Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times, Part 1 (3 of 7)

Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times · Part 1 (3 of 7)

p. 41At this time also they were every where beginning the Contention between the Commission of Array and the Parliaments Militia: In Gloucestershire the Country came in for the Parliament: In Worcestershire, Herefordshire, and Shropshire, they were wholly for the King, and none, to any purpose, moved for the Parliament.

§ 58. Whilst I was at Gloucester I saw the first Contentions between the Ministers and Anabaptists that ever I was acquainted with: For these were the first Anabaptists that ever I had seen in any Country, and I heard but of few more in those parts of England. About a dozen young Men, or more, of considerable Parts, had received the Opinion against Infant Baptism, and were re-baptized, and laboured to draw others after them, not far from Gloucester: And the Minister of the Place, Mr. Winnel, being hot and impatient with them, hardened them the more. He wrote a considerable Book against them at that time: But England having then no great Experience of the tendency and consequents of Annabaptistry, the People that were not of their Opinion did but pity them, and think it was a Conceit that had no great harm in it, and blamed Mr. Winnel for his Violence and Asperity towards them.

But this was the beginning of the Miseries of Gloucester; for the Anabaptists somewhat increasing on one side, before I came away, a good Man, called Mr. Hart, came out of Herefordshire with Mr. Vaughan, a Gentleman, and they drew many to Separation on another side: and after them in the Wars came one Mr. Bacon, a Preacher of the Army, and drew them to Antinomianism on another side, which together so distracted the good People, and eat out the Heart of Religion and Charity (the Ministers of the Place being not so able and quick as they should have been in confuting them, and preserving the People) that the City which had before as great Advantages for the prosperity of Religion among them, as any in the Land, in the Civility, Tractableness, and Piety of the People, became as low and Poor as others, and the Pity of more happy Places, while these Tares did dwindle and wither away the solid Piety of the Place.

§ 59. When I had been at Glucester a Month, my N…ighbours of Kiderminster came for me home, and told me, that if I stayed any longer, the People would interpret it, either that I was afraid upon some Guilt, or that I was against the p. 42King: So I bid my Host (Mr. Darney the Town Clark) and my Friends farewell, and never came to Gloucester more.

When I came home I found the beggarly drunken Rowt in a very tumultuating Disposition, and the Superiors that were for the King did animate them, and the People of the Place who were accounted Religious were called Round-heads, and openly reviled, and threatned as the King's Enemies (who had never medled in any Cause against the King:) Every drunken Sot that met any of them in the Streets, would tell them, [we shall take an order with the Puritans ere long.] And just as at their Shews, and Wakes, and Stage-plays, when the Drink and the Spirit of Ryot did work together in their Heads, and the Crowd encouraged one another, so was it with them now; they were like tyed Mas…iffs newly loosed, and sled in the Face of all that was religious, yea, or Civil, which came in their way. It was the undoing of the King and Bishops that this Party was encouraged by the Leaders in the Countrey against the civil religious Party. Yet, after the Lords Day when they had heard the Sermon they would a while be calmed, till they came to the Alehouse again, or heard any of their Leaders hiss them on, or heard a Rabble cry, [Down with the Round-heads.] And when the Wars began, almost all these Drunkards went into the King's Army, and were quickly killed, so that scarce a Man of them came home again and survived the War.

§ 60. All this time, the King having marched from Nottingham to Shrewsbury, had there very succesfully made up his Army, especially out of Shropshire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire and Wales, though many came also out of other Parts: And the Earl of Essex's Army was filled up, and was marching down towards Worcester.

The Fury of the Rabble was so hot at home, that I was fain to withdraw again, and being with one Mr. Hunt near I…kborough, there came a Party of the Earl of Essex's Army before the rest, to block up the Lord Bryon in Worcester, till the Earl of Essex came to take him there. This Party lay in a Meadow near Powick, above a Mile from Worcester, Mr. Hunt, with other Countreymen bringing them in Provision; I had a great mind to go see them, having never seen any part of an Army; As soon as I came, a Messenger came out of Worcester secretly, to tell them that the Lord Bryon was mounted and ready to be gone: Hereupon, the Commanders (Col. Brown a Scot, Col. Edwin Sans of Kent, and Col. Nath. Fienes, Capt. Ioh. Fienes, and Capt. Wingate) consulted what was to be done; Brown and Sands were hot for the leaving of their Ground (where they were secure by a River) and presently to pursue the Enemy: The rest said, This Message may be a Deceit, to draw us into a Snare; let us first send Scouts, and see how it is. But the other prevailed, and over the Bridge they went; (being all horse and Dragoons) and by that time they had past a narrow Lane, and half of them entred a Field beyond it, they found the King's Horse under the Command of Prince Rupert drawn up ready to charge them (when they knew not whom they fought with, nor knew that Prince Rupert was within twenty Miles of them) so he charged them before the rest came in, and Col. Sands was wounded and taken Prisoner, and died of his Wounds; and Major Douglas slain, and the rest …led; and though the Enemy pursued them no farther than the Bridge, yet fled they in grievous terror to Parthore, and the Earl of Essex's Life Guard lying there, took the Allarm that the Enemy was following them, and away they went. This Sight quickly told me the Vanity of Armies, and how little Confidence is to be placed in them.

§ 61. Upon this, Prince Ruport fetcht off the Lord Byron and marcht away; and the next Day the Earl of Essex came to Worcester, with many Lords and Knights, and a flourishing Army, gallantly cloathed, but never tried in Fight.

There were with his Army, as Chaplains to the several Regiments, abundance of famous, excellent Divines; viz. Mr. Stephen Marshall and Dr. Burges to the Earl of Essex's Regiments, Mr. Obediah Sedgwick to Col. Hollis's Regiment, Dr. Calibute Downing to the Lord Robert's Regiment, Mr. Iohn Sedgwick to the Earl of Stamford's Regiment, Dr. Spurtow, to Mr. Hampdens, Mr. Perkins to Col. Goodwin's, Mr. Moor to the Lord Wharton's, Mr. Adoniram Bifield to Sir Henry Cholmeley's, Mr. Nalton to Col. Grantham's, Mr. Simeon Ash to the Lord Brooks or the Earl of Manchester's, (I remember not whether) Mr. Morton of Newcastle, with Sir Arthur Haselrigg's Troop; with many more Mr. Bifield and Mr. Moor quartered with us at Kiderminster, where were the Regiments of Col. Essex, the Lord Wharton, Sir Henry Cholmeley, and the Lord Brooks at Beudeley: while they quartered there, the King's Army was upon the March from Shrewsbury towards Oxford: Their way lying through Wolverhampton, some of their Scouts appeared on the Top of Kniver p. 43Edge, three miles from Kidderminster: The Brigades in Kidderminster not knowing but all the King's Army might come that way, marcht off to Worcester, and in haste left a Carriage or two with Arms behind: some of the Inhabitants hasted to the King's Soldiers, and told them all, which made them come into the Town and take those Arms.

The Fury of our own Rabble, and of the King's Soldiers was such, that I saw no safety in staying at home: The Civility of the Earl of Essex's Army was such, that among them there was no danger (though none of them knew me): And there was such excellent Preaching among them at Worcester, that I stayed there among them a few days, till the marching of the King's Army occasioned their remove.

