Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times, Part 2 · Section 12 · Floating text 2 – Letter 3

Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times · Part 2 · Section 12 · Floating text 2 – Letter 3

p. 369A Copy of the Proceedings of some Worthy and Learned Divines touching Innovations in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England: Together with Considerations upon the Common Prayer Book.

Innovations in Doctrine.

1. Quaere. WHether in the Twentieth Article these Words are not inserted, Habet Ecclesia authoritatem in Controversiis fidei.

2. It appears by Stetfords, and the approbation of the Licensers, that some do teach and preach, That Good Works are concauses with faith in the act of Iustification; Dr. Dove also hath given Scandal in that point.

3. Some have preached the Works of Penance are satisfactory before God.

4. Some have preached that private Consession by particular Enumeration of Sins, is necessary to Salvation, necessitate medii; both those Errours have been questioned at the Consistory at Cambridge.

5. Some have maintained that the Absolution which the Priest pronounceth, is more than Declaratory.

6. Some have published, That there is a proper Sacrifice in the Lord's Supper, to exhibit Christ's Death in the Postfact, as there was a Sacrifice to prefigure in the Old Law in the Antefact, and therefore that we have a true Altar, and therefore not only metaphorically so called, so Dr. Heylin and others in the last Summers Convocation, where also some defended, that the Oblation of the Elements might hold the Nature of the true Sacrifice, others the Consumption of the Elements.

7. Some have introduced Prayer for the Dead, as Mr. Brown in his printed Sermon, and some have coloured the use of it with Questions in Cambridge, and disputed, that Precespro Defunct is now supponunt Purgatoriu….

8. Divers have oppugned the certitude of Salvation.

9. Some have maintained the lawfulness of Monastical Vows.

10. Some have maintained that the Lord's Day is kept meerly by Ecclesiastical Constitution, and that the Day is changeable.

11. Some have taught as new and dangerous Doctrine, that the Subjects are to pay any Sums of Money imposed upon them, though without Law, nay contrary to the Laws of the Realm, as Dr. Sybthorp, and Dr. Manwaring Bishop of St. Davids, in their printed Sermons, whom many have followed of late years.

p. 37012. Some have put Scorns upon the two Books of Homilies, calling them either Popular Discourses, or a Doctrine useful for those Times wherein they were set forth.

13. Some have defended the whole gross Substance of Arminianism, that Electio eft ex fide praevisa, That the Act of Conversion depends upon the Concurrence of Man's Freewill; That the justified Man may fall finally and totally from Grace,

14. Some have defended Universal Grace, as imparted as much to Reprobates as to the Elect, and have proceeded usque ad salutem Ethnicorum, which the Church of England hath Anathematized.

15. Some have absolutely denied Original Sin, and so evacuated the Cross of Christ, as in a Disputation at Oxon.

16. Some have given excessive Cause of Scandal to the Church: as being suspected of Socinianism.

17. Some have defended that Concupiscence is no sin, either in the habit, or first motion.

18. Some have broacht out of Socinus a most uncomfortable and desperate Doctrine, That late Repentance, that is, upon the last Bed of Sickness, is unfruitful, at least to reconcile the Penitent to God.

Add unto these, some dangerous and most reproveable Books.

1. The Reconciliation of Sancta Clara, to knit the Romish and Protestant in one; Memorand. That he be caused to produce Bishop Watson's Book of the like Reconciliation which he speaks of.

2. A Book called Brevis Disquisitio, printed (as it is thought) in London, and vulgarly to be had, which impugneth the Doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and the verity of Christ's Body (which he took of the Blessed Virgin) in Heaven, and the verity of our Resurrection.

3. A Book called Timotheus Philalethes de Pace Ecclesiae, which holds that every Religion will save a Man, if he holds the Covenant.

Innovations in Discipline.

1. The turning of the holy Table Altar-wise, and most commonly calling it an Altar.

2. Bowing towards it, or towards the East, many times, with three Congees, but usually in every motion, access, or recess in the Church.

3. Advancing Candlesticks in many Churches upon the Altar so called.

4. In making Canopies over the Altar so called, with Traverses and Curtains on each side, and before it.

5. In compelling all Communicants to come up before the Rails, and there to Receive.

6. In advancing Crucifixes and Images upon the Parafront, or Altar-cloth, so called.

7. In reading some part of the Morning Prayer at the Holy Table, when there is no Communion celebrated.

8. By the Minister's turning his back to the West, and his face to the East, when he pronounceth the Creed, or reads Prayers.

9. By reading the Litany in the midst of the Body of the Church in many of the Parochial Churches.

10. By pretending for their Innovations, the Injunctions and Advertisements of Queen Elizabeth, which are not in force, but by way of Commentary and Imposition, and by putting to the Liturgy printed secundo, tertio Edwardi sexti, which the Parliament hath Reformed and laid aside.

11. By offering of Bread and Wine by the hand of the Churchwardens or others, before the Consecration of the Elements.

12. By having a Credentia, or Side-Table, besides the Lord's Table, for divers uses in the Lord's Supper.

13. By introducing an Offertory before the Communion, distant from the giving of Alms to the Poor.

p. 37114. By prohibiting the Ministers to expound the Catechism at large to their Parishioners.

15. By suppressing of Lectures, partly on Sundays in the Afternoon, partly on Week-days, performed as well by Combination, as some one Man.

16. By prohibiting a direct Prayer before Sermon, and bidding or Prayer.

17. By singing the Te Deum in Prose after a Cathedral Church way, in divers Parochial Churches, where the People have no skill in such Musick.

18. By introducing Latin-Service in the Communion of late in Oxford, and into some Colledges in Cambridge, at Morning and Evening Prayer, so that some young Students, and the Servants of the Colledge do not understand their Prayers.

19. By standing up at the Hymns in the Church, and always at Gloria Patri.

20. By carrying Children from the Baptism to the Altar so called, there to offer them up to God.

21. By taking down Galleries in Churches, or restraining the Building of such Galleries where the Parishes are very populous.

Memorandum:

1. That in all the Cathedral and Collegiate Churches two Sermons be preached every Sunday by the Dean and Prebendaries, or by their procurement, and likewise every Holy-day, and one Lecture at the least to be preached on Working-days every Week, all the Year long.

2. That the Musick used in God's Holy Service, in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches be framed with less Curiosity, that it may be more edifying and more intelligible, and that no Hymns or Anthems be used where Ditties are framed by private Men, but such as are contained in the Sacred Canonical Scriptures, or in our Liturgy of Prayers, or have publick allowance.

3. That the Reading-Desk be placed in the Church where Divine Service may be…t be heard of all the People.

Considerations upon the Book of Common Prayer.

1. Whether the Names of some departed Saints and others should not be quire expunged in the Kalender.

2. Whether the reading of Psalms, Sentences of Scripture, concurring in divers places in the Hymns, Epistles and Gospel, should not be set out in the New Translation.

3. Whether the Rubrick should not be mended, where all Vestments in them of Divine Service are now commanded, which were used, 2 Edw. 6.

4. Whether Lessons of Canonical Scripture should be put into the Kalender instead of Apocrypha.

5. That the Doxology should be always printed at the End of the Lord's Prayer, and be always said by the Minister.

6. Whether the Rubrick should not be mended, where it is, (that the Lessons should be sung in a plain tune) why not read with a distinct voice?)

7. Whether Gloria Patri should be repeated at the end of every Psalm.

8. Whether according to that End of the Preface before the Common Prayer, the Curate should be bound to read Morning and Evening Prayers every day in the Church, if he be at home, and not reasonably letted, and why not only on Wednesday and Friday Morning, and in the Afternoon on Saturday, with Holy-day Eves.

9. Whether the Hymns, Benedicite omnia Opera, &c. may not be left out.

10. In the Prayer for the Clergy, that Phrase Perhaps to be altered, which only worketh great marvels.

11. In the Rubrick for the Administration of the Lords Supper, whether an alteration be not to be made in this, That such as intend to Communicate shall signifie their Names to the Curate over Night, or in the Morning before Prayers.

12. The next Rubrick to be cleared, how far a Minister may repulse a scandalous and notorious Sinner from the Communion.

p. 37213. Whether the Rubrick is not to be mended, where the Churchwardens are strictly charged to gather the Alms for the Poor before the Communion begin; for by experience it is proved to be done better when the People depart.

14. Whether the Rubrick is not to be mended, concerning the Party that is to make his General Confession upon his knees, before the Communion, that it should be said only by the Minister, and then at every Clause repeated to the People.

15. These words in the Form of the Consecration, This is my Body, This is my Blood of the New Testament, not to be printed hereafter in great Letters.

16. Whether it will not be fit to insert a Rubrick, touching kneeling at the Communion, that is, to comply in all Humility with the Prayer which the Minister makes when he delivers the Elements.

17. Whether Cathedral and Collegiate Churches shall be strictly bound to Celebrate the Holy Communion every Sunday at the least, and might not it rather be added once in a Month.

18. In the last Rubrick touching the Communion, it is not fit that the Printer make a full Point, and begin with a new Great Letter at these words, And every Pa…shioner shall also receive the Sacrament.

19. Whether in the first Prayer at the Baptism, these words, Didst sanctifie the Flood of Jordan, and all other Waters, should be thus changed, Didst sanctifie the Element of Water.

20. Whether it be not fit to have some discreet Rubrick made to take away all scandal from signing the Sign of the Cross upon the Infants after Baptism; or if it shall seem more expedient to be quite disused, whether this Reason should be published, That in ancient Liturgies no Cross was confined upon the Party, but where Oyl also was used; and therefore Oyl being now omitted, so may also that which was concomitant with it, the Sign of the Cross.

21. In Private Baptism, the Rubrick mentions that which must not be done, that the Minister may dip the Child in Water being at the point of Death.

22. Whether in the last Rubrick of Confirmation, those words be to be left out, and be undoubtedly saved.

23. Whether the Catechism may not receive a little more Enlargement.

24. Whether the Times prohibited for Marriage are quite to be taken away.

25. Whether none hereafter shall have Licenses to marry, nor be asked their Banns of Matrimony, that shall not bring with them a Certificate from their Ministers that they are instructed in their Catechism.

