieſts, becauſe the Cry was, that elſe none would be left to officiate.

CXVI. Being come into the Roman ſink, I will paſs above an hundred more of the Councils of this woful ſort of Biſhops, leſt Mr. Morrice think that I ſuppoſe him to vindicate them, or not to abhor them. Only remembering my Reader of a few General or notable things: viz.

I. The multitude of Schiſms, and long vacancies at Rome; and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes, which prove an interrupted ſucceſſion.

II. The horrid wars that long infeſted Italy by the Popes means.

III. The diſmal wars with many Emperours, and the Biſhops and Councils half on one ſide and half on the other.

IV. The Council that called the Emperours and others Princes power of inveſting Biſhops, the Henrician Hereſie, and judg'd the Biſhops that had been for it to be dig'd out of their graves and burnt.

V. The Subjecting and debaſing of all Chriſtian Princes, making them but as the Body, and the Moon, and the Biſhops, to be as the ſoul and the ſun. Eſpecially the General Lateran Council which decreed Tranſubſtantiation, and all to be Hereticks that denied it; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all ſuch Hereticks on pain of Excommunication, depoſition & damnation.

VI. The Councils of Conſtance and Baſils that were for Reformation how falſly and cruelly they dealt with Hus and Jerome and rejected the four great requeſts of the Bohemians, and fixed their pollutions.

VII. The Councils of Florence, and that of Trent, which had more Learned men, who yet more obſtinately managed the Enmity to Reformation.

VIII. The preſent State of the Univerſal Church throughout the World as it is divided into Papiſts, Proteſtants, Greeks, Moſcovites, p. 40Georgians, with the Circaſſians and Mengrelians, Armenians, Neſtorians, Jacobites, Cophtis, Abaſines, Maronites, Melchites: And what thoughts theſe have of one another.

And I would deſire Mr. Morrice to tell us,

1. Whether he believes not verily that all theſe Inſtances prove that the Biſhops have been the chief cauſe, and that by Ambition, Pride and Worldlineſs?

2. Whether it be not the Biſhops that in the Roman and other Parties now, are the greateſt hinderers of Reformation, and of Concord? and it would not be ſoon done were it not through them?

3. Where it is that he will ſtop in his Vindication of the Biſhops and their Councils, and go no further? and by what cogent reaſon?

4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church-Tyranny which I accuſed? 1. By vindicating the firſt Ages, and others whom I praiſed, and accuſed not; 2. And by letting fall his Vindication (ſave a few conſequent quibbles) at the fourth General Council; which was in 451. And ſo ſeems to vindicate the Biſhops and Councils but for the ſpace of 150 years of the time that I mentioned their degeneration?

5. Whether if the Biſhops had been willing when they had the King's Commiſſion to make neceſſary alteration, or were but to this day willing to prefer things neceſſary before things hurtful or indifferent, we might not live in happy and holy Love and Peace in England?

6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Chriſt, for lamenting the doleful corruption and diviſion of the Chriſtian world, and for enquiring of, and lamenting the ſinful cauſes.

7. If that Church Prelacy which they juſtly call the beſt in all the world can endure no more Pariſh Diſcipline than we have, nor can endure ſuch a Miniſtry as are ſilenced by hundreds or thouſands (than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can hear of hath better) can you blame us for ſuſpecting that ſomewhat is amiſs with them, and more with others?

8. I hope you will yet remember that I did not appear as an accuſer of Prelacy or Conformity, but as importuned by your ſelves to give the reaſons why I dare not take your Covenant and Oath never to endeavour any alteration of your Church Government: and that after ſeventeen years ſilence. My prayers p. 41to God ſhall be my endeavour for theſe following Alterations.

1. That the Primitive Diſcipline may be exerciſed in the Pariſh Churches, as Bucer importuned the King and Biſhops de Regno Dei, &c.

2. That to that end we may either have ſo many Biſhops under the Dioceſan as be capable to do it, or the Presbyters enabled, allowed and obliged to do it.

3. And that we may not inſtead of it have only a diſtant Court of men that know not the Pariſhioners, where a Lay Chancellour decreeth Excommunication, and Abſolution, which the Pariſh Prieſt muſt publiſh, though his conſcience be againſt it.

