A Treatise of Episcopacy, Part 1 · Chapter 3

A Treatise of Episcopacy · Part 1 · Chapter 3

p. 11CHAP. III. Our Judgment of the Hiſtory of the Antient Church-Government, and of the riſe of the Dioceſan Prelacy.

I Shall anon ſhew more fully, that there are two things eſpecially in which we think the very Species of our Dioceſan Prelacy to be altered from the antient Epiſcopacy. One is in the Extent of their Office, as to their ſubject Charge, a Biſhop infimae ſpeciei, of the loweſt ſpecies, having then but One Church, and now a Biſhop infimae ſpeciei having many hundred Churches made into one, or nullified to make One. 2. In the Work of their Office, which was then purely Spiritual or Paſtoral, and is now mixt of Magiſtratical and Miniſterial, exerciſed by mixed Officers in Courts much like to Civil Judicatures. The Hiſtory of their riſe I ſuppoſe is this.

1. Chriſt made a difference among his Miniſters himſelf, while he choſe twelve to be Apoſtles, and ſpecial Witneſſes o… his Doctrine, Life, and Reſurrection, and Aſcenſion, and to be the Founders of his Church, and the Publiſhers of his Goſpel abroad the World.

2. As theſe Apoſtles preached the Goſpel themſelves, and planted Churches, ſo did many others as their helpers, partly the ſeventy ſent by Chriſt, and partly called by the Apoſtles themſelves; And all theſe exerciſed indefinitely a preparing Miniſtry, before particular Churches were gathered abroad the World, and afterwards went on in gathering and calling more.

3. Beſides this preparing unfixed Miniſtration, the ſame Apoſtles alſoActs 14. 23. Tit. 1. 5.Acts 14:23Titus 1:5 placed, by the peoples conſent, particular fixed Miniſters over all the ſeveral Churches which they gathered.

4. Theſe fixed Miniſters as ſuch, they named indifferently, Biſhops, Elders, Paſtors and Teachers. Whereas thoſe of the ſame Office in general yet unfixed, are called either by the General name of Chriſt's Miniſters, or Stewards of his Myſteries; And in regard of their ſpecial works, ſome were called Apoſtles, ſome Prophets, and ſome Evangeliſts.

5. Theſe Apoſtles though unfixed and having an Indefinite charge, yet went not all one way, but as God's Spirit and prudence guided them, they diſperſed themſelves into ſeveral parts of the World.

6. But as they did many of them firſt ſtay long at Jeruſalem, ſo afterward in planting and ſetling Churches, they ſometimes ſtayed ſeveral months or years in one place, and then went to another. And ſo did the Evangeliſts or Indefinite Aſſiſtants whom they ſent forth on the ſame work.

p. 127. While they ſtayed in theſe newly planted Churches they were themſelves the chief Guides of the People: And alſo of their fixed Biſhops.

8. This abode in ſettling the particular Churches and their particular Biſhops or Elders, occaſioned Hiſtorians, afterward to call both Apoſtles and Evangeliſts (ſuch as Timothy, Titus, Silas, Silvanus, Luke, Apollo, &c.) the Biſhops of thoſe Churches; though they were not ſuch as the fixed Biſhops were, who undertook a ſpecial Charge and care of one particular Church alone, or above all other Churches.

9. On this account the ſame Apoſtle is ſaid to be the firſt Biſhop of many Churches; (as Peter of Antioch, and Rome; Paul of Corinth, Epheſus Philippi, &c.) When indeed the Apoſtles were the particular fixed Biſhops of no Churches, but the Biſhops equally of many, as a ſort of unfixed Epiſcopacy is included in Apoſtleſhip.

10. On this account alſo it is that Timothy is ſaid to be Biſhop of Epheſus, becauſe he was left there for a time to ſettle that and other Churches of Aſia near it, as an Aſſiſtant of the Apoſtles: And ſo Titus is called the Biſhop of Crete, becauſe he ſtaid in that Iſland (which was ſaid to have an hundred Cities) on this work, which belonged not to a particular Biſhop, but to the more indefinite Miniſtry.

11. How many ſuch fixed Biſhops, Elders, Paſtors, or Teachers, each particular Church muſt have, the Apoſtles never determined by a Law: But did de facto ſettle them according to the number of ſouls, and ſtore of qualified perſons: In ſome Churches it is poſſible there might be but one (with Deacons:) In others it is evident that there were many; as at Jeruſalem, Corinth, &c.

12. The particular Churches which were the charge of theſe fixed Biſhops or Elders were Societies of Chriſtians conjoyned for Perſonal Communion in God's Worſhip, and mutual aſſiſtance in holy living: And though for want of convenient room, or liberty, they did not always meet all in the ſame place, yet were they ordinarily no more than could meet in one place when they had liberty: and never more than could hold perſonal Communion, if not at once, yet at ſeveral times in publick worſhip: (As it is now in thoſe places where one part of the Family goeth to Church one part of the day, and another on the other part.) And thoſe by-Meetings which any had that came not conſtantly to the publick Aſſemblies, were but as our Houſe-Meetings, or Chapel-Meetings, but never as another Church: Nor were their Churches more numerous than our Pariſhes, nor near ſo great.

13. At the firſt they had no Conſecrated nor Separated places for their Church-Meetings, but Houſes or Fields, as neceſſity and opportunity directed them. But as ſoon as they could, even nature taught them to obſerve the ſame appointed and ſtated places for ſuch Aſſemblies: Which as ſoon as the Churches had peace and ſettlement, they appropriated to thoſe ſacred uſes only, though they had not yet the ſhape or name of Temples.

p. 1314. Though the Paſtors of the Church were all of one Office, now called Order, being all ſubordinate Miniſters of Chriſt, in the Prophetical, Prieſtly and Regal parts of his Office, in the Power and Duty of Teaching, Worſhiping and Government; yet was the diſparity of Age, Grace and Guifts to be obſerved among them, and the younger Paſtors (as well as people) owed a meet reverence and ſubmiſſion to the Elder, and the weaker to the ſtronger who had notoriouſly more of God's Grace and Guifts. So that in a Church where there were many Paſtors it was not unlawful nor unneceſſary, to acknowledge this diſparity, and for the younger and weaker to ſubmit much to the judgment of the elder and more able.