Upon the Lord's Day following I preached at Alcester for my Reverend Friend Mr. Samuel Clark: As I was preaching the People heard the Cannon play, and perceived that the Armies were engaged; when Sermon was done (in the Afternoon) the report was more audible, which made us all long to hear of the success: About Sun-setting (Octob. 23. 1642.) many Troops fled through the Town, and told us that all was lost on the Parliament side, and the Carriage taken and Waggons plundered before they came away; and none that followed brought any other News. The Towns-men sent a Messenger to Stratford upon Avon to know the certain truth. About four a clock in the Morning the Messenger returned, and told us, That Prince Rupert wholly routed the left Wing of the Earl of Essex's Army; but while his Men were plundering the Waggons, the main Body and the Right Wing routed the rest of the King's Army, took his Standard (but it was lost again); kill'd his General the Earl of Lindsey, and his Standard-bearer, took Prisoner the Earl of Lindsey's Son the Lord Willoughby, and others; and lost few Persons of Quality, and no Noblemen but the Lord St. Iohn, eldest Son to the Earl of Bullingbrook: and that the loss of the left Wing was through the Treachery of Sir Faithful Fortescue, Major to the Lord Fielding's Regiment of Horse, who turned to the King when he should have Charged: and that the Victory was obtained principally by Colonel Hollis's Regiment of London Red-Coats, and the Earl of Essex's own Regiment, and Life-Guard, where Sir Philip Stapleton, and Sir Arthur Haselrigge, and Col. Urrey did much.

The next Morning being willing to see the Field where they had fought, I went to Edghill, and found the Earl of Essex with the remaining part of his Army keeping the Ground, and the King's Army facing them upon the Hill a mile off; and about a Thousand dead Bodies in the Field between them, (and I suppose many were buried before): and neither of the Armies moving toward each other. The King's Army presently drew off towards Banbury, and so to Oxford. The Earl of Essex's Army went back to provide for the wounded, and refresh themselves at Warwick Castle, (the Lord Brook's House).

For my self I knew not what Course to take: To live at home I was uneasie; but especially now, when Soldiers on one side or other would be frequently among us, and we must be still at the Mercy of every furious Beast that would make a prey of us: I had neither Money nor Friends: I knew not who would receive me in any place of Safety; nor had I any thing to satisfie them for my Diet and Entertainment. Hereupon I was perswaded by one that was with me to go to Coventry, where one of my old Acquaintance was Minister, (Mr. Simon King, sometime School-master at Bridgenorth): So thither I went with a purpose to stay there till one side or other had got the Victory, and the War was ended, and then to return home again: For so wise in Matters of War was I, and all the Country besides, that we commonly supposed that a very few days or weeks by one other Battel, would end the Wars; and I believe that no small number of the Parliamentmen, had no more with than to think so to. There I stayed at Mr. King's a month, but the War was as far from being like to end as before.

Whilst I was thinking what Course to take in this Necessity, the Committee and Governour of the City desired me that I would stay with them, and lodge in the Governour's House, and preach to the Soldiers. The offer suited well with my Necessities, but I resolved that I would not be Chaplain to the Regiment, nor take a Commission; but if the meer preaching of a Sermon once or twice a week to the Garrison would satisfie them, I would accept of the Offer, till I could go home again. (Mr. Aspinall, one of the Ministers of the Town, had a Commission from the Earl of Essex to be Chaplain to the Garrison Regiment; but the Governour and Committee being displeased with him, made no use of him. And when he was displeased, as thinking I would take his place, I assured him I had no such intent; p. 44and about a Twelve-month after he died). Here I lived in the Governours House, and followed my Studies as quietly as in a time of Peace, for about a year, only preaching once a week to the Soldiers, and once on the Lord's Day to the People, not taking of any of them a Penny for either, save my Diet only.

Here I had a very Judicious Auditory; among others many very godly and judicious Gentlemen; as Sir Richard Skeffington (a most noble, holy Man) Col. God…rey Bosvile, Mr. Mackworth, with many others; of all which Mr. George About was the chief (known by his Paraphrase on Iob, and his Book against Bread for the Lord's Day). And there were about thirty worthy Ministers in the City, who fled thither for Safety from Soldiers and Popular Fury, as I had done, though they never medled in the Wars; viz. Mr. Richard Vines, Mr. Anthony Burges, Mr. Burdall, Mr. Brumskill (who lived with that Eminent Saint the old Lady Bromley, Widow to Judge Bromley, whose only discernable fault to me) was too much Humility and Low thought of her self), Dr. Bryan, Dr. Grew, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Craddock, Mr. Morton of Bewdley, (my special Friend) Mr. Diamond, good old Mr. Overton, and many more, whose presence commanded much respect from me. I have cause of continual thankfulness to God for the quietness and safety, and sober, wise, religious Company, with liberty to preach the Gospel, which he vouchsafed me in this City, when other Places were in the Terrours and Flames of War.

§ 62. When I had been above a year at Coventry, the War was so far from being ended, that it had dispersed it self into almost all the Land: only Middlesex, Hartfordshire… most of Bedford and Northamptonshire were only for the Parliament, and had some quietness: And Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, and Huntingtonshire with the Isle of Eli, were called the Associated Countries, and lived as in Peace, because the King's Armies never came near them: and so for the most part it was with Kent, Surrey, and Sussex. And on the other side, Herefordshire, Worcestershire, and Shropshire, (till this time) and almost all Wales. (save Pembrokeshire, which was wholly for the Parliament) were only possessed for the King, and saw not the Forces of the Parliament: But almost all the rest of the Counties had Garrisons and Parties in them on both sides, which caused a War in every County, and I think there where few Parishes where at one time or other Blood had not been shed.

§ 63. And here I must repeat the great Cause of the Parliaments Strength and the King's ruine; and that was, That the debauched Rabble through the Land, emboldened by his Gentry, and seconded by the Common Soldiers of his Army, took all that were called Puritans for their Enemies: And though Some of the King's Gentry and Superiour Officers were so Civil that they would do no such thing, yet that was no Security to the Country, while the multitude did what they list. So that if any one was noted for a strict and famous Preacher, or for a Man of a precise and pious Life, he was either plundered, or abused, and in danger of his Life: So that if a Man did but pray in his Family, or were but heard repeat a Sermon, or sing a Psalm, they presently cried out, Rebels, Round-heads, and all their Money and Goods that were portable proved guilty, how innocent soever they were themselves. I suppose this was kept from the knowledge of the King, and perhaps of many sober Lords of his Council: (for few could come near them; and it is the fate of such not to believe evil of those that they think are for them, nor good of those that they think are against them). But upon my certain knowledge this was it that filled the Armies and Garrisons of the Parliament with sober, pious Men. Thousands had no mind to meddle with the Wars, but greatly desisired to live peaceably at home, when the Rage of Soldiers and Drunkards would not suffer them: some stayed till they had been imprisoned; some till they had been plundered, perhaps twice or thrice over, and nothing left them; some were quite tired out with the abuse of all Comers that quartered on them; and som… by the insolency of their Neighbours; but most were afraid of their Lives; and so they sought refuge in the Parliaments Garrisons. Thus when I was at Coventry the Religious part of my Neighbours at Kidderminster that would fain have lived quietly at home, were forced (the chiefest of them) to be gone: And to Coventry they came; and some of them that had any Estate of their own, lived there on their own charge: and the rest were fain to take up Arms, and be Garrison Soldiers to get them bread.

§ 64. In Shropshire, where my Father dwelt, both he and all his Neighbours that were noted for praying and hearing Sermons, were plundered by the King's Soldiers, so that some of them had almost nothing but Lumber left in their House: though my Father was so far from medling on either side, that he knew not what p. 45they were doing, but followed his own business; nor had he seen me, or heard of me of a long time.