4. And that Dioceſans may not ſilence faithful Miniſters without ſuch cauſe as Chriſt will allow, nor ſet up ignorant bad ones and bind the Pariſhioners to hear and communicate with no other. I am ſo far from preciſe expectations from Dioceſans, or from reviling them, that I do conſtantly praiſe them as very good Biſhops who do no harm, or but a little, and if they ſhould never preach themſelves, ſo they will not hinder others.

9. And as for my calling Things and Perſons as they are, I hope you will not ſay that it was out of Malice that Anaſtaſius Platina, Maſſonius, Stella, Sigibert, Baronius, Genebrard, Binnius, &c. have recorded ſuch horrid crimes of Popes, and others alſo of Prelates. And is it malice in me to tranſcribe their Hiſtory?

I am of Dr. Henry Moore's mind, who ſaith, [Myſtery of Iniq. p. 388. Hence it is plain that they are the trueſt friends to Chriſtendom, even to Rome it ſelf, that do not ſooth them up in their ſins, by mitigating and hiding their ſoul miſcarriages, but deal apertly and plainly with them for their own ſafety; that neither admit, nor invent ſubterfuges to countenance or palliate their Idolatrous and ſuperſtitious practices, but tell them plainly how much they are apoſtatized from the true Worſhip of God and Chriſt into Paganiſm and Idolatry. Better are the rebukes of a faithful friend, than the hired flatteries of a glozing mercenary.] I pray mark this well.

10. I take two things to be the degenerating and corruption of Epiſcopacy.

1. When they became ſo bad that they were not willing to do good according to their undertaken Office. Bad men will do ill in any place.

p. 422. When they had put themſelves into a ſtate of incapacity, that they could not do the Good undertaken, were they never ſo willing.

1. Since great Baits of Wealth and Domination have tempted the worſt men to be the Seekers, Biſhops have rarely been good, except under a Saint-like Prince or People that had the Choice; nor are ever like to be. And what work the Enemies of Holineſs will make by abuſing Chriſt's Name againſt himſelf, is eaſie to know; ſuch will take the beſt men for the worſt, and call them all that's naught, that they may quiet their Conſciences in deſtroying them.

2. And ſince a Dioceſs of many hundred or ſcore Pariſhes hath had but one Biſhop for Diſcipline, the work is become impoſſible to the beſt. But when a few Bad men will mercinarily undertake Impoſſibilities, and ſo Badneſs and Impoſſibility go together, alas, what hope, but of a better world above?

Saith Luther de Concil. & Eccleſ. p. 300. Sed quam ſunt intenti hanc craſſam & aſininam …atuitatem? Unus Epiſcopus nonnunquam habet tres Epiſcopatus vel Dioceſes, & tamen vocatur Unius Uxoris maritus, & cum habet tantum unum Epiſcopatum, tamen interdum habet centum, ducentas, quingentas Parochias, aut etiam plures, & vocatur tamen Sponſus unius Eccleſiae—Hi non ſunt digami—Tam inſulſas & ineptiſſimas naenias recipit mens humana; it a permittente Deo cum a verbo diſcedimus, & omnia limatius & ſubtilius ſcrutamur quam ipſe vult nos ſcrutari.] Whether you reverence Luther any more than Calvin I know not.

11. To conclude this matter, two things I deſire you, or at leaſt the Reader to conſider,

1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the Church corrupting, dividing and confounding ſin…, to be all his own by defending or excuſing them, on a falſe pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church Government, which was contrary to them?

2. Whether you truſt to Truth and Evidence, or to Intereſt and depraved Judgments, if you think men ſhall believe that you have confuted all this undoubted Hiſtory, and the preſent experience of all the woful Chriſtian World, by a general Cry that I write falſly and maliciouſly, or by ſaying that I am unlearned, or that I truſted to a Tranſlation, or Binnius, or that Binnius miſtook the year, (things that I will not turn over my p. 43Books to try,) or that I miſplaced or miſunderſtood a word of Theodorite, or miſtranſlated Calami, or ſuch like. Such Believers of you are guilty of their own deceit.

§ 22. There is lately publiſhed by a nameleſs Prelatiſt, to ſhew the World what Spirit he is of, a Book pretending by the deſcription of my Life from 1640. till 1681. to prove me one of the worſt men alive. To that I will now ſay but theſe few words.

1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will, ſo they would have ſome mercy on their own and others Souls, and the Church of God.