15. While they kept only to the exerciſe of the meer Paſtoral work of Teaching, and Worſhiping, and that Government which belongeth hereunto, they had little temptation (comparatively) to ſtrive for a preeminence in Rule, or for a Negative Voice; But aliene or accidental work, did further that as followeth.

16. The Apoſtles did reprove thoſe Worldly contentious and uncharitable Chriſtians, who went to Law before Heathen Judges: And the thing ſhewed ſo little of the Chriſtian Spirit of Love, and was alſo of ſo ill conſequence, by ſcandals and diſſentions, that it was worthy to be reproved, eſpecially in Chriſtians that were perſecuted by thoſe Magiſtrates. Therefore almoſt all the differences of Chriſtians were neceſſarily decided by Arbitration: And none were thought ſo fit to be the Arbitrators, as the Elders or Paſtors of the Churches. By which it came to paſs, that where Churches were great, and the ceaſing of perſecution (which came but as ſtorms that paſſed away) did reſtore that peace which cheriſhed diſſentions, the work of the Elders in theſe Arbitrations, was not ſmall; eſpecially as added to their greater proper Office-work.

17. At the ſame time many Hereſies aroſe, which occaſioned Diviſions in the Churches, and ſometimes among the Officers themſelves.

18. And the Miniſters being, though holy, yet imperfect, as well as other Chriſtians, the remnants of ſelf-conceitedneſs and pride, occaſioned alſo the trouble of the Churches: For when the Apoſtles themſelves while Chriſt was with them ſtrove who ſhould be the Greateſt, and have the higheſt place, it is no wonder if they did ſo afterward, who had not ſo great a meaſure of Grace as they.

19. Beſides all this, when the Apoſtolical Virtues ceaſed, there were few Philoſophers or Learned men that turned Chriſtians, and few that had excellent Gifts of Oratory, fit to be Teachers of the Churches; And the moſt of the Elders were good men but of inferiour parts; Like the better ſort of our unlearned godly Chriſtians. By which means it came to paſs, that ſome one of the Clergy in every Church, (when there were many) having ſo much Knowledge, and Oratory as to overtop the reſt, he was ordinarily more eſteemed than the reſt.

20. By theſe four means conjunct it quickly came to paſs, that in every p. 14Church that had many Elders, ſome one was choſen by the reſt and by the people, to be the chief, and to have ſome ſpecial power of Church affairs: And 1. In caſes of frequent Arbitration, there ſeemed a kind of neceſſity, that ſome One be Umpire: For if half go one way and half the other, there can be no end: 2. And in caſe of Hereſies and different Opinions in Religion, if One had not in each Church ſome deciding, over-ruling power, or Negative Voice, it is no wonder if Diviſions were the hardlier prevented, and the Churches Unity hardly kept. 3. And eſpecially when ſome One was really wiſer and abler than the reſt, it was thought but ſuitable to Nature, that he rather ruled the juniors and weaker ſort, than that their Votes ſhould rule him, or rule without him. 4. And when all men have too much ſelf-love and Pride, which enclineth them to deſire pre-eminence, and maketh them judge too high of themſelves, it was thought ſafer for all the Clergy and People, to judge who among them was really the beſt and wiſeſt man, than to leave every man to be judge of himſelf and of the reſt: For ſo it was too likely that every man would think himſelf the wiſeſt. Therefore one was choſen as ſuppoſed by others (even by the whole Church) as the fitteſt man to have a deciding and overſeeing power among the reſt, to avoid contention, which their own ſtrife about pre-eminence would cauſe.

21. And there was a fifth cauſe, which was not much leſs than any of the reſt: which was, that often through the ſcarcity of fit perſons, One man was firſt ſettled over a new-gathered Church, before any others could be had to joyn with him. And therefore he being there firſt alone, and that in ſole power, it was thought unfit that any that came after him, ſhould come in without his conſent or Ordination, becauſe he was the ſole Governour; ſo that, 1. becauſe they came after him, 2. and that by his Will, if not Ordination, it muſt needs follow that he would uſually have the pre-eminence. As it is now among us, where the Rector of the Pariſh where there are divers Chapels, chuſing his Curates, who are uſually his Juniors, he is conſtantly of greater power than they, and ruleth them accidentally, though his Office be the ſame as theirs.

22. As by theſe means one Paſtor got a pre-eminence of eſteem and power above the reſt, ſo in a ſhort time he got the title of Epiſcopus, Biſhop, to be appropriated to himſelf alone, leaving the name of Elders, and Paſtors, and Prieſts unto the reſt in common with himſelf: For he was now become the prime Overſeer of the whole Church, both people and Elders.

23. Our own experience ſheweth us how it came to paſs, that the people themſelves not only conſented to all this, but alſo deſired and promoted it: (eſpecially then when the effects of Clergy-ambition had not fully appeared to the World:) For even now when a great Pariſh can get one Learned able Paſtor, they ſay, we will allow you ſo much, but your Curates muſt take leſs: And they will not endure that the young and weak Curates, have either equal maintenance, or equal honour or power p. 15over them, as the chief Paſtor of the Pariſh hath; ſo that the people themſelves are againſt an equality of power, where there is not an equality of worth.

24. Though we cannot prove that this fixed Epiſcopacy was either ſet up by the Apoſtles, or countenanced by them, nor yet that it was begun and in being in their days; yet it could not be long after their days that it begun; And if Hierome miſtake not, it began at Alexandria ſome years before the death of St. John the Apoſtle.

25. All this while the Biſhop was not ſuppoſed to be of a diſtinct Office, or ſpecies of Miniſtry, (now called An Order) but only an Overſeer and chief of perſons in the ſame Office with him; being in common with the reſt, Epiſcopus plebis, and extraordinarily, Epiſcopus Cleri vel Epiſcoporum ſeu Presbyterorum. As one of the Monks is made Abbot in a Monaſtery, or as one Juſtice among many is of the Quorum, or one Judge on the Bench is the chief Juſtice: Or as the Preſident in an Academick College.

26. The chief thing in which a ſpecial power was given to the Biſhops above their fellow Presbyters was in Ordination, that none ſhould be Ordained without them; It being a matter of exceeding great conſequence to the Churches, what Miniſters were ſet over them, and therefore put chiefly in the power of theſe choſen men. And the next part of their power was in having the chief diſpoſal of all Church affairs, as our Pariſh Paſtors have now among their Curates: ſo that nothing was to be done in the Church without and againſt their conſent and pleaſure.