At this time Col. Mitt…n, and other Shropshire Gentlemen, resolved to settle a Garrison at Wem, a little Town in their own Country, eight Miles from Shrewsbury, and Mr. Mackworth, Mr. Hunt, &c. were earnest with me to go with them because it was my Native Country. I was desirous to be near my Father if I could any way relieve him, and to be absent a while from Coventry, (there being some Difference between the Earl of Denbigh and the Committee, which went high): so I consented to go with them only for a few weeks, and to return: Their Design was to get some of my Neighbours thither, who they knew would follow me; and about thirty or forty of them joyned in Colonel Mackworth's Troop and went.

As soon as we came thither, and they began to fortifie Wem, the Lord Capel brought his Army from Shrewsbury against them; where (Sir William Brereton bringing the Cheshire Trained Bands to assist the little handful at Wem) the two Armies lay within a Mile of each other two or three Days, and after some little Skirmishing the Lord Capell drew off, and marcht into Cheshire to Nantwich, being assured thereby to draw off, the Cheshire Men, and then resolved the same Night to return and Storm the Town; and his Plot took according to his Contrivance; for that Night he plundered all the Villages about Nantwich, and at Midnight march'd back another way: The Cheshire Men were quickly on their March, when they heard that the Enemy was plundring their Countey: and by that time they came to Nantwich the Lord Capell was got back again to Wem. There was nothing about the Town but a Ditch little bigger than such as Husbandmen inclose their Grounds with, and this not finished; and the Gates, new made, had no Hinges, but were reared up, and there was but very few Men in the Town; especially under the Command of Col. Hunt (a plain hearted, honest, godly Man, entirely beloved, and trusted by the Soldiers for his Honesty): I went with the Cheshire Men to Nantwick; when they came thither, they understood the Stratagem of the Lord Capell, and heard that they were storming Wem; and Sir William Brereton would have had his Men march after them presently, to relieve Wem; but the Soldiers were all Commanders, and seeing their own Countrey plundred in their Absence, and being weary, they all resolved that they would not go; and so Wem was given up as lost; but in the Morning about three or four a Clock, when we thought they had been asleep, their Minds all changed, and to Wem they would then go; but they marcht so slowly, and halted by the way, that the Lord Capell's Army had twice stormed Wem, and being beaten back, drew off just as the Cheshire Men came upon them, and secured their Retreat by Lee-bridge and the Darkness of the Night, and the Ignorance of their Fears and Disorders in the Army that pursued them. When we came to Wem, we found that the Lord Capell had been twice repulst with much loss; Col. Win slain, and Col. Sir Tho. Scriven mortally wounded, and little Hurt done to any in the Town.

§ 65. When I had stayed here, and at Longford Garrison about two Months or more, and had redeemed my Father out of Prison at Lillshoul, I returned to Coventry, and my Neighbours would not stay behind: (the recital of Military Passage there and elsewhere, belongeth not to my present purpose, but as it concerneth the History of my own Life, and therefore I leave them to such as write the History of those Wars): When I came to Coventry, I setled in my old Habitation and Imployment, and followed my Studies there in quietness for another Year. But whereas whilst I rode up and down, my Body had more Health than of a long time before, when I settled to my Studies in a Sedentary Life (and grieved for the Calamitous Condition of the Land) I fell weaker than ever I was before: And going to London was long under the Cure of Sir Theodore Meyers, and somewhat recovered, returned again.

§ 66. The Garrison of Coventry consisted half of Citizens, and half of Country-men: the Country-men were such as had been forced from their own Dwellings, the most religious Men of the Parts round about, especially from Bremicham, Sutton-Coldfield, Tamworth, Nuneaton, Hinkley, Rugby, &c. These were Men of great Sobriety and Soundness of Understanding as any Garrison heard of in England: But one or two that came among us out of New England (of Sir Henry Vane's Party there) and one Anabaptist Taylor, had almost troubled all the Garrison, by intecting the honest Soldiers with their Opinions: But they found not that Success in Coventry, as they had done in Cromwel's Army. In publick I was fain to preach over all the Controversies against the Anabaptists first, and then against the Separatists; p. 46and in private, some of my Worcestershire Neighbours, and many of the Foot Soldiers were able to baffle both Separatists, Anabaptists, and Antinomians, and so kept all the Garrison sound: Whereupon, the Anabaptists sent to Bedford for one Mr. Benjamin Cox, an old Anabaptist Minister, and no contemptible Schollar, the Son of a Bishop; and he and I had first a Dispute by Word of Mouth, and after by Writing; and his Surceasing gave me ease: In conclusion a few poor Townsmen only were carried away, about a Dozen Men and Women; but the Souldiers and the rest of the City kept sound from all Infection of Sectaries and Dividers.

§ 67. While I lived here in Peace and Liberty, as Men in a dry House do hear the Storms abroad, so did we daily hear the News of one Fights, or other, or one Garrison or other won or lost; the two Newbery Fights, Glocester Siege, the marvellous Sieges of Plimouth, Lime, and Taunton, Sir William Waller's Successes and Losses; the Loss at Newark, the Slaughter at Bolton, the greatest Fight of all at York, with abundance more. So that hearing such sad News on one side or other was our daily Work; insomuch that as duly as I awakened in the Morning I expected to hear one come and tell me, Such a Garrison is won or lost, or such a Defeat received or given: And [do you hear the News] was commonly the first Word I heard. So miserable were those bloody Days, in which he was the most honourable, that could kill most of his Enemies.

But among all these I was especially pleased with the Surprize of Shrewsbury; both because it was done without loss of Blood, and because my Father and many of my dear Friends were thereby redeemed, for when I returned from Wem to Coventry, it happily fell out that Sir Fulk Hunkes was made Governor of Shrewsbury by the King, and he protected my Father while he was there: But at last the Gent…y of the Countrey and he agreed not, he being too much a Soldier, and too civil for many of them, and they procured him to be removed, and Sir Rich. Oatley first, and after Sir Mich. Earnley made Governors. Sir Fulk Hunkes was confident when he went, that their Drunkenness and Carelesness would shortly lose the Town; and so it did indeed fall out: His old Mother, the Lady Hunkes, he left with my Father, where she died between 80, and 100 Years old. But when he was gone my Father was made one of the Collectors of their Taxes for the King, which he justly performed: But he would not forcibly distrain of them that refused to pay, as not knowing but they might hereafter recover it all of him; for which he was laid in Prison by them that swore he should lie and rot there: But he had been there but a few Weeks, before the Keeper in the night came to him, and beg'd his Favour to save him and his House, for the Parliaments Souldiers had surprised the Town: My Father would not believe it, till he heard and saw that which compell'd his Belief; and with what Joy I need not tell.

§ 68. There were abundance of strange Providences in these times that fell out for some particular Persons: The marvellous Preservation of Souldiers by Bibles in their Pockets which have received the Bullets, and such like I will not mention. When Prince Rupert put the Inhabitants of Bolton in Lancashire to the Sword, (Men, Women, and Children) an Infant escaped alive, and was found lying by her Father and Mother, who were slain in the Streets: an Old Woman took up the Child, and carried it home, and put it to her Breast for warmth, (having not had a Child her self of about 30 Years) the Child drew Milk, and so much, that the Woman nursed it up with her Breast Milk a good while: The Committee desired some Women to try her, and they found it true, and that she had a considerable proportion of Milk for the Child: If any one doubt of this, they may yet be resolved by Mrs. Hunt, Wife to Mr. Rowland Hunt of Harrow on the Hill, who living then in Manchester, was one of them that by the Committee was desired to trie the Woman, and who hath oft told it me, and is a credible, godly, discreet Gentlewoman, and Wife to a Man of most exemplary Holiness, and of the primitive Sincerity without Self-seeking, Hypocrisie and Guile. The Maid her self thus nursed up, lived after wards in London.