2. That it's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times and Hiſtory, and preſent Impoſitions, when the main difference in our Times is, who are godly, yea tolerable Chriſtians, and who are intollerable Rogues; and thoſe that (as before God) by long and intimate acquaintance, I judge to be the moſt ſerious, conſcionable, humble, holy Miniſters and People that were ever known to me, are the Perſons that the Prelatiſts proſecute, ſilence, and cry out againſt as the moſt intollerable wicked Enemies of Piety, Truth and Peace. What is it that is the root of this?

3. That this foreſaid Book is one continued Calumny, unworthy of an Anſwer, partly making my duty my ſin (as that I diſliked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my Youth, &c.) and partly perverting ſcraps of ſentences; and partly reciting one revoked Book, and a few retracted ſentences of another, when Auguſtin is commended for retracting far more, and filling it with a multitude of moſt groſs untruths, of his own fiction.

4. That as to his and Mr. Morrice and others talk of the Wars I ſay.

1. That I never thought the Parliament blameleſ….

2. That yet on Bilſon's grounds I was in my Judgment, and Speech, and Action, comparatively for them while they made their Commiſſions to Eſſex for King and Parliament.

3. That from Naſeby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn off their Souldiers from Errour, and Rebellion, and Uſurpation; in which I did and ſuffered more than multitudes of my Accuſers.

4. That I never went ſo far againſt the Power of the King as p. 44R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted.

5. That I never ſtruck or hurt man in the wars.

6. That I will conſent to be ſilenced and impriſoned if they will but give thoſe Miniſters leave to preach Chriſts Goſpel that never had to do with wars (unleſs for the King.)

7. That when our beginning Concord had reſtored the King, the Scots, though unſucceſsfully fought for him, Monk & his Army, that had bloodily (at Dundee, &c.) fought againſt him, had with the Concurrence of Sir Tho. Allen, the Londoners and Presbyterians reſtored him, when the King by them came in Triumph, Honoured Monk and others of them, confeſt them the Cauſe of his Reſtoration, paſt an Act of Oblivion that we might all live in future Peace, I ſay, If after all this it be Prelacy and Clergy Intereſt and Spirit, that will rub over all the healed wounds, and ſtrive again what ever it coſt us to ulcerate the peoples minds, and reſolve that the Land and Church ſhall have no Peace, but by the deſtruction of ſuch as reſtored the King; I ſhall think never the better of Prelacy for this. But ask them, why did you not Speak it out in 1660 to Monk and his Army, or till now.

§ 23. And whereas that Advocate (deſcribed Job. 8.) and you are ſtill deceiving the ignorant by facing men down with Confidence that I lie in ſaying that [Two Epiſcopal Parties began the War in England and the Papiſts and Preſbyterians came in but as Auxiliaries.] I again ſay,

1. Allow me but reaſonable leave, and I will prove it to the ſhame of you if you deny it.

2. At preſent I will but recite one clauſe in Whitlocks Memorials, pag. 45. even after they thought themſelves under a neceſſity to pleaſe the Scots as far as they could. [Anno 1640. The Commons had debate about a new Form of Eccleſiaſtical Government, and July 17. agreed, That every Shire ſhall be a ſeveral Dioceſs; a Presbytery of Twelve Divines in each Shire, and a Preſident as a Biſhop over them; and he with the aſſiſtance of ſome of the Presbytery to ordain, ſuſpend, deprive, degrade and excommunicate. To have a Dioceſan Synod once a year, and every third year a National Synod, and they to make Canons, but none to be binding till confirmed by Parliament.

The Primate of Armagh offered an expedient for conjunction in point of Diſcipline, that Epiſcopal and Presbyterian Government might not be at a far diſtance, but reducing Epiſcopacy to p. 45the Form of Synodical Government in the Primitive Church

Were not theſe men Epiſcopal? It's much like Mr. Thorndike's own motions ſaving his Opinion for Forein Juriſdiction.

§ 24. As to your firſt and laſt Chapters, and about the Antient Extent of Churches, while my Treatiſe of Epiſcopacy, which fully confuteth you, is unanſwered; if I repeat it again, it will not be read by weary men. And another hath anſwered thoſe parts of your Book, which is ready for the Preſs.

I after tell you where Chryſoſtom even in his time numbers the Chriſtians in that great Imperial City to be an hundred thouſand, that is as many as in Martins and Stepney Pariſhes, and perhaps in Giles Cripplegate too.