27. This Epiſcopacy did ſo univerſally obtain, that I remember not to have read of any ſort of Chriſtians, Orthodox or Heretical, Catholick or Schiſmatical, who ever refuſed it, or ſpake againſt it, till Aerius's time. And even he ſpake not againſt it as flatly unlawful, but as unneceſſary, as far as I can gather from Epiphanius. And after him all ſorts and Sects of Chriſtians ſtill owned it: Even the Donatiſts and Novatians, who had their Biſhops as well as others.

28. In Scripture times we read not of any meer fixed Biſhops of particular Churches, who Ordained either Biſhops or Presbyters; but only Apoſtles and their unfixed Aſſiſtants, who had an equal charge of many Churches. Not that the Office of the Indefinite unfixed Miniſtry was not the ſame with the Office of the fixed Biſhops in ſpecie: (For both had power to do all the Miniſterial work, as they had a call and opportunity to exerciſe it.) But becauſe it being the employment, of the Indefinite or unfixed Miniſters to Gather and plant Churches, before they could be Governed, the Ordination of Elders over them, was part of the planting of them; and ſo fell to their lot, as part of their conſtituting work.

29. How it came to paſs that the Itinerant or Indefinite exerciſe of the Miniſtry for planting Churches, ſo quickly almoſt ceaſed after the Apoſtles days, is a matter worthy to be enquired after: For whereas ſome p. 16think, that de jure & obligatione, it ceaſed with the Apoſtles, as being their proper work, that cannot be true, 1. Becauſe many others were employed in the ſame work in the Apoſtles days: 2. Becauſe it is Chriſt's own deſcription of that Miniſtry to whom he promiſeth his preſence, to the end of the Age or World, Mat. 28. 19, 20. 3. Becauſe to this day, there is ſtill lamentable neceſſity of ſuch: Five parts in ſix of the World being yet Infidels.

30. It is moſt probable that this ſervice abated and withered gradually by the ſloth and ſelfiſhneſs of Paſtors. And that it was the purpoſe of the Apoſtles, that the fixed Biſhops ſhould do their part of both theſe works; that is, Both to preach for the Converting of all the Infidel Countries near them, and alſo Govern their particular Churches (yet not but that ſome others might be deputed to the Gathering of Churches alone.) And then theſe Biſhops finding ſo much work at home, and finding that the Itinerant work among Infidels, was very difficult, by reaſon of Labour, Danger, and their want of Apoſtolical gifts, hereupon they ſpared themſelves, and too much neglected the Itinerant work. Yet I muſt confeſs that ſuch Evangeliſts did not yet wholly ceaſe. Euſebius Hiſt. lib. 5. cap. 9. ſaith, Pantaenus is ſaid to have ſhewed ſuch a willing mind towards the publiſhing of the Doctrine of Chriſt, that he became a Preacher of the Goſpel to the Eaſtern Gentiles, and was ſent as far as India: For there were, I ſay there were then, many Evangeliſts prepared for☞ this purpoſe, to promote and plant the Heavenly Word with Godly Zeal, after the manner of the Apoſtles.

31. It was the ordinary cuſtome of the Apoſtles to preach and plant Churches firſt in Cities, and not in Country Villages. Becauſe in Cities there were, 1. the greateſt number of Auditors, and 2. the greateſt number of Converts; And ſo there only were found a ſufficient number to conſtitute a Church. Not that this was done through any preeminence of the City, or ignobility of Villages; but for the competent numbers ſake. And had there been perſons enow for a Church in Villages, they would have placed Churches and Paſtors there alſo (as at Cenchrea it ſeems they did.)

32. When there was a Church of Chriſtians in the City, and a few Converts in the Country Villages that joyned with them, they all made up but one full Aſſembly, or Church, fit for perſonal Communion, for a long time after the Apoſtles days; the main body of the people being ſtill Infidels: ſo that the Chriſtian Churches ſtood among the Infidels as thin, as the Churches of the Anabaptiſts, Separatiſts and Independants did among us here in England, in the days when they had greateſt Liberty and countenance.

33. Though at firſt the Biſhops being men of the ſame Office with the other Presbyters, were not to do a work diſtinct and of any other kind than the Presbyters might do, but only Lead them and Preſide among them in the ſame work as their Conductors (as I ſaid before of a chief Juſtice, &c.) p. 17Yet afterward the Biſhop for the honour of his calling appropriating certain actions to himſelf alone, the Presbyters not exerciſing thoſe acts in time, the not exerciſing them ſeemed to ſignifie a want of Office or power to exerciſe them; and ſo ſubject Presbyters (who were never made by the Apoſtles that can be proved, nor by their command) were like a diſtinct Order or Species of Church-Officers, and grew from ſyn-Presbyters or aſſeſſours of the ſame Office in ſpecie to be as much ſubjects to the Biſhops, as the Deacons were to the Presbyters.

34. All this while the Biſhop with his fellow Elders and Deacons dwelt together in the ſame City, and often in the ſame Houſe, and met in the ſame Church, the Biſhop ſitting in the midſt on a higher ſeat, and the Presbyters on each hand him in a ſemi-circle, and the Deacons ſtanding; And the Presbyters Preaching and otherwiſe officiating as the Biſhop appointed, who ruled the action. And the Converts of the Villages came to this City Church as Members of it, and joyned with the reſt. In the days of the Author of the Epiſtles aſcribed to Ignatius, every Church had but One Altar, and One Biſhop with his Fellow Elders and Deacons as the note of its Unity; or Individuation. For ſo many people as had perſonal Communion at One Altar, with the Biſhop or Elders were the conſtitutive parts of the Churches.

35. Thus it continued alſo in the days of Juſtin, Tertullian and Cyprian; no Biſhop having more than one Church or Altar, without any other formed ſelfcommunicating Church under him, but only Oratories in City or Country.

36. The firſt that brake this Order were Alexandria and Rome, where Converts ſoon multiplyed to a greater number than could meet in one place, or Communicate at one Altar: wherefore ſub-aſſemblies with their particular Presbyters, were there firſt formed, who Communicated diſtinctly by themſelves. (Though there is no proof that they Communicated there in the Sacrament of a long time after that they met for Preaching and Prayer.) Yet even in Rome and Alexandria the only places that had more than one ſtated Aſſembly for 200 years or more, there were not ſo many Chriſtians then as in the Pariſh that I now live in; See more of my Proof in the beginning of my Church Hiſtory abridged: whoſe firſt and ſecond Chapters belogn ſpecially to this Treatiſe, and therefore I muſt refer the Reader to them.