26. Whether these Words in Matrimony, With my Body I thee worship, shall not be thus altered, I give thee power over my body.

27. Whether the last Rubrick of Marriage should not be mended, that new married Persons should receive the Communion the same day of their marriage, may not well be (or upon the Sunday following) when the Communion is celebrated.

28. In the Absolution of the Sick, were it not plain to say, I pronounce thee Absolved.

29. The Psalm of Thanksgiving of Women after Child-birth, were it not fit to be composed out of proper Versicles taken from divers Psalms.

30. May not the Priest rather read the Communion in the Desk, than go up to the Pulpit.

31. The Rubrick in the Commination leave it doubtful, whether the Liturgy may not be read in divers places in the Church.

32. In the Order of the Burial of all Persons, 'tis said, We commit his Body to the Ground, in sure and certain hope of Resurrection to Eternal Life; Why not thus, Knowing assuredly that the Dead shall rise again.

33. In the Collect next unto the Collect against the Pestilence, the Clause perhaps to be mended: For the honour of Iesus Christ's sake.

34. In the Litany, instead of Fornication and all other deadly Sin, would it not satisfie thus? From Fornication and all other grievous Sins.

35. It is very fit that the Imperfections of the Metre in the singing Psalms should be mended, and then Lawful Authority added unto them, to have them publickly sung before and after Sermons, and sometimes instead of the Hymns of Morning and Evening Prayer.

p. 373§ 242. And now our Calamities began to be much greater than before: We were called all by the Name of Presbytorians (the odious Name): though we never put up one Petition for Presbytery, but pleaded for Primitive Episcopacy. We were represented in the common talk of those who thought it their Interest to be our Adversaries, as the most Seditious People, unworthy to be used like Men, or to enjoy our common Liberty among them. We could not go abroad but we met with daily Reproaches and false Stories of us: Either we were feigned to be Plotting, or to be Disaffecting the People, &c. And no Sermon that I preached, scarce escaped the Censure of being Seditious, though I preached only for Repentance and Faith, and Morality and Common Vertue, yea, if it were against Disobedience and Sedition, all was one as to my Estimation with those Men. And the great Increaser of all this was, that there were a multitude of Students that studied for Preferment, and many Gentlemen that aimed at their Rising in the World, who found our quickly what was most pleasing to those whose Favour they must rise by, and so set themselves industriously to Reviling, Calumniating and Cruelty, against all those whom they perceived to be odious! And he that can but convince a worldly Generation of any thing that's the ready way to their Preserment, shall be sure to have it closely followed, and throughly done with all their might.

§ 243. Before and about this time many Books (if so they may be called) were written against me. One by Mr. Naufen (forementioned) a Justice of Peace in Worcestershire, who being a great Friend of the Papists, had spoken against me on the Bench at the Sessions behind my back, as the Author of a Petition against Popery heretofore: and was angry with me for evincing to him his mistake, temerity and injustice: And when he saw his time, he had nothing else to be the fewel of his Revenge, but that very Book which I wrote against the Papists: and therein against the killing of the King, which I aggravated against the Army and the Popish Instigators and Actors: But because in Answer to the Papists, I made their Doctrine and Practise of King killing to be worse than these Sectaries were guilty of, and thereupon recited what the Sectaries said for themselves, which the Jesuites have not to say; he took up all these Reasons of the Sectaries, and answered them as if they had been my own, and I had pleaded for that, which I condemned by writing in a time when it might have cost me my Life, when the Gendeman that thus would have proved me a Traytor, did himself act under the Usurpers, and took their Impositions, which we abhorred and refused.

§ 244. And here I shall insert a Passage not contemptible concerning the Papists, because I am fall's into the mention of them. In Cromwells days, when I was writing that very Book, and my Holy Commonwealth, and was charging their Treasons and Rebellions on the Army, one Mr. Iames Stansfield, a Reverend Minister of Glocestershire, called on me, and tod me a Story; which afterwards he sent me under his Hand, and warranted me to publish it; which was this.

One Mr. Atkins of Glocestershire, Brother to Judge Atkins, being beyond Sea, with others that had served the late King, fell into intimate acquaintance with a Priest, that had been (or then was) Governour of one of their Colledges in Flanders: They agreed, not to meddle with each other about Religion, and so continued their Friendship long. A little after the King was beheaded, Mr. Atkins met this Priest in London, and going into a Tavern with him, said to him in his familiar way, [What business have you here? I warrant you come about some Roguery or other]. Whereupon the Priest told it him as a great secret, [That there were Thirty of them here in London, who by Instructions from Cardinal Mazarine, did take care of such Affairs, and had sate in Council, and debated the Question, Whether the King should be put to death or not? and that it was carried in the Affirmative, and there were but two Voice; for the Negative, which was his own and anothers: And that for his part he could not concur with them, as foreseeing what misery this would bring upon his Country]. That Mr. Atkins stood to the Truth of this, but thought it a Violation of the Laws of Friendship, to name the Man.

I would not print it without fuller Attestation, left it should be a wrong to the Papists. But when the King was restored and setled in Peace, I told it occasionly to Privy Councellor, who not advising me to meddle any further in it, because the King knew enough of Mazarine's Designs already, I let it alone. But about this time I met with Dr. Thomas Gnad, and occasionally mentioning such a thing, he told me that he was familiarly acquainted with Mr. Atkins, and would know the certainty of him, whether it were true: And not long after meeting him again, he told me that he spoke with Mr. Atkins, and that he assured him that it was true: p. 374but he was loth to meddle in the publication of it. Nor did I think it prudence my self to do it, as knowing the Malice and Power of the Papists.

Since this, Dr. Peter Moulin hath in his Answer to Philanax Anglicus, declared that he is ready to prove, when Authority will call him to it, that the King's Death and the Change of the Government, was first proposed both to the Sorborne, and to the Pope with his Conclave, and consented to and concluded for by both.

§ 245. Another Book wrote against me was (as was thought) by one Tompkins, a young Man of All-Souls, Son to Mr. Tompkins of Worcester, and a School-boy there when I lived in that County**Since made Dr. and the Archbishop's Chaplain.: He called it The Rebel's Plea; being a Confutation of such Passages in my Holy Commonwealth, as he least understood and could make most odious. All these Men made me think, what one advised the Papists to do for the effectual Confutation of the Protestants; viz. Not to dispute or talk with them at all, but to preach every day against them in the Pulpits; for there they may speak without any Contradiction, and need not fear an Answer.

§ 246. Shortly after our Disputation at the Savoy, I went to Rickmersworth in Hartfordshire, and preached there but once, upon Matth. 22. 12. [And he was speechless]: where I spake not a word that was any nearer kin to Sedition, or that had any greater tendency to provoke them, than by shewing [that wicked men, and the refusers of grace, however they may now have many things to say to excuse their sin, will at last be speechless, and dare not stand to their wickedness before God.] Yet did the Bishop of Worcester tell me, when he silenced me, that the Bishop of London had shewed him Letters from one of the Hearers, assuring him that I preached seditiously: so little Security was any Man's Innocency (that displeased the Bishops) to his Reputation with that Party, who had but one Auditor that desired to get favour by accusing him. So that a multitude of such Experiences made me perceive, when I was silenced, that there was some Mercy in it, in the midst of Judgment: for I should scarce have preached a Sermon, nor put up a Prayer to God, which one or other (through Malice, or hope of Favour) would not have been tempted to accuse as guilty of some heinous Crime: And as Seneca saith, He that hath an Ulcer crieth Oh, if he do but think you touched him.

§ 247. Shortly after my return to London, I went into Worcestershire, to try whether it were possible to have any honest Terms from the Reading Vicar there, that I might preach to my former Flock: But when I had preached twice or thrice, he denied me liberty to preach any more: I offered him to take my Lecture, which he was bound to allow me (under a Bond of 500 l); but he refused it: I next offered him to be his Curate, and he refused it: I next offered him to preach for nothing, and he refused it: And lastly, I desired leave but once to Administer the Sacrament to the People, and preach my Farewel Sermon to them; but he would not consent. At last I understood that he was directed by his Superiours to do what he did: But Mr. Baldwin (an able Preacher whom I left there) was yet permitted.

§ 248. At that time, my aged Father lying in great pain of the Stone and Strangury, I went to visit him (Twenty miles further): And while I was there, Mr. Baldwin came to me, and told me that he also was forbidden to preach. We returned both to Kidderminster, and having a Lecture at Sheffnel in the way, I preached there, and stayed not to hear the Evening Sermon, because I would make haste to the Bishop. It fell out that my turn at another Lecture was on the same day with that at Sheffnal (viz. at Cleibury in Shropshire also): And many were there met in expectation to hear me: But a Company of Soldiers were there (as the Country thought, to have apprehended me); who shut the Doors against the Ministers that would have preached in my stead (bringing a Command to the Churchwarden to hinder any one that had not a License from the Bishop); and the poor People that had come from far were fain to go home with grieved hearts.

§ 249. The next day it was confidently reported that a certain Knight offered the Bishop his Troop to apprehend me, if I offered to preach: And the People disswaded me from going to the Bishop, supposing my Liberty in danger. But I went that Morning with Mr. Baldwin, and in the hearing of him and Dr. Warmstry, then Dean of Worcester, I remembred the Bishop of his Promise to grant me his Licence, &c. but he refused me liberty to preach in his Diocess, though I offered him to preach only on the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments, Catechistical Principles, and only to such as had no preaching. But the Discourse between him and me at that time, I have had occasion since particularly p. 375to recite in my Answer to him, according as I noted it down when I came home; and therefore I shall here pass it by. And since then I never preached in his Diocess.