§ 25. To conclude, whereas Mr. M. in general chargeth me as falſifying Hiſtory, I ſtill call my ſelf a HATER of FALSE HISTORY, and loath Mr. Morrice's Hiſtory, becauſe it is falſe: But if he will inſtead of falſifying and trifling, ſhew me any falſe Hiſtory that I have owned, I will thank him unfeignedly, and retract it. But factious reproaching of good men, and painting the deformed face of Vice, go not with me for convincing proof. If I am not near of kin to Eraſmus, I am a ſtranger to my ſelf, even as Merula, and M. Adamus deſcribe him, [Ingenio erat ſimplex; adeo abhorrens a mendacio, ut puellus etiam odiſſet pueros mentientes; & ſenex ad illorum adſpectum etiam corpore commoveretur. Dignitatum & magnarum divitiarum contumax contemptor; neque quicquam prius otio habuit ac libertate.] And I think, as it is ſaid of Cuſpinian; [Ratus ſe ſatisfacturum ingenuo Lectori, ſiquae veriſſima eſſe comperiſſet ſimpliciſſima oratione mandaret poſteritati: ſatis enim eſt hiſtorico (ut praeclare dixit apud Ciceronem Catullus) non eſſe Mendacem.]

And as to my ends and expectations, I am not ſo vain as to write with any great hope of perſuading many, if any who are poſſeſt of large Dioceſs, Wealth and Power, to forſake them, much leſs to cure the common Thirſt that corrupted Nature is poſſeſt with, and to be the means of a Publick Reformation: If I may ſatisfie my Conſcience, and ſave ſome from being deceived by falſe Hiſtory about the Cauſes of the Antient Schiſms, it's all that I can hope for: Had I lived in Alb. Crantzius daies, I might perhaps have ſaid as he of Luther [Frater, Frater, abi in cellam tuam, & dic Miſerere mei Deus:] Et de Canonicis foreign dictis, Nunquam poſſe eos reduci ad meliorem ſrugem p. 46niſi prius a viris doctis expugnata arce (i. e. Papatu.)

And for my ſelf, none of the Intereſted mens reproaches are unexpected to me: Anger will ſpeak. I know what the Papiſts ſay of the Reformers, and all the Proteſtants: And yet I expect that all at laſt will turn to the diſgrace of falſhood, by putting men to ſearch Church-Hiſtory for the Truth.

The caſe of Capnio is worth a brief recital. A covetous Jew pretending Converſion, contrived with the Fryers and Inquiſitors, to get a great deal of money from the Jews, by procuring an Edict from the Emperour to burn all the Jews Books, that ſo they might purchaſe them of the Fryers. The Emperour will firſt hear what Capnio a great Hebrician ſaith: Capnio adviſeth to ſpare all that only promoted the Hebrew Literature, and burn only thoſe that were written againſt Chriſt. Hockſtrate and the Fryers were vext thus to loſe the prey, and accuſed Capnio of Hereſie: The cauſe is oft tryed, eſpecially at Rome: All the Learned Hebricians were for Capnio: The Fryers raged the more: This awakened many Learned men to ſearch into the Cauſe, and armed them againſt the Fryers. Galatinus, Hutten, Eraſmus, &c. are for Capnio. The Fryers accuſe them alſo of Hereſie: But by this they ſtirred up ſuch a Party of the moſt Learned men againſt them, that when Tezelius came to vend his Indulgencies, Luther had ſo many ready to joyn againſt the Inquiſitors and Mercenary cheating Fryers, as greatly furthered the Reformation. And two or three ingenuous Conformiſts who have lately written againſt the violent battering Canoneers, do tell us that ſome are like to be excited by the Overdoing of the Accuſing ſilencing Party, to ſearch better into the matter of Fact and Right, till they can diſtinguiſh between an Eucraſie and a Tympanite.

Or if this world be incurable, they cannot keep us out of the heavenly Jeruſalem, where there is no Errour, Schiſm, nor Perſecution, becauſe no Ignorance, Malignity or Pride, but the General Aſſembly of perfect Spirits, are united in one perfect Head, in perfect Life, and Light, and Love.

p. 47The particular Defence of the Hiſtory of Councils and Schiſms.

An Account to Mr. Morrice why my mentioning the Churchdiſtracting ſins of the Clergy, when worldly grandeur corrupted them, is not a Diſhonouring, but a Honouring of the Primitive Church. And to vindicate thoſe ſins is no Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church.