37. Even in Epiphanius time about 370 years after Chriſt, it is noted by him as a ſingularity in Alexandria, that they had diſtinct Aſſemblies beſides the Biſhops; whereupon Petavius himſelf largely giveth us notice, that in thoſe days, except in a few very great Cities, there was but one Church-aſſembly in a Biſhops charge.

38. After that in Cities, or Country Villages, the Converts multiplyed into more than could meet in one Aſſembly, and had allowance to Communicate in their ſub-aſſemblies; yet were they appointed on certain great and ſolemn Feſtivals, to Communicate all with the Biſhops at the chief City Church, which ſheweth that the ſub-aſſemblies then were few and ſmall.

p. 1839. Thus was the Apoſtles Order by degrees ſubverted; and whereas they ſettled diſtinct Churches with their diſtinct Biſhops, no Biſhop having two Churches under him, (that had not alſo their proper Biſhop) now One Church was made of many without many Biſhops; ſub-Presbyters firſt in the ſame Church being introduced, at laſt ſub-Churches alſo were ſet up. And when they ſhould have done as we do with Bees, let every new Swarm have a new Hive, and ſhould have multiplyed Biſhops and Churches, homogeneal, as ſufficient numbers of Converts came in, inſtead of this, the City Biſhops kept all under them as if they had been ſtill one Church (yet not as Archbiſhops that have Biſhops under them) and kept their ſub-Presbyters as their Curates to officiate in the ſeveral Churches that had all no Biſhops but One.

40. The cauſes of this were apparently moſt of the ſame which are mentioned before for the making of ſub-Presbyters: Eſpecially, 1. The ſelfiſhneſs of the Biſhops, who were loth to let go any of the people from under their ſuperiority: Becauſe it was more honour to rule many than one ſingle Congregation; and he was a greater man that had many ſub-Presbyters and whole Aſſemblies at his command, than he that had not: And alſo many afforded greater maintenance than a few. And 2. the ſame Reaſons that made men at firſt ſet up one Presbyter as Biſhop over the reſt, to avoid Diviſions, and to determine Arbitrations, did now ſeem ſtrong to them, for the keeping up the Authority of the City Biſhop over the ſub-Aſſemblies round about them. 3. And Cities only having been poſſeſſed of Biſhops for many Years if not Ages, before there were Chriſtians enow to make up Country Churches, both the Biſhops and the City Inhabitants, (eaſily overlooking the Reaſon of it) took this for their Prerogative, and did plead Preſcription; As if Schools beingVid. Epiſt. 2. Edict. Anacleti de forma provinciali, Metrapol. &c. Turrian. pro Epiſt. decr. c. 24. De novitate hujus formae leg. Blondel. cont. Decr. p. 1. 27. who giveth full teſtimony of it, cont. Anaclet. Ep. 2. 41. planted only in Cities firſt, the Cities and Schoolmaſters ſhould thence plead, that none muſt be ſetled in Country Villages, but what are ruled by the City School-Maſters. And thus the Cities being far the ſtrongeſt, and the Intereſt of the Citizens and Biſhops in point of honour being conjunct, and none being capable of a Country charge, but ſuch as the City Biſhops at firſt Ordained to it (becauſe then there were no other Biſhops,) without reſiſtance it came to paſs that both Churches and Presbyters were ſubjected to the City Biſhops. 4. And it greatly advanced this deſign that the Churches which were planted in the Roman Empire, did ſeek to participate of all ſecular honour that belonged to the place of their Reſidence: And (as Dr. Hammond hath largely opened, though not well juſtified) did form themſelves according to the Model of the Civil Government: ſo that thoſe Cities that had the Preſidents or chief Civil Rulers and Judicatures in them, did plead a right of having alſo the chief Biſhops and Eccleſiaſtical Judicatures: And thus not only Cities ruled the Country Villages, but in time the diſtinct powers and pre-eminences of Archbiſhops, Metropolitans, Primates, Patriarchs, and the Roman chief Patriarch or Pope came up: And the Pagan Commonwealth p. 19and Chriſtian Church, within the Roman Empire, (and the neighbouring parts that were influenced by them) had a great reſemblance.

41. But that which moſt notably ſet up this exſort ſwelling and degenerateLeg. Vita… Ambroſ▪ per Baron. & Auguſt. li. de opera Moneche…n. Prelacy, was the miſtaken zeal of Conſtantine, together with his Policy, and the ambition of Chriſtians and Biſhops that were gratified by it. For, 1. As Conſtantine perceived that it was the Chriſtians that were his ſureſt ſtrength, and when the Heathen Soldiers turned from one Emperour to another, as they were tempted, he knew that if he only did own the Chriſtians they would unanimouſly own him, and be conſtant to him; ſo alſo his Judgment and Zeal for Chriſtianity did concur with his Intereſt and Policy: And as all the Secular and Military Rulers depended on him for honour and power, throughout the Roman world, he thought it not ſeemly to give the chief Chriſtians who were the Biſhops, leſs honour than he did to the Heathens, and to common men: Nor did he think meet to deny to the Chriſtian Churches ſuch priviledges, as might ſomewhat ſet them higher than his other ſubjects. 2. And the Biſhops and Chriſtians coming from under long ſcorn and contempt, and coming newly from under the cruel Perſecution of Diocleſian, and affrighted anew by Maxentius, and Licenius, they were not only glad to be now honoured and advanced, but greatly lifted up with ſuch a ſudden wonderous change, as to be brought from ſcorn and cruel torments, to be ſet up above all others: As we ſhould have been, had we been in their caſe, and it's like ſhould no more have feared the ill conſequents of too much exaltation than they did. 3. And the Chriſtian people thought that the exaltation of their Biſhops was the honour and exaltation of their Religion it ſelf, as well as of their perſons.