This putteth me in mind of that worthy Servant of Christ, Dr. Teat, who being put to fly suddenly with his Wife and Children from the Fury of the Irish Rebels, in the Night without Provision; wandred in the Snow out of all ways upon the Mountains till Mrs. Teat, having no suck for the Child in her Arms, and he being ready to die with Hunger, she went to the Brow of a Rock to lay him down, and leave him that she might not see him die, and there in the Snow out of all ways where no Footsteps appeared, she found a Suck-bottle full of new, sweet Milk, which preserved the Child's Life.

p. 47In Cornwall, Sir Rich. Greenvile having taken many Souldiers of the Earl of Essex's Army, sentenced about a dozen to be hanged: when they had hanged two or three, the Rope broke which should have hanged the next: And they sent for new Ropes so oft to hang him, and all of them still broke, that they durst go no farther, but saved all the rest: Besides universal undeniable Report, I had this oft told me by Mr. Woodhouse, an honest godly sober Man, a Sisters Son of Justice Kettleby of Shropshire, who himself stood by expecting Death, and was one of the Number of them whose Lives were saved by it.

If I would here give an account of all the Military Actions of those times which I had the certain knowledge of; the manner of taking and losing Towns and Castles, the Progress of the main Armies and of the Parties in the several Counties, in Cheshire, Lancashire, Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, Lincolnshire, Gloucestershire, and other Counties where particular Wars were carried on, and between Pembrokeshire and the rest of Wales, and also the manner of the several great Fights, especially that at Marston-moor near York, it would fill of it self a greater Volume than I intend, and is a matter besides my present purpose, and fit to be done in another manner: And therefore I shall pass that by, and proceed in the Narrative of the passages of my own Life, in…erposing only Generals, and the passages which occasioned them.

§ 69. When by the great Mercy of God I had lived two years in quietness at Coventry, the Earl of Essex being weakened by a great loss in Cornwall, An. 16. 14fell under the great displeasure of some of the Parliament, not as to his Person, but as to the Conduct of Affairs, who prevailed to have him laid by. The Causes were all these in Conjunction:

1. Though none could deny but the Earl was a Person of great Honour, Valour, and Sincerity; yet did some Accuse the Soldiers under him of being too like the King's Soldiers in Profaneness, lewd and vitious Practices, and rudeness in their Carriage towards the Country; and it was withal urg'd, that the Revolt of Sir Faithful Fortescue, Sir Richard Greenvile, Col. Urrey, and some others, was a satisfying Evidence, that the irreligious sort of Men were not to be much trusted, but might easily by Money be hired to betray them.

2. And it was discovered that the Earl of Essex's Judgment (and the wisest Mens about him) was never for the ending the Wars by the Sword, but only to force a Pacificatory Treaty: He thought that if the King should Conquer, the Government of the Kingdom would be changed into Arbitrary, and the Subjects Propriety and Liberty lost: And he thought that if he himself should utterly conquer the King, the Parliament would be tempted to encroach upon the King's Prerogative, and the Priviledges of the Lords, and put too much Power in the Gentries and the People hands, and that they would not know how to settle the State of the Kingdom, or the Church, without injuring others, and running into Extreams, and falling into Divisions among themselves. Therefore he was not for a Conquest of the King. But they saw the Delay gave the King advantage, and wearied out and ruined the Country, and therefore they now began to say, that at Edghill, at Newbury, and at other times, he had never prosecuted any Victory, but stood still and seen the King's Army retreat, and never pursued them when it had been easie to have ended all the Wars.

3. But the chief Cause was, that Sir H. Vane by this time had increased Sectaries in the House, having drawn some Members to his Opinion; and Cromwell, who was the Earl of Manchester's Lieutenant General, had gathered to him as many of the Religious Party, especially of the Sectaries as he could get; and kept a Correspondency with Vane's Party in the House, as if it were only to strengthen the Religious Party: And Manchester's Army, especially Cromwell's Party, had won a Victory near Horncastle in Lincolnshire, and had done the main Service of the day at the great …ight at York; and every where the Religious Party that were deepliest apprehensive of the Concernment of the War, had far better Success than the other sort of Common Soldiers.

These things set together, caused almost all the Religious sort of Men in Parliament, Armies, Garrisons and Country, to before the new modelling of the Army, and putting out the looser sort of Men (especially Officers) and putting Religious Men in their steads. But in all this Work, the Vanists in the House, and Cromwell in the Army, joined together, out-witted and over-reacht the rest, and carried on the Interest of the Sectaries in Special, while they drew the Religious Party along as for the Interest of Godliness in the general.

p. 48The two Designs of Cromwell to make himself great, were,

1. To Cry up Liberty of Conscience, and be very tender of Men differing in Judgment, by which he drew all the Separatists and Anabaptists to him, with many soberer Men.

2. To set these self-esteeming Men on work to arrogate the Glory of all Successes to themselves, and cry up their own Actions, and depress the Honour of the Earl of Manchester, and all others; though Men of as much Godliness at least as they: so that they did proclaim the Glory of their own Exploits, till they had got the fame of being the most valiant and Victorious Party. The truth is, they did much, and they boasted of more than they did.

And these things made the new modelling of the Army to be resolved on. But all the Question was how to effect it, without stirring up the Forces against them which they intended to disband: And all this was notably dispatcht at once, by One Vote, which was called the Self-denying Vote, viz. That because Commands in the Army had much pay, and Parliament Men should keep to the Service of the House, therefore no Parliament Men should be Members of the Army. This pleased the Soldiers, who looked to have the more pay to themselves; and at once it put out the two Generals, the Earl of Essex and the Earl of Manchester, and also Sir William Waller a godly valiant Major General of another Army; and also many Colonels in the Army, and in other parts of the Land, and the Governour of Coventry, and of many other Garrisons: and to avoid all Suspicion Cromwell was put out himself.

When this was done, the next Question was, Who should be Lord General, and what new Officers should be put in, or old ones continued? And here the Policy of Vane and Cromwell did its best: For General they chose Sir Thomas Fairfax, Son to the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax, who had been in the Wars beyond Sea, and had fought valiantly in Yorkshire for the Parliament, though he was over-powered by the Earl of Newcastle's Numbers. This Man was chosen because they supposed to find him a Man of no quickness of Parts, of no Elocution, of no suspicious plotting Wit, and therefore One that Cromwell could make use of at his pleasure. And he was acceptable to sober Men, because he was Religious, Faithful, Valiant, and of a grave, sober, resolved Disposition; very fit for Execution, and neither too Great nor too Cunning to be Commanded by the Parliament.

And when he was chosen for General, Cromwell's men must not be without him: so valiant a Man must not be laid by: The Self-denying Vote must be thus far only dispensed with: Cromwell only, and no other Member of either House, must be excepted, and so he is made Lieutenant General of the Army: and as many as they could get of their Mind and Party, are put into Inferiour Places, and the best of the old Officers put into the rest. But all the Scotch-men (except only Adjutant Crey) are put out of the whole Army, or deserted it.