§ 250. When he Silenced me, he told me that he marvelled that I should think my own preaching so necessary, as to offer to preach for nothing, as if other Men could not do as much good as I? I told him, That when they and I had all done our best, there would be many Places unsupplyed; and asked him, Whether he thought that such an one as I were not better than none! He told me, That he thought no meanly of my Abilities; but till I was better affected, he thought they were better that had none. I urged him to tell me what he thought was the Errour of my Mind or Affections, and what he would have me do towards the Cure? My Errours he would not tell me (save the ridiculous recital of that Sentence at the Savoy, of Sin per accidens, which I have spoken of in my Answer to him at large); but for my Cure (of I know not what) he would have me read Bilson and Hooker. I told him that was not now to do: But when, at his perswasion, I revised them, I admired at their Infatuation, that ever they suffered such Books as Hooker's Eighth Book, and Bishop Bilson of Obedience, to see the Light: When Hooker goeth so much further than the Long Parliament went, as to affirm that the Legislative Power is so naturally belonging to the whose Body; that it is Tyranny for a single Person to exercise it, (Lib. 1.) And that the King is singulis Major, sed Universis Minor, and receiveth his Power from the People, with many more Antimonarchical Principles, which I have confuted in the Fourth Part of my Christian Directory particularly, as judging them unsound. And Bilson, in that excellent Book of Christian Obedience, hath this passage, which methinks should make them burn it, and not commend it to us for our Cure, [Pag. 520. If a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdom to a Foreign Realm, or change the Form of the Commonwealth, or neglect the Laws established by common Consent of Prince and People, to execute his own pleasure: In these, and other Cases which might be named, if the Nobles and the Commons joyn together to defend their ancient and accustomed Liberty, Regiment and Laws, they may not well be counted Rebels]—[I never deny'd that the People might preserve the Foundation, Freedom and Form of their Commonwealth, which they fore-prized when they first consented to have a King—I say, the Law of God giveth no Man leave to resist his Prince: but I never said, that Kingdom; and Commonwealths might not proportion their States as they thought best, by their publick Laws; which afterwards the Princes themselves may not violate. By [Superiour Powers ordained of God] we understand, not only Princes, but all Politick States and Regiments: somewhere the People, somewhere the Nobles, having the same Interest to the Sword that Princes have in their Kingdoms. And in Kingdoms where Princes bear rule, by [the Sword], we do not mean the Princes private Will, against his Laws; but his Precept derived from his Laws, and agreeing with his Laws: which though it be wicked, yet may it not be resisted by any Subject with armed violence. Marry, when Princes offer their Subjects, not Iustice, but Force, and despise all Laws to practise their Lusts, not every nor any private Man, may take the Sword and redress the Prince; but if the Laws of the Land appoint the Nobles, as next the King, to assist him in doing right, and withhold him from doing wrong, then be they licensed by Man's Law, and so not prohibited by God's to interpose themselves for the safety of Equity and Innocency, and by all lawful and needful means, to procure the Prince to be reformed, but in no case deprived, where the Scepter is inherited]. So far Bishop Bilson to whom I was sent.

§ 251. To return to Bishop Monley; He told me when he Silenced me, that he would take care that the People should be no losers, but should be taught as well as they were by me. And when I was gone, he got awhile a few scandalous Men, with some that were more civil, to keep up the Lecture, till the paucity of their Auditors gave them a pretence to put it down. And he came himself one day and preached to them, a long Invective against them and me, as Presbyterians, and I know not what; so that the People wondered that ever a Man would venture to come up into a Pulpit, and speak so confidently to a People, that he knew not, the things which they commonly knew to be untrue. And this Sermon was so far from winning any of them to the estimation of their New Bishop, or curing that which he called the Admiration of my Person, (which was his great endeavour) that they were much confirmed in their former Judgments. But still the Bishop looked at Kidderminster as a Factious, Schismatical, Presbyterian People, that must be cured of their over-valuing of me, and then they would be cured of all the rest: Whereas if he had lived with them the twentieth part so long as I had done, he would have known that they were neither Presbyterians, nor Factious nor p. 376Shismatical, nor Seditious; but a People that quietly followed their hard Labour, and learned the Holy Scriptures, and lived a holy, blameless Life, in Humility and Peace with all Men, and never had any Sect or separated Party among them, but abhorred all Faction and Sidings in Religion, and lived in Love and Christian Unity. Yet when the Bishop was gone, the Dean came and preached about three hours or near, to cure them of the Admiration of my Person; and a month after came again and preached over the same, perswading the People that they were Presbyterians and Schismatical, and were led to it by their over-valuing of me. The People admired at the temerity of these Men, and really thought that they were scarce well in their Wits, that would go on to speak things so far from truth of Men whom they never knew, and that to their own faces. Many have gone about by backbiting to make People believe a false report of others: but few will think to perswade any to believe it of themselves, who know themselves much better than the Reprover doth. Yet besides all this, their Lecturers were to go on in the same strain, and one Mr. Pitt (who lived in Sir Iohn Packington's House, with Dr. Hammond) was often at this work (being of the Judgment and Spirit of Dr. Gunning and Dr. Pierce) calling them Presbyterians, Rebellious, Serpents, and Generation of Vipers, unlikely to scape the Damnation of Hell, yet knowing not his Accusation to be true of one Man of them (For there was but one, if one Presbyterian in the Town, but plain honest People, that minded nothing but Piety, Unity, Charity, and their Callings). This dealing (instead of winning them to the Preacher) drove them from the Lecture, and then (as I said) they accused the People as deserting it, and put it down.

§ 252. For this ordinary Preacher they set up one of the best parts they could get (**A most scandalous Person. was far from what his Patrons spake him to be) who was quickly a weary and went away. And next they set up a poor dry Man, that had been a School-master near us, and after a little time he died: And since they have taken another Course, and set up a young Man (the best they can get) who taketh the contrary way to the first, and over-applaudeth me in the Pulpit to them, and speaketh well of them, and useth them kindly: And they are glad of one that hath some Charity. And thus the Bishop hath used that Flock, who say that till then they never knew so well what a Bishop was, nor were before so guilty of that dislike of Episcopacy, of which they were so frequently and vehemently accused. I hear not of one person among them, who is won to the Love of Prelacy or Formality since my removal.

§ 253. Having parted with my dear Flock (I need not say, with mutual sense and tears) I left Mr. Baldwin to live privately among them, and oversee them in my stead, and visit them from House to House; advising them, notwithstanding all the Injuries they had received, and all the Failings of the Ministers that preached to them, and the Defects of the present Way of Worship, that yet they should keep to the Publick Assemblies, and make use of such Helps as might be had in Publick, together with their private Helps: Only in three Cases to absent themselves; 1. When the Minister was one that was utterly insufficient, as not being able to teach them the Articles of the Faith and Essentials of true Religion (such as alas, they had known to their sorrow). 2. When the Minister preached any Heresie, or Doctrine which was directly contrary to any Article of the Faith, or necessary part of Godliness. 3. When in the Application he set himself gainst the Ends of his Office, to make a holy Life seem odious, and to keep Men from it, and to promote the Interest of Satan: Yet not to take every bitter Reflection upon themselves or others, occasioned by difference of Opinion or Interest, to be a sufficient Cause to say that the Minister preacheth against Godliness, or to withdraw themselves.

§ 254. When I was gone from them, I wrote not a Letter to them past onec in a year, left it should bring Suffering upon them (the Cause also why I removed my Dwelling from them was, because they apprehended themselves that my presence would have been their ruine, as to Liberty and Estates): For had they but received a Letter from me, any displeasing thing that they had done, would have been imputed to that. As for instance, not long after, there came out the Act that all that had any Place of Trust in Cities, Corporations or Countreys, should be put out, unless they declared that they held [That there is no Obligation lying upon them, or any other person, from the Oath called The Solemn League and Covenant]: Hereupon all the Thirteen Capital Burgesses, Bailiff, Justice, and all, save one that had been an Officer in the King's Army, were turned out (though I suppose never any more than two or three of them took the Oath and Covenant themselves); and almost all the 25 inferiour Burgesses were turned out with them. Whereupon p. 377it was charged upon them that I had perswaded them to refuse this Declaration; till it was manifest that I had never once spoke a word to them about it, nor written one Line to them about that or anything else, of a long time: At such a distance were we forced to remain.

§ 255. After a short time the Lord Windsor, who was Lord Lieutenant of the County (and Governour of Iamaica), bought a House in the Town, and lived among them; (as most thought, to watch over them as a dangerous People) which turned to their great Relief: For before his coming, they were many of them imprisoned, and hardly used; but when he lived among them, and saw their honesty and innocency, they have had Three years of as great quietness and liberty, as any place I know in the Land. When he first came thither I was there, and went to wait upon him, and told him (truly) that I was glad of his coming for my Neighbour's sakes: for an innocent People are never so safe as under their Governour's Eye; seeing Slanders have their power most on strangers that are unacquainted with the persons or the things.

§ 256. Just at the time that the Bishop was Silencing me, it was famed at London that I was in the North, in the Head of a Rebellion! And at Kidderminster I was accused, because there was a Meeting of many Ministers at my House; which was no more than they knew had been their constant Custom many a year, to visit me, or dine with me. And while we were at Dinner, it fell out that by publick Order, the Covenant was to be burnt in the Market-place, and it was done under my Window: and the Attendance was so small, that we knew not of it till afterwards: Yet because I had preached the Morning before (which as I remember was my last Sermon there) upon Christ's words on the Cross [Father forgive them; for they know not what they do] I was accused of it as a heinous Crime, as having preached against the burning of the Covenant: which I never medled with, nor was it done till after the Sermon, nor did I know when it was done, no: mind it; nor did I apply the Text to any Matters of those present Times; but only in general to perswade the Hearers to the forgiving of Injuries, and maintaining Charity, in the midst of the greatest Temptations to the contrary: and to remember that it was the Tempter's Design, by every wrong which they received, to get advantage for the weakening of their Love to those that did it; which therefore they should with double care maintain. This was the true scope of that Sermon which deserved Death or Banishment, as all my Pacificatory Endeavours had done.

§ 257. When I came back to London, my Book called [The Mischiefs of Self-ignorance and Benefits of Self-acquaintance] was coming out of the Press: And my affection to my People of Kidderminster caused me, by a short Epistle to direct it to them, and because I could never after tell them publickly (being Silenced) I told them here the occasion of my removal from them, and my silencing; for brevity summing up the principal things in my Charge. And because I said [This was the Cause] the Bishop took advantage, as if I had said, This was the whole Cause] when the Conference between him and me was half an hour long, and not fit to be wholly inserted in a short Epistle, where I intended nothing but the sum. But the Bishop took occasion hereupon to gather up all that ever he could say to make me odious, and especially out of my Holy Commonwealth, and our Conference at the Savoy; where he gathered up a scrap of an Assertion which he did not duly understand, and made it little less than Heresie; and this he published in a Book called A Letter; which I truly profess, is the fullest of palpable Untruths in Matter of Fact, that ever I saw Paper, to my remembrance in all my Life. The words which he would render me so abhorred for, are our denial of Dr. Pierson's and Dr. Gunning's, &c. Propositions, about the innocency of Laws which command Things evil by Accident only: where the Bishop never discerned (unless he dissemble it) the Reasons of our Denial, nor the Proposition denied: The very words of the Dispute being printed before, and I having fully opened the Bishops Mistakes, in an Answer to him, I shall not here stope the Reader with it again.