42. Whereas (as is aforeſaid) the Chriſtians had commonly ſtated the power of Arbitrating all their Civil differences in the Biſhop alone (when the Apoſtle intimated that any Wiſe man among them, as ſuch, was fit for that buſineſs) it grew preſently to be accounted a heynous crime or ſcandal, for any Chriſtians to go to Law, before the Civil Magiſtrate. And Conſtantine finding them in poſſeſſion of this cuſtom, did by his Edict confirm it and enlarge it: decreeing that all Biſhops ſhould be Judges of all the Chriſtians cauſes by conſent, and that no Civil Judge or Magiſtrate ſhould compel any Chriſtian to his bar: Inſomuch that in Theodoſius his days, when one of Ambroſe hisInvit. Ambroſ. per Baron. Presbyters had a cauſe to be tryed, he denyed himſelf to be a Chriſtian, that he might have it decided by the Civil Magiſtrate, that was Chriſtian alſo. So that even Chriſtian Magiſtrates might not judge unwilling Chriſtians but the Biſhops only. Yet had not the Biſhops then the power of the Sword, but decided all as Arbitrators, and enforced their Sentences with rigorous penances and Church-cenſures: By which means, 1. many the more turned Chriſtians (without the Faith and Holineſs of Chriſtians) that they might both partake of the Chriſtians honour and immunities, and ſpecially that they might be free from corporal penalties p. 20for their crimes. (And who would not do ſo, if it were now our caſe.) 2. And by this means the rigorous penalties of the Church by penances were the more eaſily ſubmitted to, as being more eaſie than corporal pains and mulcts. And when thus by the Laws and countenance of ſo great an Emperour, the Biſhops were made the Judges of all that were Chriſtians at preſent, and all that would turn Chriſtians that deſired it, it is eaſie to underſtand, 1. what a Lordſhip they muſt needs have as to the kind of power; 2. How their Office muſt degenerate from purely ſpiritual, into ſecular or mixt: 3. And how numerous their Flocks, and large their Provinces would ſoon be.

And here you muſt note theſe things, 1. That the Biſhop of every Church was made Judge of theſe cauſes; not alone by himſelf, but with his Presbyters or Clergy, who judged with him. 2. That yet this power was not then taken to be any eſſential or integral part at all of the Paſtoral Office; but an Accidental work, which Lay-men might do as well as Paſtors; and that it was committed to the Biſhop only as the beſt able for Arbitration; becauſe of his abilities and intereſt, and that as a matter of meer convenience; and alſo for the honour of his place. 3. That therefore this Judging power for ending ſtrife and differences, might be alienated from the Clergy and done by Lay-men, where there was cauſe. 4. And that the Biſhop had ſo much more power than the Presbyters that he could commit it from them to Lay-men. All this that one inſtance of Silvanus in Socrates, lib. 7. cap. 37. (and in Hanmer, cap. 36.) whoſe words were thus [Silvanus alſo no leſs expreſſed in his other acts and dealings, the good motion of his Godly mind. For when he perceived that the Clergy reſpected nothing but gain in deciding the Controverſies of their Clients, (O woful Clergy!) he thenceforth ſuffered none of the Clergy to be judge, but took the ſupplications, and requeſts of ſuiters, and appointed One of the Laity, whom for certain he knew to be a juſt and godly man, and gave him the hearing of their cauſes, and ſo ended quietly all contentions and quarrels.] (And the likelieſt way it was.) You ſee here, 1. that when Princes will needs make the Clergy Magiſtrates to honour them, the wiſe and good men of the Clergy will return ſuch power to the Laity, as uſually fitter for it. 2. And that it is no wonder that when Law-buſineſs is caſt upon the Clergy, if they grow worſe than Lawyers in covetouſneſs and injuſtice. 3. And yet this was not a making Lay-men to be Chancellors that had the power of the Keys! For Silvanus did only appoint Lay-men to do Lay-mens work; to arbitrate differences: but not to excommunicate, nor to judge men to excommunication, as they do now. 4. And this was not a making of Eccleſiaſtical Elders that were not Paſtors: and therefore it is no countenance for ſuch: but it was a prudent caſting back that work on the Laity, which good Emperours had in imprudent piety caſt upon the Clergy, that each might do his proper work. 5. But this was but one good Biſhop that was ſo wiſe and honeſt; and therefore it proved no general reformation.

p. 21This Judicial power went ſo far and took up ſo much of the Clergies time, that the Synod Taraconenſ. was after this put to Decree, Can. 4. that the Clergy ſhould not judge Cauſes on the Lords day; and Can. 10. that no Biſhop or Clergy-man ſhould take rewards or bribes for Judgments.

And the Canons ſo deterred Chriſtians from ſeeking Juſtice from the Civil Judicatures, that they had few but Heathens to be Judges of. Yea the Chriſtians thought ſo hardly of the Judges themſelves (for puniſhing men by the Sword, when the Biſhops even for murder it ſelf did puniſh them but with Penance,) that they doubted ſometime whether thoſe Chriſtians that exerciſed Magiſtracy or Civil Judgment after Baptiſme, were not therefore to be taken for ſinners; as is viſible in Innocent 1. his Epiſt. to Epiſt. 3. to Exuper. Tholeſan. cap. 3. in Crab. Tom. 1. p. 459.

And before in Silveſter's Concil. Rom. apud Crab Vol. 1. p. 280. Can. 16. it is Decreed [Nemo Clericus vel Diaconus aut Presbyter propter cauſam ſuam quamlibet intret in curia, quum omnis curia à cruore, dicitur, & immolatio ſimulachrorum eſt. Quod ſiquis Clericus in curiam introicrit, anathema ſuſcipiat, nunquam rediens ad matrem Eccleſiam: A Communione autem non privatur propter tempus turbidum. And Conſtantine is ſaid to be a Subſcriber, with 284 Biſhops, 45 Presbyters, and 5 Deacons. And in former Counc. ſub Silveſt. [Nullum Clericum ante judicem ſtare licet.]

I know that Duarenus and Grotius deſcribe not the Biſhops power as ſo large as the Canoniſts do. But Duarenus confeſſeth that Theodoſius made a Law, that lites omnes & controverſiae forenſes ad judicium Eccleſiae remitterentur, ſi alter uter litigatorum id poſtularet. That all ſtrifes and controverſies forenſick ſhould be remitted to the judgment of the Church, if either of the contenders required it: And that Charles the Great renewed and confirmed the ſame Law: Duar. lib. 1. p. 8. And Grotius de Imper. ſum pol. p. 236. ſaith, This Juriſdiction by conſent the Biſhops received from Conſtantine, with ſo great power, that it was not lawful further to handle any buſineſs which the Biſhops ſentence had decided; that is, ſaith he, remotâ appellatione. And he there ſheweth that three ſorts of Juriſdiction were by the Emperours given to the Biſhops: 1. Jure ordinario, and ſo they judged of all matters of Religion (and which the Canons reached, which went very far in heinous crimes.) 2. Ex▪ conſenſu p…rtium, when the parties choſe the Biſhop for their Judge (Vid. Concil. Chalced. c. 9.) 3. Ex delegatione: which yet went further: And even to the Jews ſuch kind of power had been granted.