§ 70. And here I must digress to look back to what I had forgotten, of the Scots Army and the Covenant: When the Earl of Newcastle had over-powered the Lord Fairfax in the North, and the Queen had brought over many Papists Soldiers from beyond Sea, and formed an Army under General King a Scot, and the King had another great Army with himself under the Command of the Earl of Forth, another old Scottish General; so that they had three great Field Armies, besides the Lord Goring's in the West, and all the Country Parties, the Parliament were glad to desire Assistance from the Scots; (whose Army was paid off and disbanded before the English Wars). The Scots; consented; but they offered a Covenant to be taken by both Nations, for a resolved Reformation, against Popery, Prelacy, Schism, and Prophaneness, (the Papists, the Prelatists, the Secfaries, and the Prophane, being the four Parties which they were against).

This Covenant was proposed by the Parliament to the Consideration of the Synod at Westminster: The Synod stumbled at some things in it, and especially at the word [Prelacy]. Dr. Burges the Prolocutor, Mr. Gataker, and abundance more declared their Judgments to be for Episcopacy, even for the ancient moderate Episcopacy, in which one stated President with his Presbytery, governed every Church; though not for the English Diocesan frame, in which one Bishop, without his Presbytery, did by a Lay-Chancellour's Court, govern all the Presbytery and Churches of a Diocess, being many hundreds; and that in a Secular manner by abundance of upstart Secular Officers, unknown to the Primitive Church. Hereupon grew some Debate in the Assembly; some being against every Degree of Bishops, (especially the Scottish Divines,) and others being for a moderate Episcopacy. But these English Divines would not Subscribe the Covenant, till there were p. 49an alteration suited to their Judgments: and so a Parenthesis was yielded to, as describing that sort of Prelacy which they opposed, viz. [That is, Church Government by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierarchy.] All which conjoyned are mentioned as the Description of that Form of Church Government which they meant by Prelacy, as not extending to the ancient Episcopacy.

When the Covenant was agreed on, the Lords and Commons first took it themselves, and Mr. Thomas Coleman preached to the House of Lords, and gave it them with this publick Explication, That by Prelacy we mean not all Episcopacy, but only the form which is here described.

When the Parliament had taken it they sent it to all the Garrisons, and Armies to be taken: and commended it to all the People of the Land. And when the War was ended, they caused all the Noblemen, Knights, Gentlemen, and Officers which had been against them in the Wars, to take it before they would admit them to Composition; and take it they did: And they required that all young Ministers should take it at their Ordination.

The Covenant being taken, the Scots raised an Army to help the Parliament, which came on and began to clear the North, till at York fight, the Scots Army, the Earl of Manchester's Army, and the Lord Fairfax's small Army, joyned Battel against Prince Rupert's Army, and General King's Army, and the Earl of Newcastle's Army, where they routed them, and it was thought about 5000 were slain upon the place, besides all that died after of their wounds.

After this the Scots Army lay still in the North a long time, and did nothing, till thereby they became odious as a burden to the Land: The Scots said, that it was caused by the Policy of the Sectaries, that kept them without pay, and without orders to March. Their Adversaries (the Vanists and the Cromwellians) said it was their own fault, who would not March. At last they were Commanded to besiege Hereford City, where they lay a long time, till the Earl of Montross, having raised an Army in Scotland against them for the King, had made it necessary for them to return into their own Country, and leave Hereford untaken, and the People clamouring against them, as having come for nothing into the Country.

Some Months after they were gone, Col. Iohn Birch and Col. Morgan took Hereford in an hour, without any considerable bloodshed. The Waters about the Walls being hard frozen, the Governour sent Warrants to the Constables of the Country neer adjoyning to bring in Labourers to break the Ice; Col. Birch got these Warrants, and causeth one of his Officers in the Habit of a Constable, and many Soldiers with Mattocks, in the habit of Labourers, to come the next morning early to the Gates and being let in, they let in more, and surprized the Town.

This much I thought good to speak altogether here for brevity of the Scots Army and Covenant, and now return to the new modell'd Army.

§ 71. The English Army being thus new modell'd, was really in the hand of Oliver Cromwell, though seemingly under the Command of Sir Thomas Fairfax (who was shortly after Lord Fairfax, his Father dying.) Cromwell's old Regiment which had made it self famous for Religion and Valour, being fourteen Troops was divided; six Troops were made the Lord Fairfax's Regiment; and six Troops were Col. Whalley's Regiment; and the other two were in Col. Rich's and Sir Robert Pye's Regiments. The Confidents of Cromwell were especially Col. Ireton, and Major Desborough (his Brother-in-law) and Major Iames Berry, and Major Harrison, and Col. Fleetwood, and (as his Kinsman) Col. Whalley, and divers others.

But now begins the Change of the old Cause. A shrewd Book came out not long before, called Plain English, preparatory hereto: And when the Lord Fairfax should have marched with his Army, he would not (as common Fame faith) take his Commission, because it ran as all others before, [for Defence of the King's Person]: for it was intimate that this was but Hypocrisie, to profess to defend the King when they marcht to fight against him; and that Bullets could not distinguish between his Person and another Man's; and therefore this Clause must be left out, that they might be no Hypocrities. And so had a Commission without that Clause [for the King]. And this was the day that changed the Cause.

§ 72. The Army being ready to march,An. 16 45 was partly the Envy and partly the Scorn of the Nobility, and the Lord Lieutenants and the Officers which had been put out, by the Self-denying Vote: But their Actions quickly vindicated them from Contempt. They first attempted no less than the Siege of Oxford: but in the mean time the King takes the field with a very numerous well-recruited Army, p. 50and marcheth into Northamptonshire into the Parliaments Quarters, and thence strait to Leicester, a Town poorly fortified, but so advantagiously situated for his use, as would have been an exceeding Loss to the Parliament, if he could have kept it. It was taken by Storm, and many slain in it.

General Fairfax leaveth Oxford, and marcheth through Northamptonshire towards the King. The King having the greater number, and the Parliaments Army being of a new contemned Model, he marcheth back to meet them, and in a Field near Naseby, a Village in Northamptonshire, they met. Cromwell had hasted a few days before into the associated Counties (which were their Treasury for Men and Money) and brought with him about 500 to 600 Men, and came in to the Army just as they were drawn up, and going on to give Battel. His sudden and seasonable coming, with the great Name he had got by the Applauses of his own Soldiers, made a sudden Joy in the Army, (thinking he had brought them more help than he did) so that all cried, A Cromwell, A Cromwell, and so went on; and after a shor… hot Fight, the King's Army was totally routed and put to flight, and about 5000 Prisoners taken, with all his Ordinance and Carriage, and abundance of his own Letters to the Queen and others in his Cabinet: (which the Parliament printed, as thinking such things were there contained as greatly disadvantaged the Reputation of his Word and Cause). Major General Skippon fighting valiantly was here dangerously wounded, but afterwards recovered. The King's Army was utterly lost by the taking of Leicester: for by this means it was gone so far from his own Garrisons, that his Flying Horse could have no place of Retreat, but were utterly scattered and brought to nothing. The King himself fled to Lichfield, (and it is reported that he would have gone to Shrewsbury, his Council having never suffered him to know that it was taken till now); and so he went to Rayland Ca… … which was a strong Hold, and the House of the Marquess of … a Papist: (where his Dispute with the Marquess was said to be; which Dr. Ba…ly published, and then turned Papist; and which Mr. Christopher Cartright continued, de…ending the King). Fairfax's Army pursued to Leicester, where the wounded Men, and some others, stayed with the Garrison: in a day or two's time the Town was re-taken.

And now I am come up to the Passage which I intended of my own going into the Army.