§ 258. But this vehement Invective of the Bishop's presently taught all that desired his Favour, and the improvement of his very great Interest for their Ends, to talk in all Companies at the same rates as he had done, and to speak of me as he had spoken, and those that thought more was necessary to their hopes, presented the Service of their Pens. Dr. Boreman of Trinity Colledge wrote a Book, without his Name, and had no other design in it than to make me odious; nor any better occasion for his writing than this: There had many years before past divers Papers p. 378between Dr. Thomas Hill, then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, and me, about the Point of [Physical efficient Predetermination as necessary to every Action natural and free]: I had written largely and earnestly against Predetermination, and he a little for it: In the end of it, the Calamities of the Sectarian times, and some Sicknesses among my Friends, had occasioned me to vent my moan to him as my Friend; and therein to speak of the doubtfulness of the Cause of the former War, and what reason there was to be diligent in search and prayer about it. When Dr. Hill was dead. Dr. Boreman came to see these Papers: Both the Subjects he must needs know were such, as tended rather to my Esteem, than to my Disparagement with the Men of these Times. Certainly the Arminians will be angry with no Man for being against Predetermination; and I think they will pardon him for questioning the Parliaments Wars: Yet did this disingenious Dr. make a Book on this occasion, to seek Preferment by reproaching me, for he knew not what: But to make up the matter, he writeth that it is reported, That I killed a Man in … with my own hands in the Wars: Whereas God knoweth, that I never hurt … in my Life, no never gave a Man a stroke (save one Man, when I was a Boy, whose Legg I broke with wrestling in jest; which almost broke my heart with …reif, though he was quickly cured). But the Dr. knowing that this might be soon disproved, cautiously gave me some Lenitives to perswade me to bear it patiently, telling me that if it be not true, I am not the first that have been thus abused: but for ought I know, he is the first that thus abused me. I began to write an Answer to this Book; but when I saw that Men did but laugh at it, and those that knew the Man despised it, and disswaded me from answering such a one, I laid it by.

§ 259. When the Bishop's Invective was read, many Men were of many minds, about the answering of it: Those at a distance all cried out upon me to answer it: Those at hand did all disswade me, and told me that it would be Imprisonment at least to me, if I did it with the greatest truth and mildness possible. Both Gentlemen and all the City Ministers told me, that it would not do half so much good, as my Suffering would do hurt: and that none believed it but the engaged Party, and that to others an Answer was not necessary, and to them it was unprofitable, for they would never read it. And I thought that the Judgment of Men that were upon the place, and knew how things went, was most to be regarded. But yet I wrote a full Answer to his Book, (except about the words in my Holy Commonwealth, which were not to be spoke to) and kept it by me, that I might use it as there was occasion. At that time Mr. Ioseph Glanvile sent me the offer of his Service to write in my Defence, (He that wrote the Vanity of Dogmatizing, and a Treatise for the Praexistence of Souls, being a Platonist, of free Judgment, and of admired Parts, and now one of the Royal Society of Philosophers, and one that had a too excessive estimation of me, as far above my desert, as the malicious Party erred on the other side): But I disswaded him from bringing himself into Suffering, and making himself unserviceable for so low an end: Only I gave him (and no Man else) my own Answer to peruse, which he returned with his Approbation of it.

§ 260. But Mr. Edward Bagshaw (Son to Mr. Bagshaw the Lawyer, that wrote Mr. Bolton's Life), without my knowledge wrote a Book in Answer to the Bishops: I could have wisht he had let it alone: For the Man hath no great disputing Faculty, but only a florid Epistolary Stile, and was wholly a Stranger to me, and to the Matters of Fact, and therefore could say nothing to them: But only being of a Bold and Roman Spirit, he thought that no Suffering should deter a Man from the smallest Duty, or cause him to silence any useful Truth. And I had formerly seen a Latin Discourse of his against Monarchy, which no whit pleased me, being a weak Argumentation for a bad Cause. So that I desired no such Champion: shortly after he went over with the E. of Anglesey, whose Houshold Chaplain he was, into Ireland, and having preached there some times, and returning back, was apprehended, and sent Prisoner to the Tower: where he continued long till his Means was all spent, and how he hath since procured Bread I know not. When he had been Prisoner about a year, it seems he was acquainted with Mr. Davis, who was also a Prisoner in the Tower: This Mr. Davis having been very serviceable in the Restoration of the King, and having laid out much of his Estate for his Service, tho… the might be the bolder with his Tongue and Pen, and being of a Spirit which some called undaunted, but others, furious, or indiscreet at best, did give an unmannerly liberty to his Tongue, to accuse the Court of such Crimes, with such Aggravations, as being a Subject, I think it not meet to name. At last, he talkt so p. 379freely in the Tower also, that he was shipt away Prisoner to Tangier in Africa. Mr. Bagshaw being surprized by L'Estrange, and his Chamber searched, there was found with him a Paper called Mr. Davis's Case: Whereupon he was brought out to speak with the King, who examined him of whom he had that Paper, and he denied to confess, and spake so boldly to the King as much offended him; whereupon he was sent back to the Tower, and laid in a deep, dark, dreadful Dungeon: When he had lain there three or four Days and Nights, without Candle, Fire, Bed or Straw; he fell into a terrible fit of the Haemorrboids which the Physicians thought did save his Life: for the pain was so vehement, that it kept him in a sweat, which cast out the Infection of the Damp. At last, by the solicitation of his Brother (who was a Conformist, and dearly loved him) he was taken up, and after that was sent away to Southsea-Castle, an unwholesome place in the Sea by Portsmouth, where (if he be alive) he remaineth close Prisoner to this day, with Vavasor Powel (a Preacher of North-Wales) and others; speeding worse than Mr. Crofton, who was at last released.

§ 261. While I was in Shropshire and Worcestershire, it fell out that some one printed one of our Papers given into the Bishops: And though I was above an hundred miles off, yet was it all imputed to me, and Roger L'Estrange put it in the News Book, that it was supposed to be my doing. Indeed, when Dr. Gunning had asked me, Whether we would keep ours from the Press, if they would do the same by theirs, I would not promise him; but told him, though I supposed that none of us intended to be so presumptuous as to publish them without Authority, yet I could promise nothing for all them that were absent; nor could any one promise it, when so many Scriveners were intrusted to Transcribe them, that the King and Bishops might have Copies: and whether any of those Scriveners might keep a Copy for themselves I knew not. And after this most of the other Papers were printed, by I know not whom, to this day: But I conjectured that a poor Man that I paid for writing me a Copy (Dr. Reignolds's Curate) was likeliest to do it, to get some what to supply his very great wants; but I am utterly uncertain: But I had intelligence that the second Papers were in the Press, and that Malice might impure it to me no more, I went to Secretary Morrice, and acquainted him with it, that he might send a Messenger to surprize them: But he told me, that if I could assure him that the Bishops had not given consent, I should have a warrant to search for them. I told him that I knew not what the Bishops had done, but he might easily conjecture: Nor would I search for them; but having told him, left him to do what he thought meet.

§ 262. And here I must give notice, That whereas there are then printed, [1. Our first Proposals for Concord in Discipline. 2. Our Papers upon the sight of the first Draught of the King's Declaration. 3. Our Petition and Reasons to the Bishops for Peace. 4. Our Reformed Liturgy. 5. Our Exceptions against the Faults of the Common Prayer Book. 6. Our Reply to the Bishops Answer to these Exceptions, with the Answer it self verbatim inserted. 7. Our last Account and Petition to the King. 8. A Copy of all their Disputation for the Liturgy, with our Answers]; all these being surreptitiously printed (save the first piece) by some poor Men for gain, without our Knowledge and Correction, are so falsly printed, that our wrong by it is very great: Whole Lines are left out; the most significant words are preverted by Alterations; and this so frequently, that some parts of the Papers (especially our large Reply, and our last Account to the King) are made Nonsence; and not intelligible. But the last Paper (Dr. Pierson's and Dr. Gunning's Disputation) I confess was not printed without my knowledge: For Bishop Morley's misreports with so great confidence uttered had made it of some necessity: But I added not one Syllable by way of Commentary, the words themselves being sufficient for his Confutation. If I remember, I will give you in the end of this Book the Errata of them all, that they that have the printed Copies may know how to correct them.

§ 263. The coming forth of these Papers had various effects: It increased the burning indignation which before was kindled against me on one side, and it somewhat mitigated the Censures that were taken up against me on the other side. For you must know that the Chief of the Congregational (or Independent) Party, took it ill that we took not them with us in our Treaty, and so did a few of the Presbyterian Divines; all whom we so far passed by as not to invite them to our Councils, (though they were as free as we to have done the like) because we knew that it would be but a hinderance to us, partly because their Persons were unacceptable, and partly because it might have delayed the Work: And most of the Independents, p. 380and some few Presbyterians, raised it as a common Censure against us, that if we had not been so forward to meet the Bishops with the offers of so much at first, and to enter a Treaty with them without just cause, we had all had better Terms, and standing off would have done more good: so that, though my Person and Intentions had a more favourable Censure from them than some others, yet for the Action, I was commonly censured by them, as one that had granted them too much, and wronged my Brethren by entring into this Treaty, o…t of too earnest a desire of Concord with them. Thus were Men on both extreams offended with me; and I found what Enmity, Charity and Peace are like to meet with in the …. But when these Papers were printed, the Independents confess that we had dealt faithfully, and satisfactorily: And indifferent men said that Reason had once whelmed the Cause of the Dio…esans, and that we had offered them so much a test them utterly without Excuse: And the moderate Episcopal Men said the same: But the engaged Prelatist were vehemently displeased, that these Papers should … c…me abroad. (Though many of them here published were never before printed, because none had Copies of them but my self).