But of this whole matter of the Riſe of ſuch Prelacy, their Courts and power, Pardre Paulus hath ſpoken ſo well and truly in his Hiſtor. Concil. Trident. pag. 330, 331, &c. that I would intreat the Reader to turn to it and peruſe it, as that which plainly ſpeaketh our judgment of the Hiſtory now in queſtion: Read alſo his Hiſtory of Benefices.

43. The countenance of the Emperour with theſe honours and immunities, having brought the World into the Church, or filled the Churches with Carnal temporizers, the numbers were now ſo great, that quickly the p. 22great Cities had many Pariſh Churches, and the Country Villages about had ſome; ſo that now about 400 or 500 Years after Chriſt, moſt Biſhops of great Cities had more Churches than one, even ſeveral ſub Aſſemblies, and Altars, as dependant on their Mother Church.

44. Yet were their Dioceſſes (which at firſt were called Pariſhes) ſomewhat bounded, by the Canon and Edicts, which decreed that every City where there were Chriſtians enow to make a Church, ſhould have a Biſhop of their own, and that no Biſhop (except two, who bordered one on Scithia a rude unconverted Countrey, and the other on the like caſe, of which more in due place.)

45. And then every oppidum or populous Town, like our Market-Towns and Corporations, was called foreign, a City, and not only a few among many that have that name by priviledge, as it is in England now. So that even at this height of Prelacy, about 500, 600 or 700 Years after Chriſt, they were but as if every Corporation or Market-Town in England had a Biſhop, who ruled alſo the adjacent Villages. For though when they began to ſwell, it was once decreed by one Council, that Villages and every ſmall City ſhould not have a Biſhop, leſt the Name of a Biſhop ſhould grow vile or cheap; yet this was but with this addition, [thoſe Villages or ſmall Cities where there was not a ſufficient number of Chriſtians:] (whereas Gregory at Neoceſarea thought ſeventeen a ſufficient number to have a Biſhop.) And the Canons, that every City ſhould have a Biſhop, remained ſtill in force.

45. Yet was it for about 440 Years ſo far from theſe great Biſhops to uſurp the Sword, or any coercive or coactive power, on mens Bodies or Eſtates, that they unanimouſly held that the Magiſtrate himſelf was not to puniſh mens Bodies for Hereſie or a falſe Religion. Till at laſt the bloody violence of the Circumcellian Donatiſts, did cauſe Auguſtine in this to change his mind, and think them meet for the Magiſtrates coercion.

46. When Biſhops grew carnal and ungodly, and more regarded the keeping up their Power, Parties and Opinions, than Charity, they beganto diſtruſt the Spiritual Weapons of their warfare; and inſtead of true vigilancy againſt errours, and confutation of them, by clear reaſon and a holy life, they fled to the Rulers to do it by the Sword. But though Ithacius and Idacius with their Synod of Biſhops, excited Maximus to take thisVit. Ambroſ. per Baron. courſe againſt the Priſcilianiſts; yet not only St. Martyn did therefore to the death avoid their Synods and Communion, and petitioned the Emperour, for the Hereticks peace; but even St. Ambroſe alſo at Milan would have no Communion with thoſe Biſhops, that had done this thing.

47. About the Year 430, or after, Cyril at Alexandria did lead the way, and actually uſed the Sword againſt the Lives, Eſtates and Liberties of Offenders: An example which others quickly followed: And eaſily did he ſtep from the great Judicial Power before deſcribed, to a forcing power, the preparations being ſo great, and the Emperour ſo ready to exalt them, and the people of Alexandria ſo turbulent and inclined by pride and paſſion to ſuch ways.

p. 2348. As the Prelacy thus ſwelled, ſo the Churches grew ſuddenly more corrupted with all manner of Vice. The Biſhops began with ſorrow to confeſs unto the Hereticks, that the greater number in the Churches were naught. When they ſhould chuſe their Biſhops they could ſeldom agree; but frequently inſtead of holy peaceable Votes, did turn to Deviliſh rage and blood-ſhed, and covered the Streets and Church-floors with the Carkaſſes of the ſlain; (eſpecially in the Caſe of Damaſus and others at Rome, and oft at Alexandria and Conſtantinople.) Frequently they fell into fewds, and fought it out, and murdered people by multitudes: Even the ſtrict holy Monks of the Egyptian Deſarts, were as forward as others to fighting, blood-ſhed and ſedition: Even in their ignorance, for ſuch a paultry and ſottiſh an Opinion, as that of the Anthropomorphites, as that God hath the ſhape and parts of a man: ſo that they forced that deceitful treacherous Biſhop Theophilus Alexandr. to flatter them, and curſe the Books of Origen (not for his errours, but for the oppoſite truth) and to take on him to hold as they did. When God tryed them with a Julian (who did perſecute them very little,) they reproached him to his face, and tryed his patience as well as he did theirs. The Antiochians ſcornfullySocrat l. 3. c. 15. bid him ſhave his Beard and make Halters of it. In a word, when Conſtantine had brought the World into the Church, the Church grew quickly too like the World.