§ 73. Na…by being not far from Coventry where I was, and the noise of the Victory being loud in our Ears, and I having two or three that of old had been my intimate Friends in Cromwell's Army, whom I had not seen of above two Years, I was desirous to go see whether they were dead or alive; and so to Naseby Field I went two days after the sight, and thence by the Armies Quarters before Leicester to seek my Acquaintance. When I found them, I stayed with them a Night, and I understood the state of the Army much better than ever I had done before. We that lived quietly in Coventry did keep to our old Principles, and thought all others had done so too, except a very few inconsiderable Persons: We were unfeignedly for King and Parliament: We believed that the War was only to sive the Parliament and Kingdom from Papists and Delinquents, and to remove the Dividers, that the King might again return to his Parliament; and that no Changes might be made in Religion, but by the Laws which had his free consent: We took the true happiness of King and People, Church and State, to be our end, and so we understood the Covenant, engaging both against Papists and Schismaticks: And when the Court News-book told the World of the Swarms of Anabaptists in our Armies, we thought it had been a meer lye, because it was not so with us, nor in any of the Garrison or County-Forces about us. But when I came to the Army among Cromwell's Soldiers, I found a new face of things which I never dreamt of: I heard the plotting Heads very hot upon that which intimated their Intention to subvert both Church and State. Independency and Anabaptistry were most prevalent: Antinomianism and Arminianism were equally distributed; and Thomas Moor's Followers (a Weaver of Wisbitch and Lyn, of excellent Parts) had made some shifts to joyn these two Extreams together.

Abundance of the common Troopers, and many of the Officers, I found to be honest, sober, Orthodox Men, and others tractable ready to hear the Truth, and of upright Intentions: But a few proud, self-conceited, hot-headed Sectaries had got into the highest places, and were Cromwell's chief Favourites, and by their very heat and activity bore down the rest, or carried them along with them, and were the Soul of the Army, though much fewer in number than the rest (being indeed not one to twenty throughout the Army; their strength being in the Generals p. 51and Whalleys and Rich's Regiments of Horse, and in the new placed Officers in many of the rest).

I perceived that they took the King for a Tyrant and an Enemy, and really intended absolutely to master him, or to ruine him; and that they thought if they might fight against him, they might kill or conquer him; and if they might conquer, they were never more to trust him further than he was in their power; and that they thought it folly to irritate him either by Wars or Contradictions in Parliament, if so be they must needs take him for their King, and trust him with their Lives when they had thus displeased him. They said, What were the Lords of England but William the Conquerour's Colonels? or the Barons but his Majors? or the Knights but his Captains? They plainly shewed me, that they thought God's Providence would cast the Trust of Religion and the Kingdom upon them as Conquerours: They made nothing of all the most wise and godly in the Armies and Garrisons, that were not of their way. Per fas aut nefas, by Law or without it, they were resolved to take down, not only Bishops, and Liturgy, and Ceremonies, but all that did withstand their way. They were far from thinking of a moderate Episcopacy, or of any healing way between the Episcopal and the Presbyterians: They most honoured the Separatists, Anabaptists, and Antinomians; but Cromwell and his Council took on them to joyn themselves to no Party, but to be for the Liberty of all. Two sorts I perceived they did so commonly and bitterly Speak against, that it was done in meer design to make them odious to the Soldiers, and to all the Land; and that was

1. The Sots, and with them all Presbyterians but especially the Ministers; whom they call Priests and Priestbyters, and Drivines, and the Dissemby-men, and such like.

2. The Committees of the several Countries, and all the Soldiers that were under them that were not of their Mind and Way.

Some orthodox Captains of the Army did partly acquaint me with all this, and I heard much of it from the Mouths of the leading Sectaries themselves. This struck me to the very Heart, and made me Fear that England was lost by those that it had taken for its Chiefest Friends.

§ 74. Upon this I began to blame both other Ministers and my self. I saw that it was the Ministers that had lost all, by forsaking the Army, and betaking themselves to an easier and quieter way of Life. When the Earl of Essex went out first, each Regiment had an able Preacher, but at Edg-hill Fight almost all of them went home, and as the Sectaries increased, they were the more averse to go into the Army: Its true, that I believe now they had little Invitation, and its true that they must look for little Welcome and great Contempt and Opposition, besides all other Difficulties and Dangers: But it is as true, that their Worth and Labour in a patient self-denying way, had been like to have preserved most of the Army, and to have defeated the Contrivances of the Sectaries, and to have saved the King, the Parliament and the Land. And if it had brought Reproach upon them from the Malitious, (who called them Military Levites) the Good which they had done would have wiped off that blot, much better than the contrary course would do.

And I reprehended my self also, who had before rejected an Invitation from Cromwell: When he lay at Cambridge long before with that famous Troop which he began his Army with, his Officers purposed to make their Troop a gathered Church, and they all subscribed an Invitation to me to be their Pastor, and sent it me to Coventry: I sent them a Denial, reproving their Attempt, and told them wherein my Judgment was against the Lawfulness and Convenience of their way, and so I heard no more from them: And afterward meeting Cromwell at Leicester he expostulated with me for denying them. These very men that then invited me to be their Pastor, were the Men that afterwards headed much of the Army, and some of them were the forwardest in all our Changes; which made me wish that I had gone among them, however it had been interpreted; for then all the Fire was in one Spark.

§ 75. When I had informed my self to my sorrow of the state of the Army, Capt. Evanson (one of my Orthodox Informers) desired me yet to come to their Regiment, telling me that it was the most religious, most valiant, most succesful of all the Army, but in as much danger as any one whatsoever. I was loth to leave my Studies, and Friends, and Quietness at Coventry, to go into an Army so contrary to my Judgment: but I thought the Publick Good commanded me, and so I gave him some Encouragement: whereupon he told his Colonel (Whalley) who p. 52also was Orthodox in Religion, but engaged by Kindred and Interest to Cromwell: He invited me to be Chaplain to his Regiment; and I told him, I would take but a days time to deliberate, and would send him an Answer, or else come to him.

As soon as I came home to Coventry, I call'd together an Assembly of Ministers, Dr. Bryan, Dr. Grew, and many others, (there being many, as I before noted, fled thither from the Parts thereabouts). I told them the sad News of the Corruption of the Army, and that I thought all we had valued was like to be endangered by them; seeing this Army having first conquered at York, (where Cromwell was under Manchester) and now at Naseby, and having left the King no visible Army but Gorings, the Fate of the whole Kingdom was like to follow the Disposition and Interest of the Conquerours. We have sworn to be true to the King and his Heirs in the Oath of Allegiance. All our Soldiers here do think that the Parliament is faithful to the King, and have no other purposes themselves. If King and Parliament, Church and State be ruined by those Men, and we look on and do nothing to hinder it, how are we true to our Allegiance and to the Covenant, which bindeth us to defend the King, and to be against Schism, as well as against Popery and Prophaneness? For my part (said I) I know that my Body is so weak, that it is like to hazard my Life to be among them, and I expect their Fury should do little less than rid me out of the way; and I know one Man cannot do much upon them: But yet if your Judgment take it to be my Duty, I will venture my Life among them, and perhaps some other Ministers may be drawn in, and then some more of the Evil may be prevented.

The Ministers finding my own Judgment for it, and being moved with the Cause, did unanimously give their Judgment for my going. Hereupon I went strait to the Committee, and told them that I had an Invitation to the Army, and desired their Consent to go. They consulted a while, and then left it wholly to the Governour, saying, That if he consented they should not hinder me. It fell out that Col. Barker the Governour was just then to be turned out, as a Member of Parliament, by the Self-denying Vote. And one of his Captains was to be Colonel and Governour in his place, (Col. Willoughby). Hereupon Col. Barker was consent in his discontent that I should go out with him, that he might be mist the more; and so gave me his consent.