§ 264. Bishop Morley told me when he Silenced me, that our Papers would be answered … long: But no Man to this day (that ever we could hear of) hath answered them which were unanswered; Either our Reasons for Peace, or our Litugy, or our large Reply, or our Answers to Dr. Pierson's Argument, &c. only Roger L'Estrange the writer of the News Book, hath raised out a great many words against some of them: And a nameless Author (thought to be Dr. Wommock) hath answered one part of one Subject in our Reply, which is about excluding all Prayers from the Pulpit, besides Common Prayer; and in very plausible Language, he saith as much as can be said for so bad a Cause, viz. for the prohibiting all Extemporary Prayer in the Church. And when he cometh to the chief strength of our Reasons, he passeth it by, and faith, that in answering so much as he did, the Answer to the rest may be gathered. And to all the rest of the Subjects he faith nothing: much less to all our other Papers.

§ 265. Also another nameless Author (commonly said to be Sir Henry Yelverton) wrote a Book for Bishop Morley against me: But neither he, nor Boreman, nor Womm…k ever saw me, for ought I know; and I am sure he is as strange to the Cause as to me: For he taketh it out of Bishop Morley's Book, and supposing what he hath written to be true, he findeth some words of Censorious Application, to make a Book of.

§ 266. And about the same time Sir Robert Holt a Knight of Warwickshire near Br…ch…m, spake in the Parliament House against Mr. Calamy and me by name, as preaching or praying seditiously; but not one syllable named that we said: And another time he named me for my Holy Commonwealth.

§ 267. And about that time, Bishop Morley having preferred a young Man, named Mr. S—(Orator of the University of Oxford, a fluent witty Satyrist,About this time Mr. Feld, a …odly Minister, died in Prison, and abundance were imprisoned upon malicious Accusations of some of their ignorant Hearers. and one that was sometime motioned to me to be my Curate at Kidderminster); this Man being Houshold Chaplain to the Lord Chancellour, was appointed to preach before the King; where the Crowd had high Expectations of some vehement Satyr: But when he had preached a quarter of an hour, he was utterly at a loss, and so unable to recollect himself, that he could go no further; but cryed [The Lord be merciful to our Infirmities] and so came down. But about a Month after, they were resolved yet that Mr. S—should preach the same Sermon before the King, and not lose his expected Applause: And preach it he did (little more than half an hour, with no admiration at all of the Hearers): And for his Encouragement the Sermon was printed. And when it was printed, many desired to see what words they were that he was stopped at the first time: And they found in the printed Copy all that he had said first, and one of the next Passages which he was to have delivered, was against me for my Holy Commonwealth.

§ 268. And so vehement was the Endeavour in Court, City, and Country to make me contemptible and odious, as if the Authours had thought that the Safety either of Church or State did lye upon it, and all would have been safe if I were but vilified and hated. Insomuch that Durell the French Minister that turned to them, and wrote for them, had a senseless snatch at me in his Book; and Mr. Stoope the Pastor of the French Church was banished (or forbidden this Land) as Fame said, for carrying over our Debates into France. So that any Stranger that had but heard and seen all this, would have asked, What Monster of Villany is this Man? p. 381and what is the Wickedness that he is guilty of? Yet was I never questioned to this day before a Magistrate. Nor do my Adversaries charge me with any personal wrong to them; nor did they ever Accuse me of any Heresie, nor much contemn my Judgment, nor ever accuse my Life (but for preaching where another had been Sequestred that was an insufficient Reader, and for preaching to the Soldiers of the Parliament, though none of them knew my Business there, nor the Service that I did them): These are all the Crimes, besides my Writings, that I ever knew they charged my Life with. But Envy and Carnal Interest was so destitute of a Mask, that they every where openly confessed the Cause for which they endeavoured my Defamation and Destruction; especially the Bishops that set all on work: 1. As one Cause was their own over-valuing of my Parts, which they made account I would employ against them. 2. Another was that they thought the Reputation of my blameless Life, would add to my ability to deserve them. 3. Another was, that they thought my Interest in the People to be far greater than indeed it was. 4. But the principal of all was, my Conference before the King and at the Savoy; in both which it fell out that Bishop Morley and I were the bassest Talkers (except Dr. Gunning), and that it was my lot to contradict him, who was not so able either to bear, or seem to bear it, as I thought at least his Honour would have instructed him to be. 5. And my refusing a Bishoprick increased the indignation: And Colonel Birth that first came to offer it me, told me, that they would ruine us, if we refused it: Yet did I purposely forbear ever mentioning it, on all occasions. 6. And it was not the least Cause, that my being for Primitive Episcopacy, and not for Presbytery, and being not so far from them in some other Points of Doctrine and Worship, as many Nonconformists are, they thought I was the abler to undermine them. 7. And another Cause was, that they judged of the rest of my Talk and Life, by my Conference at the Savoy, not knowing that I took that to be my present Duty, which Fidelity to the King and Church commanded me, faithfully to do, whoever was displeased by it: and that when that time was over, I took it to be my Duty, to live as peaceably as any Subject in the Land, and not to use m… Tongue or Pen against the Government which the King was pleased to appoint, however I disallowed it. Thus have I found the old saying true, That Reconcilers use to be hated on both side, and to put their hand in the Clift, which closeth upon them and finished them.

§ 269. The next time I went to the Lord Chancellour (about the New-England Corporation) after the Bishop of Worcester's Anger and Invective Book, he entertained me with his usual Condescension and Courtesie, but with some chiding Language, that I would meddle with Dr. Morley to provoke him: which when I had briefly spoke to, he followed on his Reprehension thus, [Was it a handsome thing of Mr. Baxter, to speak so to so mild a Man as Dr. Earles, Clerk of the King's Closet, as when he offered you a Tippet when you preached before the King, to turn away in scorn, and say, Ple none of your Toyes? Would not a fairer Answer have been better?] I replyed to him, That I still perceived more and more the truth of what I told the Bishops, what Consequents would follow the Continuance of unhealed Factions: and what usage we must expect however we lived, and how little Innocency would do to our vindication! I told him that I never spake any such word as he mentioned, nor ever had such a thought in my heart, nor no more scrupled to wear a Tippet than to sit on a Cushion: But I thanked his Lordship, that by the benefit of his free Reprehension I came to understand how much I had been wronged by this Report to his Majesty, above a year before I heard of it; and might never have heard of it but by him; and told him that it was just thus in other Matters: And I truly told him, that I was unfeignedly thankful to his Lordship, that would reprove me for that to my face, which others only whispered behind my back, where I had opportunity to defend my self.

§ 270. Hereupon I wrote this following Letter to Dr. Earles (a mild and quiet Man) who was since Bishop of Worcester, and afterwards Bishop of Salisbury.

p. 382Reverend Sir!

BY the great Favour of my Lord Chancellour's Reprehension, I came to understand how long a time I have suffered in my Reputation with my Superiours by your misunderstanding me, and misinforming others, as if when I was to preach before the King, I had scornfully refused the Tippet as a Toy: when as the Searcher and Iudge of Hearts doth know that I had no such thought or word. I was so ignorant in those matters, as to think that a Tippet had been the proper Insign of a Dr. of Divinity**As it is in the University.; and I verily thought that you offered it me as such: And I had so much pride as to be somewhat ashamed when you offered it, that I must tell you my want of such Degrees, and therefore gave you no Answer to your first offer; but to your second was forced to say [It belongeth not to me, Sir]. And I said not to you any more; nor had any other thought in my heart, than with some shame to tell you that I had no Degrees; imagining I should have offended others, and made my self the laughter or scorn of many; if I should have used that which did not belong to me. For I must profess that I no more scruple to wear a Tippet than a Gown, or any comely Garment. Sir, Though thus be one of the smallest of all the Mistakes which of late have turned to my wrong, and I must confess that my ignorance gave you the occasion, and I am far from imputing it to any ill will in you, having frequently heard that in Charity, and gentleness and peaceableness of Mind you are very eminent; yet because I must not contemn my Estimation with my Superiours, I humbly crave that favour and justice of you (which I am confident you will readily grant me) as to acquaint those with the truth of this business, whom upon mistake you have misinformed; whereby in relieving the Innocency of your Brother, you will do a work of Charity and Iustice, and therefore not displeasing unto God, and will much oblige,

SIR, Your humble Servant, Richard Baxter. June 20. 1662.

I have the more need of your Iustice in this Case, because my distance denieth me access to those that have received these misreports, and because any publick Vindication of my self, whatever is said of me, is taken as an unsufferable Crime, and therefore I am utterly uncapable of vindicating my Innocency or remedying their Mistastes.

To the Reverend and much Honoured Dr. Earles Dean of Westminster, &c. These.

To this the Dr. returned this Civil peaceable Answer.

Hampton-Court, Iune 23. SIR,

I Received your Letter, which I would have answered sooner if the Messenger that brought it had returned. I must confess I was a little surprized with the beginning of it, as I was with your Name: but when I read further I ceased to be so. Sir, I should be heartily sorry and ashamed to be guilty of any thing like Malignity**O that they were all such. or Uncharitableness, especially to one of your Condition; with whom though I concur not perhaps in point of Iudgment in some particulars, yet I cannot but esteem for your personal worth and abilities: And indeed your Expressions in your Letter are so civil and ingenuous, that I am obliged thereby the more to give you all the satisfaction I can. As I remember then when you came to me to the Closet, and I told you I would furnish you with a Tippet; you answered me something to that purpose as you write; but whether the same Numerical words, or but once, I cannot positively say from my own Memory, and therefore I believe yours: Only this I am sure of, that I said to you at my second speaking, That**These words I heard not, being in passage from him. some others of your Perswasion had not scrupled at it, which might suppose (if you had not affirmed the contrary) that you had made me a former refusal: Of which giving me then no other reason, than [that it belonged not to p. 383you] I concluded you were more scrupulous than others were: and perhaps the manner of your refusing it (as it appeared to me) might make me think you were not very well pleased with the motion: And this it is likely I might say, either to my Lord Chancellour or others; though seriously I do not remember that I spake to my Lord Chancellour at all concerning it. But Sir, since you give me now that modest reason for it (which by the way, is no just reason in it self, for a Tippet may be worn without a Degree, though a Hood cannot; and it is no shame at all to want these Formalities, for him that wanteth not the Substance), but, Sir, I say since you give that reason for your refusal, I believe you, and shall correct that Mistake in my self, and endeavour to rectifie it in others, if any upon this occasion, have misunderstood you. In the mean time I shall desire your charitable Opinion of my self, which I shall be willing to deserve upon any Opportunity that is offered me to do you Service, being,

SIR, Your very humble Servant Io. Earles.