49. But it was not the people only, but the Paſtors, both Prelates and Presbyters, that grew licentious, wicked, proud, contentious, turbulent, and the ſhame of their Order and Profeſſion, and the great diſturbers and dividers of the Churches: except here and there an Ambroſe, an Augustine, a Chryſoſtome, a Baſil, a Gregory, an Atticus, a Proclus, and a few ſuch that ſo ſhined among a darkened degenerate Clergy, as to be ſingled out for Saints. Abundance got theſe great and tempting Prelacies by Simony, and more by making friends to Courtiers: And not a few by Carnal compliances with the people: what abundance of moſt ſharp Epiſtles did Iſidore Peluſiota write to Euſebius the Biſhop, and to Soſimus, Martianus, Euſtathius, &c. of all their horrible wicked lives, and yet could never procure their Reformation? What abundance of Epiſtles did he write againſt them to other Biſhops, and yet could not procure their correction or removal? What a ſad character doth Sulpitius Severus give of the Biſhops that proſecuted the Priſcilianiſts, and in particular of their Leader Ithacius, of his own knowledge? What abundance of Prelates are ſhamefully ſtigmatized, by Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Euagrius, &c? When a Rebel roſe up againſt his Prince, and got but the ſtronger party, and poſſeſſion, how quickly did they flatter him and own him. I find but one Biſhop beſides St. Martin in all France and that part of Germany, that diſowned Maximus that murdered Gratian: The reſt applauded him for their own ends: Nor in that part of Italy I find not any beſides Ambroſe and one Hyginus that diſowned him: (Not that I think it my part to condemn all the holy Biſhops who profeſſed ſubjection to Uſurpers in poſſeſſion: p. 24Even holy Ambroſe could write to the odious Tyrant Eugenius, [Clementiſſimo Imperatori Eugenio] concluding [Nam cum privato detulerim corde intimo, quomodo non deferrem Imperatori.] When I honoured thee a private man from the bottom of my heart, how can I but honour thee being Emperour?] And how far have the Roman Biſhops gone in this, even to Phocas, and ſuch as he?)

When good Gregory Nazianz. was choſen and ſettled Biſhop of Conſtantinople, and loved and honoured by a good Emperour, yet was he rejected (though he eaſily yielded) even by the Synod of Biſhops, in the arrogancy of their minds, becauſe that he came not in by them. With what pride, what falſhood, what turbulency did Theophilus Alexand. carry on all his buſineſs with the Monks, and for the depoſing of Chryſoſtome? And how arrogantly and turbulently did Epiphanius joyn with him? and even Hierome make himſelf partaker? And how eaſily did he get a Synod even where Chryſoſtome lived to ſecond them? ſuch lamentable inſtances are more eaſie than pleaſant to be cited.

And that Epiſcopacy which was ſet up to prevent Hereſie and Diviſions, did afford the Heads of moſt of the Hereſies and Diviſions that befell the Churches. How few of all the Hereſies mentioned by Epiphanius, after that Prelacy was in force, were not Headed and carried on by Prelates? And when the Arian Hereſie ſprung up by a Presbyter, the Prelates ſo numerouſly received it, that they ſeemed to be the far greater part, if not theTheodoret Eccleſ. Hiſt. l. 1. cap. 10. Leg. Valentiniani & Valentus; Legem ſeu Literas in Theodoreti Eccl. Hiſt. l. 4. c. 7. & Heſtor. Andaeanorum, c. 9. & Meſſalianorum c. 10. cum interpretatione D. Hookeri, li. 7. p. 66. de Audio. main body of the Imperial Church: Witneſs the perverting of many Emperours; the many Councils at Sirmium, Ariminum, &c. And the many new Creeds which Socrates and Hilary ſo ſhamefully enumerate and declaim againſt. So that it was ſaid that the World groaned to find it ſelf turned Arian.

And their fewds and inhumane contentions were ſo many and odious, that it is a ſhame to read them. Multitudes of Cities had Biſhops ſet up againſt Biſhops, and ſome Cities had more than two, or three: The people reviling and hating each other, and ſometime fighting tumultuouſly unto blood, for their ſeveral Prelates. The Chriſtian World was made as a Cockpit, and Chriſtian Religion made a ſcorn, by the Contentions of the Biſhops. Conſtantines wiſdom, conſcience and intereſt, engaged him to uſe all his skil, his kindneſs and his power, to reconcile them: And if he had not done what he did, how unſpeakably wretched would their odious contentions have rendered them? And yet he profeſſeth his heart almoſt broken by their diſſenſions; and while he chid them bitterly and exhorted them kindly, he could not prevail. His Sons that ſucceeded him laboured to unite the Biſhops, (though in different ways) and could not do it. Jovianus the little time he reigned, declared his hatred of their contentions, and how much he loved a peaceable man: but that did not cure them, even when they came new from under a Julian. I will look no lower, to the more degenerate Prelacy; but recite the doleful words of Euſebius, even of thoſe that were not at the worſt, and came but newly p. 25from under the perſecutions of former Emperours, when they had but a little proſperity, immediately before Diocleſians perſecution, they are thus deſcribed. [How great and what manner of glory and liberty the doctrine Euſeb. l. 8. c. 1. Dr. Hanmer's Tranſlat. p. 144, 145.of piety due to Almighty God, preached in the World by Chriſt, hath obtained before the perſecution of our time, among all mortal men both Grecians and Barbarians, it requireth more labour to declare, &c. The clemency of the Emperours (when Heathen) towards the Chriſtians was ſo increaſed, to whom alſo they committed the Government of the Gentiles; And for the great favour they bare to our Doctrine, they granted liberty and ſecurity to the Profeſſors of Chriſtianity. What ſhall I ſay of them, that in the very Palace of the Emperours, and in the preſence of Princes lived moſt familiarly: which eſteemed of their Miniſters ſo highly, that they granted them in their preſence freely to deal in matters of Religion, both by word and deed; together with their wives and children and ſervants? And thus one might then have ſeen the Biſhops of all Churches in great reverence and favour among all ſorts of men, and with all Magiſtrates. Who can worthily deſcribe thoſe innumerable heaps, and flocking multitudes, throughout all Cities and famous Aſſemblies, frequenting the places dedicated to prayer: Becauſe of which circumſtances, they not contented with the old and ancient buildings (which could not receive them) have throughout all Cities, builded them from the Foundation wide and ample Churches: Theſe things thus prevailed in proceſs of time, and daily increaſed far and nigh: ſo that no malice could intercept, no ſpiteful fiend bewitch, no wight with cunning at all hinder it, as long as the Divine and heavenly hand of God upheld and viſited his People, whom as yet he worthily accepted. But after that our affairs through too much liberty, eaſe and ſecurity, degenerated from the Natural rule of piety; and after that one purſued another with open contumely and hatred; and when that we impugned our ſelves by no other than our ſelves, with the armour of ſpite, and ſharp ſpears of approbrious words, ſo that Biſhops againſt Biſhops, and People againſt People, raiſed ſedition; laſt of all, when that curſed hypocriſie and diſſimulation had ſwam even to the brim of malice; The heavy hand of Gods high judgment after his wonted manner (whileſt as yet the Eccleſiaſtical Societies aſſembled themſelves nevertheleſs) began ſoftly by little and little to viſit us; ſo that the perſecution that was raiſed againſt us took firſt his Original, from the Brethren that were under Banner in the Camp. When as we were touched with no ſenſe thereof, nor went about so pacific God, we heaped ſin upon ſin, thinking like careleſs Epicures, that God neither cared, nor would viſit our ſins; And they which ſeemed our Shepherds, Laying aſide the rule of piety, practiſed contention and ſchiſm among themſelves, and whilſt they aggravated theſe things, that is, contentious, threatnings, mutual hatred and enmity, and every one proceeded in Ambition, much like Tyranny it ſelf, then I ſay, then did the Lord make the daughter of Zion obſcure, and overthrew from above the glory of Iſrael, &c.—c. 2. We ſaw with our eyes the Oratories thrown down: to the ground, the foundations digged up, the holy Scriptures burned to aſhes in the open Market-place, and the Paſtors of the Churches ſome ſhamefully hid themſelves.—Yet is it not our drift to deſcribe the bitter calamities of theſe men, which at length they ſuffered, p. 26nor to record their diſſenſion and inſolency practiſed among themſelves, before the perſecution, &c.]