Hereupon I sent word to Col. Whalley that to morrow God willing I would come to him. As soon as this was done the elected governour was much displeased, and the Soldiers were so much offended with the Committee for consenting to my going, that the Committee all met again in the Night, and sent for me, and told me I must not go. I told them that by their Consent I had promised, and therefore must go. They told me that the Soldiers were ready to mutiny against them, and they could not satisfie them, and therefore I must stay: I told them that I had not promised if they had not consented, though being no Soldier or Chaplain to the Garrison, but only preaching to them I took my self to be a Free-man; and I could not break my word when I had promised by their Consent. They seemed to deny their Consent, and said they did but refer me to the Governour. In a word, they were so angry with me, that I was fain to tell them all the truth of my Motives and Design, what a case I perceived the Army to be in, and that I was resolved to do my best against it. I knew not, till afterward, that Col. William Purefoy a Parliament Man, one of the chief of them, was a Confident of Cromwells: and as soon as I had spoken what I did of the Army, Magisterially he answereth me, [Let me hear no more of that: If Nol. Cromwell should hear any Soldiers speak but such a word, he would cleave his crown: You do them wrong; it is not so.] I told him, what he would not hear, he should not hear from me; but I would perform my word though he seemed to deny his: And so I parted with those that had been my very great Friends, in some displeasure. But the Soldiers threatned to stop the Gates and keep me in; but being honest understanding Men, I quickly satisfied the Leaders of them by a private intimation of my Reasons and Resolutions, and some of them accompanied me on my way.

§ 76. As soon as I came to the Army, Oliver Cromwell coldly bid me welcome, and never spake one word to me more while I was there; nor once all that time vouchfaced me an Opportunity to come to the Head Quarters where the Councils and Meetings of the Officers were, so that most of my design was thereby frustrated. And his Secretary gave out that there was a Reformer come to the Army to undeceive them, and to save Church and State, with some such other Jeers; by which I perceived that all that I had said but the Night before to the Committee, p. 53was come to Cromwell before me, (I believe by Col. Purefoy's means): But Col. Whalley welcomed me, and was the worse thought on for it by the rest of the Cabal.

§ 77. Here I set my self from day to day to find out the Corruptions of the Soldiers; and to discourse and dispute them out of their mistakes, both Religious and Political: My Life among them was a daily contending against Seducers, and gently arguing with the more Tractable, and another kind of Militia I had than theirs.

I found that many honest Men of weak judgments and little acquaintance with such Matters, had been seduced into a disputing vein, and made it too much of their Religion to talk for this Opinion and for that; sometimes for State Democracy, and sometime for Church Democracy; sometimes against Forms of Prayer, and sometimes against Infant Baptism, (which yet some of them did maintain); sometimes against Set-times of Prayer, and against the typing of our selves to any Duty before the Spirit move us; and sometimes about Free-grace and Free-will, and all the Points of Antinomianism and Arminianism. So that I was almost always, when I had opportunity, disputing with one or other of them; sometimes for our Civil Government, and sometimes for Church Order and Government; sometimes for Infant Baptism, and oft against Antinomianism and the contrary Extream. But their most frequent and vehement Disputes were for Liberty of Conscience, as they called it; that is, that the Civil Magistrate had nothing to do to determine of any thing in Matters of Religion, by constraint or restraint, but every Man might not only hold, but preach and do in Matters of Religion what he pleased: That the Civil Magistrate hath nothing to do but with Civil Things, to keep the Peace, and Protect the Churches Liberties, &c.

I found that one half almost of the Religious Party among them were such as were either Orthodox, or but very lightly touched with their mistakes; and almost another half were honest men, that stept further into the contending way, than they could well get out again, but with competent help might be recovered: But a few fiery, self-conceited men among them kindled the rest, and made all the noise and bustle, and carried about the Army as they pleased. For the greatest part of the common Soldiers, especially of the Foot, were ignorant men, of little Religion, abundance of them such as had been taken Prisoners, or turned out of Garrisons under the King, and had been Soldiers in his Army: And these would do any thing to please their Officers, and were ready Instrument for the Seducers, especially in their great Work, which was to cry down the Covenant, to vilifie all Parish Ministers, but especially the Scots and Presbyterians: For the most of the Soldiers that I spoke with never took the Covenant, because it tied them to defend the King's Person, and to extirpate Heresie and Schism.

Because I perceived that it was a few Men that bore the Bell, that did all the hurt among them, I acquainted my self with those Men, and would be oft disputing with them in the hearing of the rest; and I found that they were men that had been in London, hatcht up among the old Separatists, and had made it all the matter of their Study and Religion to rail against Ministers, and Parish Churches, and Presbyterians, and had little other knowledge, nor little discourse of any thing about the Heart or Heaven: but were fierce with Pride and Self-conceitedness, and had gotten a very great conquest over their Charity, both to the Episcopal and Presbyterians. (Whereas many of those honest Soldiers which were tainted but with some doubts about Liberty of Conscience or Independency, were men that would Discourse of the Points of Sanctification and Christian Experience very savourily.)

But we so far prevailed in opening the folly of these Revilers and Self-conceited men, as that some of them became the laughing-stock of the Soldiers before I left them; and when they preached (for great Preachers they were) their weakness exposed them to contempt. A great part of the mischief they did among the Soldiers was by Pamphlets, which they aboundantly dispersed; such as R. Overtons, Martin Mar-Priest, and more of his; and some of I. Lilburn's who was one of them; and divers against the King, and against the Ministry, and for Liberty of Conscience, &c. And Soldiers being usually disperst in their Quarters, they had such Books to read when they had none to contradict them.

But there was yet a more dangerous Party than all these among them, (only in Major Bethel's Troop of our Regiment) who took the direct Jesuitical way: They first most vehemently declaimed against the Doctrine of Election, and for the power of Free-will, and all other Points which are controverted between the Jesuits and p. 54Dominicans, the Arminians and Calvinists. Then they as fiercely cried down our present Translation of the Scriptures, and debased their Authority, though they did not deny them to be Divine: And they cried down all our Ministry, Episcopal, Presbyterian and Independent; and all our Churches: And they vilified almost all our ordinary Worship; especially singing of Psalms, and constant Family Worship: They allowed of no Argument from Scripture but what was brought in its express words: They were vehement against both the King, and all Government but Popular; and against Magistrates medling in Matters of Religion: And all their disputing was with as much fierceness, as if they had been ready to draw their Swords upon those against whom they disputed. They trusted more to Policy, Scorn and Power, than to Argument: They would bitterly scorn me among their Hearers, to prejudice them before they entred into dispute. They avoided me as much as possible; but when we did come to it, they drowned all Reason in fierceness, and vehemency, and multitude of words. They greatly strove for Places of Command, and when any Place was due by order to another that was not of their mind, they would be sure to work him out; and be ready to mutiny if they had not their will. I thought they were principled by the Jesuits, and acted all for their Interest, and in their way; but the secret Spring was out of sight. These were the same men that afterward were called Levellers, and rose up against Cromwell, and were surprized at Burford (having deceived and drawn to them many more): And Thompson the General of the Levellers that was slain then, was no greater a Man than one of the Corporals of this Troop; the Cornet and others being much worse than he.

And thus I have given you a taste of my Imployment in the Army.