To my honoured Friend Mr. Richard Baxter, These.

§ 271. Before this, in November, many worthy Ministers and others were imprisoned in many Counties; and among others, divers of my old Neighbours in Worcestershire: And that you may see what Crimes were the occasion, I will tell you the story of it. One Mr. Ambrose Sparry, (a sober, learned Minister, that had never owned the Parliament's Cause or Wars, and was in his Judgment for moderate Episcopacy) had a wicked Neighbour whom he reproved for Adultery, who bearing him a grudge, thought now he had found a time to shew it: He (or his Confederates for him) framed a Letter as from I know not whom, directed to Mr. Sparry, [That he and Captain Yarrington, should be ready with Money and Arms at the time appointed, and that they should acquaint Mr. Oasland and Mr. Baxter with it]: This Letter he pretended that a Man left behind him under a Hedge, who fate down and pull'd out many Letters, and put them all up again save this, and went his ways, (he knew not what he was, nor whether he went). This Letter he bringeth to Sir Iohn P—(the Man that hotly followed such work;) who sent Mr. Sparry, Mr. Oasland, and Captain Yarrington to Prison! (This Mr. Oasland was Minister in Bewdley, a servent laborious Preacher, who had done abundance of good in converting ignorant ungodly People). And he had offended Sir Ralph Clare in being against his Election as Burgess in Parliament for that Town). But who that Mr. Baxter was that the Letter named, they could not resolve; there being another of the name nearer, and I being in London: But the Men, especially Mr. Sparry, lay long in Prison, and when the Forgery and Injury was detected, he had much ado to get out.

§ 272. Mr. Henry Iackson also our Physician at Kidderminster, and many of my Neighbours were imprisoned, and were never told for what to this day: But Mr. Iackson was so merry a Man, and they were all so cheerful there, that I think they were released the sooner, because it appeared so small a Suffering to them.

§ 273. Though no one accused me of any thing, nor spake a word to me of it, (being they knew I had long been near a Hundred miles off) yet did they defame me all over the Land, as guilty of a Plot: and when Men were taken up and sent to Prison, in other Counties, it was said to be for Baxter's Plot; so easie was it, and so necessary a thing it seemed then, to cast such filth upon my Name.

§ 274. And though through the great Mercy of God, I had long been learning not to overvalue the thoughts of Men, no not so much as the Reputation of Honesty or Innocency, yet I was somewhat wearied with this kind of Life, to be every day calumniated, and hear new Slanders raised of me, and Court and Country ring of that, which no Man ever mentioned to my face; and I was oft thinking to go beyond Sea, that I might find some place in retired privacy to live and end my days in quietness, out of the noise of a Peace-hating Generation: But my Acquaintance thought I might be more serviceable here, though there I might live more in quietness; and having not the Vulgar Language of any Country, to enable p. 384me to preach to them, or converse with them, and being so infirm as not to be like to hear the Voyage and change of Air: These, with other Impediments which God laid in my way, hindred me from putting my Thoughts in Execution.

§ 275. About this time also it was famed at the Court that I was married, which went as the matter of most heinous Crime, which I never heard charged by them on any Man but on me. Bishop Morley divulged it with all the Odium he could possibly put upon it: telling them that one in Conference with him, I said that Ministers marriage is [lawful, and but lawful] as if I were now contradicting my …. And it every where rung about, partly as a Wonder, and partly as a Crime, whilst they cried, [This is the Man of Charity]: little knowing what they talkt of. … that at last the Lord Chancellour told me, He heard I was married, and wondered at it, when I told him it was not true: For they had affirmed it near a year before it came to pass. And I think the King's Marriage was scarce more talked of than mine.

§ 276. All this while Mr. Calamy and some other Ministers had been endeavouring with those that they had Interest in, and to try if the Parliament would pass the King's Declaration into a Law; and sometimes they had some hope from the Lord Chancellour and others: but when it came to the trial, their hopes all failed them; and the Conformity imposed was made ten times more burdensome than it ever was before. For besides that, the Convocation had made the Common Prayer Book more grievous than before, the Parliament made a new Act of Uniformity, with a new Form of Subscription, and a new Declaration to be made against the Obligation of the Covenant; of which more anon. So that the King's Declaration did not only die before it came to Execution, and all Hopes and Treaties and Petitions were not only disappointed, but a weight more grievous than a Thousand Ceremonies was added to the old Conformity, with a grievous Penalty.

§ 277. By this means there was a great Unanimity in the Ministers, and the greater Number were cast out: And as far as I could perceive, it was by some designed that it might be so. Many a time did we beseech them that they would have so much regard to the Souls of Men, and to the Honour of England, and of the Protestant Religion, as that without any necessity at all, they would not impose feared Perjury upon them, nor that which Conscience, and Common Esteem, and P…pish Adversaries would all call Perjury; that Papists might not have this to cast in our Teeth, and call the Protestants a Perjured People, nor England or Scotland Perjured Lands. Oft have we proved to them that their Cause and Interest required no such thing: But all was but casting Oyl upon the Flames, and forcing us to think of that Monster of Millan, that made his Enemy renounce God to save his Life, before he stabb'd him, that he might murder Soul and Body at a stroke. It seemed to be accounted the one thing necessary, which no Reason must be heard against, that the Presbyterians must be forced to do that which they accounted Publick Perjury, or to be cast out of Trust and Office, in Church and Commonwealth. And by this means a far greater Number were laid by, than otherwise would have been; and the few that yielded to Conformity they thought would be despicable and contemptible as long as they lived. A Noble Revenge, and worthy of the Actors.

§ 278. When the Act of Uniformity was passed, it gave all the Ministers that could not Conform, no longer time than till Bartholomew-day, August 24. 1662. and then they must be all cast out: (This fatal Day called to remembrance the French Massacre, when on the same Day**Or 100000, as Pet. M…ulin Jun. saith, within a few weeks. 30000 or 40000 Protestants perished by Religious Roman Zeal and Charity). I had no place, but only that I preached twice a Week by Request in other Men's Congregations (at Milkstreet and Blackfriars), and the last Sermon that ever I preached in Publick was on May 25. The Reasons why I gave over sooner than most others was, 1. Because Lawyers did interpret a doubtful Clause in the Act, as ending the Liberty of Lecturers at that time. 2. Because I would let Authority soon know, that I intended to obey them in all that was lawful. 3. Because I would let all Ministers in England understand in time, whether I intended to Conform or not: For had I stayed to the last day, some would have Conformed the sooner, upon a Supposition that I intended it. These, with other Reasons, moved me to cease three Months before Bartholomew-day, which many censured me for a while, but after, better saw the Reasons of it.

p. 385§ 279. When Bartholomew-day came, about One thousand eight hundred, or Two thousand Ministers were Silenced and Cast out: And the Affections of most Men thereupon were such as made me fear it was a Prognostick of our further Sufferings: For when Pastors and People should have been humbled for their Sins, and lamented their former Negligence and Unfruitfulness, most of them were filled with Disdain and Indignation against the Prelates, and were ready with Confidence to say, [God will not long suffer so wicked and cruel a Generation of Men: It will be but a little while till God will pull them down]: And thus Men were puft up by other Mens sinfulness, and kept from a kindly humbling of themselves.

§ 280. And now came in the great Inundation of Calamities, which in many Streams overwhelmed Thousands of godly Christians, together with their Pastors. As for Example, 1. Hundreds of able Ministers, with their Wives and Children, had neither House nor Bread: For their former Maintenance served them but for the time, and few of them laid up any thing for the future: For many of them had not past 30 or 40 l. per Annum apiece, and most but about 60 or 80 l. per Annum, and very few above 100 l. and few had any considerable Estates of their own. 2. The Peoples Poverty was so great, that they were not able much to relieve their Ministers. 3. The Jealousie of the State, and the Malice of their Enemies were so great, that People that were willing durst not be known to give to their ejected Pastors, least it should be said that they maintained Schism, or were making Collections for some Plot or Insurrection. 4. The Hearts of the People were grieved for the loss of their Pastors. 5. Many places had such set over them in their steads, as they could not with Conscience or Comfort commit the Conduct of their Souls to. And they were forced to own all these, and all others that were thrust upon them against their Wills, and to own also the undisciplined Churches, by receiving the Sacrament in their several Parishes whether they would or not. 6. Those that did not this were to be Excommunicated, and then to have a Writ sued out against them de Excommunicatio capiendo, to lay them in the Jail, and seize on their Estates. 7. The People were hereupon unavoidably divided among themselves: For some would have nothing to do with these imposed Pastors, but would in private attend their former Pastors only: Others would do both, and take all that they thought good of both: Some would only hear the Publick Sermons: Others would also go to Common Prayer where the Minister was tolerable: Some would joyn in the Sacrament with them, where the Minister was honest, and others would not. And this Division they long foresaw, but could not possibly prevent. 8. And the Ministers themselves were thus also divided, who before seemed all one; for some would go to Church, to Common Prayer, to Sacraments, and others would not: Some of them thought that it was their Duty to preach publickly in the Streets or Fields while the People desired it, and not to cease their Work through fear of Men, till they lay in Jails, or were all banished: Others thought that a continued Endeavour to benefit their People privately, would be more serviceable to the Church, than one or two Sermons and a Jail, at such a time, when the Multitudes of Sufferers, and the odious Titles put upon them obscured and clog'd the benefit of Sufferings. And some thought that the Covenant bound all to separate from Common Prayer, and Prelates, and Parish Communion: And others thought that it rather bound them to this Communion and Worship in case they could have no better: and that to teach from House to House in private, and bring the People to attend in publick, was the most righteous and edifying way, where the imposed Minister was tolerable. 9. Hereupon those Ministers that would not cease preaching were thrust into Prisons, and Censured (some of them) the rest that did not do as they. 10. The rest that preached only secretly to a few, were lookt on as discontented and disaffected to the Government, and on every rumour of a new Plot or Conspiracy, taken up, and many of them laid in Prison. 11. The Prelatists and they were hereby set at a further distance, and Charity more destroyed, and Reconciliation made more hopeless, and almost any thing believed that was said against a Nonconformist. 12. The Conforming Part of the Old Ministry, was also divided from the rest, and Censures set them further at a distance: (But yet where serious Godliness appeared, it kept up some Charity and Respect, and united them in the main). All these Calamities brought another; 13. That the People were tempted to murmur at their Superiours, and call them cruel Persecutors, and secretly rejoyce if any hurt befel them, and many forgot that they are to Honour their Governours, even when they suffer by them, and not only to forbear evil Thoughts and Words against them, but to endeavour to keep up their Honour with their Subjects. 14. By all these Sins, these Murmurings and these Violations p. 386of the Interest of the Church and Cause of Christ the Land was prepared for that f…rther Inundation of Calamities (by War and Plague and Scarcity) which hath since brought it near to Desolation.