Note that all this was before Arius his Hereſie, even before Diocleſians cruelties; but not before the beginning of Church-Tyranny and ambition, as is ſaid.

But after this, alas, how much greater were their enormities and diſſentions, when their Tyranny was much encreaſed; It would grieve any ſober Chriſtian to read how the Chriſtian World hath been toſſed up and down, and the people diſtracted, and Princes diſturbed and dethroned, and Hereſies fomented, and horrid Perſecutions, and bloodſhed cauſed, by the pride and contentiouſneſs of Prelates: And moſt of all this, in proſecution of that Controverſie, which Chriſt decided ſo long ago, viz. Who ſhould be greateſt. It was not Religion, ſaith Socrates, l. 5. c. 22. that the two Arian Sects of Marinus and Agapius was about, but Primacy: They ſtrove which of them ſhould be the chief: wherefore many Clergy-men under the juriſdiction of theſe Biſhops, perceiving the ambition, the rancour and malice of theſe proud Prelates, forſook them, &c.

Macedonius at Conſtantinople was ſo Tyrannical, that as he came in by cruelty, ſo he cauſed more, by preſumptuous removal of the bones of Conſtantine, to another Church, that he might pull down that, and this without Conſtantius the Emperours knowledge: where the people in Factions fought it out, till the Church and Streets were full of Carkaſſes and ſtreams of blood, ſaith Socrates. The ſame man ſet four Companies ofSocrat. l. 2. c. 3. Id. ib. Souldiers on the Novations in Paphlagonia, till he enraged the people with Clubs and Bills to kill them all. And he was ſo Tyrannical in forcing Conformity, that he not only forced men to the Sacrament, but gagged their mouths and popt it in.

Nor was this only the vice of the Heterodox but the Orthodox, as is aforeſaid. And as the French and German Biſhops aforeſaid did againſt the Priſcillinaiſts, ſo for their own intereſt againſt one another, they flattered and reſtleſly inſtigated the Civil power, even Uuſurpers to execute their Wills: and favoured that power that moſt favoured them. When the foreſaid Maximus had killed Gratian and reigned in France, and entered Italy, (after that Ambroſe had ſtopt him a while) Theophilus Alexandr. ſendeth an Agent Presbyter with two Letters, and a rich preſent, one to Maximus and one to Theodoſius; ordering him to ſtay the iſſue of the Fight, and give the Preſent with his Letter to him that proved the Conqueror: But a Servant ſtole the Letters from the Prieſt, and opened the whole buſineſs, and cauſed the Prieſt to fly and hide himſelf.

50. Theſe contentions of the Biſhops and corruption of manners, ſo diſtaſted the more Religious ſort of the people, that it occaſioned the multiplying of ſeparating Hereſies: and greatly encreaſed and confirmed others, eſpecially the Donatiſts, and Novations; becauſe men thought them to be of better lives than the Orthodox.

51. Yea, by their very abuſe of good and holy men, they drove even p. 27the Orthodox often to ſeparated Societies, as thinking ſo bad Prelates unfit to be communicated with. As in Conſtantinople their abuſe, ejection and baniſhment of Chryſoſtome cauſed great numbers of his faithful people to forſake the Church; and meet only in ſeparated Conventicles; And though they differed in no point of Doctrine, Worſhip or Diſcipline from the reſt, all that they could do by tyranny and threats would never bring them again to the Church; but they were called Joannites, and aſſembled by themſelves; till Atticus by wiſe and honeſt means firſt began the reconciliati…, by the publick inſerting of Chryſoſtome's name among their honoured Biſhops in the daily Liturgy of the Church, and Proclus after wiſely perfected it, by fetching the bones of Chryſoſtome with honour, from the place of his baniſhment into the Church. But Theodoret, Hiſt. Eccl. l. 5. c. 36. aſcribeth it to that good Emperour Theodoſius Junior: It's like a good BiſhopSocrat. l. 7. c. 44. and he conſented. For ſaith Socrates, c. 40. Proclus behaved himſelf fairly towards all men, perſwading himſelf that it was far eaſier for him by fair means to allure men to the Church, than by force to compel them to the Faith.

52. The multitudes of Schiſmes and horrid enormities in the Church of Rome; the grand corruption of Religion by them; the ſhameful diviſions between the Greek and Weſtern Churches, began ſo long ago and continued to this day, with much more ſuch evidence, do tell the World that is willing to ſee, what all this tended to as it's perfection.

53. And having thus ſhewed how the Biſhops of the Flock came to be Biſhops of Biſhops, and how they grew from the Paſtoral Office to a pompous denomination moſtly ſecular, and how the Biſhops of ſingle Churches, did grow to be the Biſhops of multitudes of Churches turned into one Dioceſan Church of another ſpecies, we ſhall leave it to thoſe that are wiſe and impartial, to judge whether a true Reformation muſt retrieve them, and what Age and ſtate of the Church muſt be our pattern, to which we ſhould endeavour to return; and in what point it is that it is meet or poſſible, for Chriſtians unanimouſly to fix between the Apoſtolical inſtitution and the height of Popery? And what ſatisfying proof any man can give that in a line of 1500 Years, that it is the right point that he hath choſen.