§ 281. It fell out one day in Mr. Calamy's Church at Aldermanbury, that the Preacher failed, and the People desired Mr. Calamy to preach: Which he did upon confidence, that the Act did not extend to such an Occasional Sermon (some Lawyers had told him so).He wa… imprisoned … and … Ian. 15. But for this he was sent to Newgate Jail, where he continued in the Keeper's Lodgings, many daily flocking to visit him, till the Lord B…dgman (as is said) had given it as his Judgment, That his Sermon was not within that Penalty of the Act. And O what insulting there was by that Party, in the Newsbook, and in their Discourses, That Calamy that would not …e a Bishop was in Iail! And when his Sermon was printed, an Invective against him came out, in Language like an Inquisitor, that shewed a vehement thirst for Blood. But precious in the sight of the Lord, is the Blood of his holy Ones.

§ 282. Abundance more were laid in Jails in many Counties for preaching, and the vexation of the Peoples Souls was increased. At St. Albans, Mr. Partridge the ejected Minister, being desired to preach a Funeral Sermon, a Captain or Lieutenant came in with his Pistol charged, and shot one of the hearers dead, and the Preacher was sent to Prison.

§ 283. There were many Citizens of London, who had then a great Compassion on the Ministers, whose Families were utterly destitute of Maintenance, and fain they would have relieved them, and had such a Method, that the Citizens of each County should help the Ministers of that County: But they durst not do it, lest it were judged a Conspiracy: Wherefore I went for them to the Lord Chancellour, and told him plainly of it, that Compassion moved them, but the Suspicions of these Distempered Times deterred them, and I desired to have his Lordship's Judgment, Whether they might venture to be so charitable without misinterpretation or danger? And he answered, [Aye, God forbid but Men should give their own according as their Charity leads them]. And so having his preconsent, I gave it them for Encouragement. But they would not believe that it was Cordial, and would be any Security to them, and so they never durst venture upon such a Method which might have made their Charity effectual; but a few that were most willing, did much more than all the rest, and solicited some of their own Acquaintance, for their Counties Relief.

§ 284. And here I think it meet before I proceed, to open the true state of the Conformists and Nonconformists in England at this time.

I. The Conformists were of three sorts:

1. Some of the old Ministers called Presbyterians formerly, that Conformed at Bartholomew Tide, or after, who had been in possession before the King came in: These were also of several sorts: some of them were very able worthy Men, who Conformed and Subscribed upon this Inducement, that the Bishop bid them [Do it in their own sence]: And so they Subscribed to the Parliament's words, and put their own sence upon them only by word of mouth, or in some by-paper. Some of them read Mr. Fullwood's and Stileman's Books, and could not answer them, and therefore Conformed: For no Man ventured to put forth a full and satisfactory Answer to them for fear of ruine (Though somewhat was written before by Mr. Crofton, and after by Mr. Cawdry and others): Some were young raw Men that were never versed in such kind of Controversies: Some were perswaded of the sinfulness of the Parliaments War, and thence gathered that the Covenant, being in order to it, was a Rebellio…s Covenant, and therefore not obligatory: And other things they thought were small. Some had Wives and Children and Powerty, which were great Temptations to them: And most that I knew, when once they inclined to Conformity, did avoid the Company of their Brethren, and never askt them what their Reasons were against Conformity.

2. A second sort of Conformists were those called Latitudinarians, who were mostly Cambridge-men, Platonists or Cartesians, and many of them Arminians with some Additions, having more charitable Thoughts than others of the Salvation of Heathens and Infidels, and some of them holding the Opinions of Origen, about the Praexistence of Souls, &c. These were ingenious Men and Scholars, and of Universal Principles, and free; abhorring at first the Imposition of these little things, but thinking them not great enough to stick at when Imposed. Of these, some (with Dr. Moore their Leader) lived privately in Colledges, and sought not any Preferment in the World: and others set themselves to rise.

p. 387These two forementioned Parties were laudable Preachers, and were the honour of the Conformists, though not heartily theirs, and their profitable Preaching is used by God's Providence, to keep up the Publick Interest of Religion, and refresh the discerning sort of Auditors.

3. The third sort of Conformists, was of those that were heartily such throughout: And these were also of three sorts; 1. Those that were zealous for the Diocesan Party and the Cause, and desirous to extirpate or destroy the Nonconformists: And these were supposed to be the high and swaying Party. 2. Those that were zealous for the Party and the Cause materially; but yet were more moderate (in their private wishes) to the Nonconformists, and did profess themselves that they could not Subscribe and Declare, if they did not put a more favourable sence on the words than that which the Nonconformists supposed to be the plain sence. 3. Those that were raw, or ignorant Readers, or unlearned Men, or sensual, scandalous Ones, who would be hot for any thing by which they might rise or be maintained.

This Composition made up the Body of the Conformists in this Land, and all this Difference there was among them.

II. (§ 285.) The Nonconformists also were of divers sorts. 1. There were some few (of my Acquaintance) who were for the old Conformity; for Bishops, Common Prayer Book, Ceremonies, and the old Subscription, and against the imposing and taking of the Covenant, (which they never took) and against the Parliaments Wars: But they could not Subscribe that they Assent and Consent to all things now imposed; nor could they Absolve all others in the three Kingdoms from being obliged by the Vow and Covenant to endeavour Church Reformation, though they would not have had them take the Vow.

2. A greater Number of the Nonconformists, or Reconcilers, of no Sect or Party, but abhorring the very Name of Parties; who like Ignatius's Episcopacy, but not the English Diocesan Frame: and like what is good in Episcopal, Presbyterians, or Independents; but reject somewhat as evil in them all: being of the Judgment which I have described my self to be in the beginning of this Book: that can endure a Liturgy, and like not the Imposition of the Covenant; but cannot Assent and Consent to all things required in the Act, nor Absolve three Kingdoms from all Obligation by their Vows, to endeavour in their Places the alteration of the English Diocesan Form of Government: Though they doubt not but Sedition and Rebellion should be abhorred of all, whether for Reformation or any other Pretence.

3. A third sort of Nonconformists are the Presbyterians, whose Judgment is fore-described, and manifested in their Writings to all the World. Of these two last sorts (if I be not taken for a partial Witness) are the soberest, and most judicious, unanimous, peaceable, faithful, able, constant Ministers in this Land, or that I have heard or read of, in the Christian World! Which I am able to say, I speak without respect of Persons, in Obedience to my Conscience, upon my long Experience.

4. The fourth sort are the Independents, who are for the most part a serious godly People, some of them moderate, going with Mr. Norton and the New-England Synod, and little differing from the moderate Presbyterians, and as well ordered as any Party that I know: But others of them, more raw, and self-conceited, and addicted to Separations and Divisions, their Zeal being greater than their Knowledge; who have opened the Door to Anabaptists first, and then to all the other Sects.

These Sects are numerous, some tolerable, and some intolerable, and being never incorporated with the rest, are not to be reckoned with them. Many of them (the Behm…nists, Fifth-Monarchy-men, Quakers, and some Anabaptists) are proper Fanaticks, looking too much to Revelations within, instead of the Holy Scriptures. And thus I have truly told you of all the Sorts among us, except the Papists, who are sufficiently known, and are no more of us than the other Sects are. The Atheists and Infidels I name not, because as such, they have no Pastors.

§ 286. Next it will not be amiss if I briefly give you the Sum of their several Causes, and the Reasons of their several Ways.

I. The Conformists go several W…ys, according to their forementioned Differences.

p. 3881. Those that are high Prelatists say, 1. For Episcopacy, it is of Divine Institution, and perpetual Usage in the Church, and necessary to Order among the Clergy and People, and of experienced Benefit to this Land, and most congruous to Civil Monarchy; and therefore not to be altered by any; no not by the King and Parliament, if they should swear it: Therefore the Oath called the Et caetera Oath was formed before the War, to Swear all Men to be true to this Prelacy, and not to Change it.

2. Those that are called Conforming Presbyterians, and Latitudinarians, both say that our Prelacy is lawful, though not necessary; and that Mr. Edward Stillingfleet's Irenicon hath well proved, That no Form of Church Government is of Divine Institution. And therefore when the Magistrate commandeth any, he is to be obeyed. But since they grew up to Preferment, they grow to be hot for the Prelacy.

§ 287. And therefore as to the Covenant, they all say, 1. That the End of it was Evil, viz. To Change the Government of the Church, without Law, which was setled by Law. 2. That the Efficient Cause was Evil or Null, viz. That the Imposers had no Authority to do it. 3. That the Matter was Evil, viz. to extirpate, and change the Government of the Church by Rebellion and Combination against the King. 4. That the Swearers Act in taking it was sinful, for the foresaid Reasons. 5. That the King's Prohibition and disowning it did nullifie all the Subjects Obligations, if any were upon them, by virtue of Numb. 30. 6. That the People being all Subjects, cannot endeavour the Change of Church Government without the King. 7. That King Charles took not that same Covenant, but another. 8. That he was forced to it. 9. That he was virtually pre-engaged to the contrary Matter, in that he was Heir of the Crown, and bound to take the Coronation Oath. 10. That to cast so many Men as the Bishops out of all their Honours and Possessions, is Injustice, which none can be obliged to do. 11. That if it were lawful before to endeavour an Alteration of the Government of the Church, yet now it is not, when King and Parliament have made a Law against it. These are Mr. Fulwood's and Mr. Stileman's Pleas, and the Sum of all that I have heard as to that Point.

§ 288. But further, as to the Interpretation of the Words of the Declaration hereabouts, the Latitudinarians, and Conforming Presbyterians, and some of the Prelatists say as followeth: 1. That the Declaration includeth not the King, when it saith, [There is no obligation on me or any other person]: which they prove, because that Laws are made only for Subjects, and therefore are to be interpreted as speaking only of Subjects. 2. Because the King is meant in the Counterpart, or Object, viz the Government of the State, which is not to be altered. 2. They say that it is only Rebellions, or other unlawful Endeavours, that are meant by the words [to Endeavour]. 3. They say that by [any Alteration] is meant only [any Essential Alteration] and not [any Integral or Accidental Alteration] of the Government. 4. And the leading Independents have taught them also to say, that this Covenant was essentially a League, between two Nations upon a certain occasion, which therefore (if ever it did bind) is now like an Almanack out of date, Et cessat obligatio cessantibus personis, materiâ & fine. 5. They principally argue that all Mens words are to be taken charitative, in the most honest and favourable sence that they will bear: much more the King's and Parliaments: Therefore Charity permitteth us not to judge them so inhuman, irrational, irreligious, and cruel, as to command Men to be perjured, and to change the constituted Government, by prohibiting King, Parliament, or People, to do any thing which belonged to them in their places. These are the Reasons for the lawfulness of declaring against the Obligation of the Covenant.

§ 289. 3. In the same Declaration it is professed, That [it is not lawful, on any pictente whatsoever, to take up Arms against the King, or any Commissionated by him] &c. Concerning this, they are also divided among themselves. One Party say, That this is true universally in the proper sence of the words. The other say, That it is to be understood of such as are legally Commissioned by him only; and that if he should Commission two or three Men, or more, to kill the Parliament, or burn the City, or to dispossess Men of their Freeholds, it were lawful forcibly to resist. Or if the Sheriff be to raise the Posse Comitatus in obedience to a Decree of a Court of Justice, to put a Man into possession of his House, he may do it forcibly, though the Defendant be Commissioned by the King to keep it. Because they say that the Law is to be taken sano sensu, and not as may lay the Law-givers under so heavy an Accusation, as the literal unlimited sence would do.

p. 389§ 290. 4. The fourth Matter of Difference, being the Oath of Canonical Obedience, they here also differ among themselves. 1. Some of them think that as the Necessity of Monarchy and our Relation to the King, doth make the Oath of Allegiance necessary, or very meet, so the Necessity of Prelacy and our Relation to the Prelates, doth make the Oath of Obedience to them justifiable and meet: For that which must be done, may be promised and sworn. 2. Others of them say, That it is only to the Bishops as Magistrates, or Officers of the King, that we swear to them. 3. And others say, That as we may be subject to any Man, in humility, so we may promise or swear it to any Man. And it being but in licit … & honestis, that what we may lawfully do, we may swear to do.

§ 291. 5. The fifth Controversie is about Re-ordination of such as were not Ordained by Diocesans, but by the Presbyteries which then were (at home or abroad) And here they are also of two minds among themselves. The one sort say, That Ordination without Diocesans is a Nullity, and those that are so Ordained, are no Ministers but Laymen; and therefore their Churches, no true Churches (in sensu politico): And therefore that such must needs be Re-ordained. The other sort say, That their Ordination was valid before in foro spirituali; but not in foro cioili; and that the repeating of it, is but an afoertaining or a confirming Act, as publick Marrying again would be, after one is privately married, in case the Law would bastardize or disinherit his Children else.

§ 292. 6. The sixth Controversie is about the lawfulness of the Assent and Consent to be declared, which is to all contained in the Book of Articles, the Book of Ordination, and the Book of Common Prayer. These comprehend abundance of Particulars; some Doctrinal, some about the Offices and Discipline of the Church, and some about the Matter, the Order and Manner, and Ceremonies of Worship. Here they are also divided among themselves: some few of them take the words plainly and properly, (viz. the willing Conformists) and think that indeed there is nothing in these Books which is not to be assented and consented to: And indeed all the Convocation must needs be of that mind (or the Major part) and also the Parliament); because they had the Books before them to be perused, and did examine the Liturgy and Book of Ordination, and make great Alterations in them, and therefore if they had thought there had been any thing not to be assented and consented to, they would have altered it by correction, before they had imposed it on the Church. But for all that, the other Party is now so numerous, that I could yet never speak with any of them, but went that way, viz. with the Latitudinarians to expound the words [all things contained in the Books] which they assent and consent to [All things which they are to use]: and their [Assent and Consent] they limit only to the use: q. d. [I do dissent, that there is nothing in these Books which may not lawfully be used, and I do consent to the use of so much as belongeth to me]: Though yet they think (or will not deny but) that there may be something that may be ill framed and ill imposed: The reason of this Exposition they fetch from the word [use] which is found after in the Act of Uniformity, though it be not in the words of the Delaration. And for the Books, they say, It is lawful to use the Common-Prayer, and the Ceremonies, Cross, Surplice, Copes, and Kneeling at the Sacrament, and all that is in that or the other Books to be used, and therefore to declared so much.

§ 293. More particularly, 1. Concerning the Kalendar imposing the use of so many Apocryphal Lessons, they say that they are read but upon Week-days, and that not as Scripture, but as edifying Lessons, as the Homilies are; and as many Churches have long used them. And that the Church sufficiently avoideth the Scandal by calling them Apocryph….

§ 294. And 2. for the parcelling and ordering of the Prayers and Responses as they are, some of them say that it is the best Form and Order, and it's only Fancy and … which … them: Others say that they are disorderly indeed, but that is not the Sin of the Users (when they are imposed) but of the Framers and ….

§ 295. And 3. as for the Doctrine of the Salvation of Baptized Infants in the Rubrick of Baptism, and all the rest in that Book, and in the Nine and thirty Ar…, some of them say that they are all found (viz. the willing Conformists) but the unwilling Conformists say that these are not things to be used by them… and therefore not within the Compass of the declared Assent or Consent in the Act.

p. 390§ 296. And 4. as to the Charitable Applications excepted against in Baptism, Confirmation, the Lord's Supper, Absolution of the Sick and Burial, they say they are but such as according to the Judgment of Charity we may use: And if there be any fault, it is not in the Common Prayer Book, which useth but such words as are fit to be used by the Members of the Church: but it is in the Canons and Discipline of the Church, which suffereth unfit Persons to be Church-Members.

§ 297. And 5. as for the Ceremonies, they say, 1. That Kneeling is freed from all suspicion of Idolatry, by the annexing of the Rubrick out of King Edward the Sixth's Common Prayer Book: which though the Convocation refused, yet the Parliament annexed; and they are the Imposers, and it is their sence that we must stand to. And as it is lawful to Kneel in accepting a sealed Pardon from the King, by his Messenger, so is it in accepting a sealed Pardon from God, with the Investiture of our Priviledges.

§ 298. And 2. they say that the Surplice is as lawful as a Gown, it being not imposed primarily because significant, but because decent, and secondarily as significant (say some): Or as others say, It is the better and fitter to be imposed, because it is significant: and that God hath no where forbidden such Ceremonies.

§ 299. And 3. for the Cross in Baptism, they say that it is no part of the Sacrament of Baptism, but an appendant Ceremony: that it is the better for being significant: that it is but a transient Image, and not a fixed, much less a graven Image; and is not adored: that it is but a professing sign, as words are, or as standing up, or holding up the hand; and not any Seal of God's part of the Covenant; and though it be called in the Canons a Dedicating Sign, it is but as it signifieth the Action of the Person or the Church, and not as it signifieth the Action of God receiving the dedicated Person: And some say, That it cannot be de denied but that according to the old and common use of the word [Sacrament] as a Military Engagement, it is a Sacrament; yet it is not pretended to be a Divine, but a Humane Sacrament, and such are lawful: it being in our definition of a Church Sacrament that it is [Ordained by Christ himself]: And though Man may not invent New Sacraments, as God's sealing or investing Signs and so pretend that to be Divine which is not; yet man may invent New Human Sacraments, which go no further than the signifying of their own Minds and Actions. And they say, That if such mystical Signs as these had been unlawful, it is a thing incredible that the Universal Church should use such, as far as can be found, from the Apostles days; even the Milk and Honey and Chrysm and White Garment at Baptism, and the Station on the Lord's Days, and the oft use of the Cross; and that Christ should have no one Witness that would ever scruple or contradict them, either among the Orthodox, or the Hereticks, as far as any Records of Antiquity do make known.

§ 300. 7. The seventh Controversie is about their own practice in Administrations and Church Discipline. And 1. that they must Ministerially deny the Sacrament of Baptism to all Children, whose Parents will not have them use the Cross, they say that it is the Church that refuseth them by Law, and not they, who are by the Law disabled from receiving them. 2. The same they say of their refusing to give the Lord's Supper to any that will not kneel in the Reception of it. They say that it is better to Administer the Sacraments to some, than to none at all: which they must do if they refuse not them that kneel not. 3. And for the giving of the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper to the unworthy (for all are forced to use them) they say, that the Infants of all in the Church have right to Baptism, at least for their Ancestor's sake, and for the Godfathers and Godmothers, or the Churches sake: And for the Lord's Supper, they have power to put away all that are proved impenitent in notorious Scandal.

§ 301. Having told you what the Conformists say for themselves (as faithfully as will stand with brevity) before I proceed, I think it best to set down here the words, 1. Of the Covenant; 2. Of the Subscription and Declaration; 3. Of the Oath of Canonical Obedience, before your Eyes; that while the Subject of the Controversie is before you, the Controversie it self may be the better understood. And I suppose the Reader to have all the Books before him to which we are required to Assen… ….