§ 78. As soon as I came to the Army they marched speedily down into the West, because the King had no Army left but the Lord Goring's there, and they would not suffer the Fugitives of Naseby-fight to come thither to strengthen them: They came quickly down to Somerton when Goring was at Langport; which lying upon the River, Massey was sent to keep him in on the farther side, while Fairfax attended him on this side, with his Army. One day they faced each other, and did nothing: The next day they came to their Ground again. Betwixt the two Armies was a narrow Lane which went between some Meadows in a bottom, and a small Brook crossing the Lane with a narrow Bridge. Goring planted two or three small Pieces at the Head of the Lane to keep the Passage, and there placed his best Horse; so that none could come to them, but over that narrow Bridge, and up that steep Lane upon the mouth of those Pieces. After many hours facing each other, Fairfax's greater Ordinance affrighting (more than hurting) Goring's men, and some Musquetiers being sent to drive theirs from under the Hedges, at last Cromwell bid Whalley send three of his Troops to Charge the Enemy, and he sent three of the General's Regiment to second them, (all being of Cromwell's old Regiment). Whalley sent Major Bethel, Capt. Evanson, and Capt. Grove to Charge; Major Desborough with another Troop or two came after; they could go but one or two abreast over the Bridge. By that time Bethel and Evanson with their Troops were got up to the top of the Lane, they met with a select Party of Goring's best Horse, and charged them at Sword's point whilst you would count three or four hundred, and then put them to Retreat. In the flight they pursued them too far to the main Body; for the Dust was so extream great (being in the very hottest time of Summer) that they that were in it could scarce see each other, but I that stood over them upon the brow of the Hill saw all: when they saw themselves upon the face of Goring's Army, they fled back in haste, and by that time they came to the Lane again, Capt. Grove's Troop was ready to stop them, and relieve them, and Desborough behind him: whereupon they rallied again, and the five or six Troops together marcht towards all Goring's Army: But before they came to the Front, I could discern the Rere begin to run, and so beginning in the Rere they all fled before they endured any Charge nor was there a blow struck that day, but by Bethels and Evanson's Troop (on that side)… and a few Musquetiers in the Hedges. Goring's Army fled to Bridgwater; and very few of them were either kill'd or taken in the fight or the pursuit. I happened to be next to Major Harrison as soon as the flight began, and heard him with a loud Voice break forth into the Praises of God with fluent Expressions, as if he had been in a Rapture.

Upon this Goring fled further West ward (to Exeter) with his Army: But Fairfax stayed to besiege Bridgwater: and after two days it was taken by storm, in which Col. Hammond's Service was much magnified. Mr. Peters being come to the Army from London but a day before, went presently back with the News of p. 55Goring's Rout: and an Hundred pounds Reward was voted to himself for bringing the News, and to Major Bethel for his Service, but none to Capt. Evanson, because he was no Sectary; and Bethel only had all the Glory and Applause by Cromwell and that Party.

From Bridgwater they went back towards Bristol, where Prince Rupert was, taking Nunny Castle and Bath in the way: At Bristol they continued the Siege about a month. After the first three days I sell sick of a Fever (the Plague being round about my Quarters): As soon as I felt my Disease, I rode six or seven miles back into the Country, and the next morning (with much ado) to Bath: where Dr. Venner was my careful Physician; and when I was near to death (far from all my Acquaintance) it pleased God to restore me, and on the fourteenth day, the Fever ended in a Crisis of Sweat and Urine: But it left me so macerated and weak, that it was long e're I recovered that little strength I had before. I came back to Bristol Siege three or four days before the City was taken: The Foot which was to storm the Works, would not go on unless the Horse went with them, (who had no Service to do): So Whalley's Regiment was fain to go on to encourage the Foot, and to stand to be shot at before the Ordinance (but in the Night) while the Foot did storm the Forts: where Major Bethel (who in the last Fight had but his Thumb shot) had a shot in his Thigh of which he died, and was much lamented. The Outworks being taken, Prince Rupert yielded up the City, upon Terms that he might march away with his Soldiers, leaving their Ordnance and Arms.

Upon this the Army marcht to Sherborn Castle (the Earl of Bristol's House): which after a Fortnights Siege, they took by storm, and that on a side which one would think could never have been that way taken. While they were there, the Country-men, called Clubmen, rose near Shaftsbury, and got upon the top of a Hill: A Party was sent out against them, who marcht up the Hill upon them, and routed them, though some of the valientest Men were slain in the Front.

When Sherborn Castle was taken, part of the Army went back and took in a small Garrison by Salisbury, called Langford-House, and so marcht to Winchester Castle, and took that by Composition after a Weeks siege, or little more. From thence Cromwell went with a good Party to Besiege Basing-House (the Marquess of Winchesters) which had frustrated great Sieges heretofore: Here Col. Hammond was taken Prisoner into the House, and afterward the House was taken by storm, and he saved the Marquess and others; and much Riches were taken by the Soldiers.

In the mean time the rest of the Army marched down again towards the Lord Goring, and Cromwell came after them.

§ 79. When we followed the Lord Goring westward, we found that above all other Armies of the King, his Soldiers were most hated by the People, for their incredible Prophaneness and their unmerciful Plundering (many of them being Forreigners). A sober Gentleman that I quarter'd with at South-Pederton in Somersetshire averred to me, That with him a Company of them prickt their Fingers, and let the Blood run into the Cup, and drank a Health to the Devil in it: And no place could I come into but their horrid Impiety and Outrages made them odious.

The Army marched down by Hunnington to Exeter; where I continued near three Weeks among them at the Siege, and then Whalley's Regiment with the General's, Fleetwood's and others being sent back, I returned with them and left the Siege; which continued till the City was taken: And then the Army following Goring into Cornwall, there forced him to yield to lay down Arms, his Men going away beyond Sea or elsewhere without their Arms: And at last Pendennis Castle, and all the Garrisons there were taken.

In the mean time Whalley was to Command the Party of Horse back, to keep in the Garrison of Oxford till the Army could come to besiege it: And so in the extream Winter he quartered about six Weeks in Buckinghamshire: and then was sent to lay siege to Banbury Castle, where Sir William Compton was Governour, who had wearied out one long siege before: There I was with them above two Months till the Castle was taken; and then he was sent to lay siege to Worcester, with the help of the Northampton, and Warwick, and Newport-Pannel Soldiers, who had assisted him at Banbury. At Worcester he lay in siege eleven Weeks: and at the same time the Army being come up from the West, lay in siege at Oxford.

By this time Col. Whalley, though Cromwell's Kinsman and Commander of the Trusted Regiment, grew odious among the Sectarian Commanders at the Headquarters for my sake; and he was called a Presbyterian, though neither he nor I p. 56were of that Judgment in several Points. And Major Sallowey not omitting to use his industry in the matter to that end) when he had brought the City to a necessity of present yielding, two days or three before it yielded, Col. Rainsboroug was sent from Oxford (which was yielded) with some Regiments of Foot, to Command in Chief; partly that he might have the honour of taking the City, and partly that he might be Governour there (and not Whalley) when the City was Surrendred: And so when it was yielded, Rainsborough was Governour to head and gratifie the Sectaries, and settle the City and Country in their way: But the Committee of the County were for Whalley, and lived in distaste with Rainsborough, and the Sectaries prospered there no further than Worcester City it self, (a Place which deserved such a Judgment); but all the Country was free from their Infection.

§ 80. All this while, as I had friendly Converse with the sober part, so I was still employed with the rest as before, in Preaching, Conference, and Disputing against their Confounding Errours: And in all Places where we went, the Sectarian Soldiers much infected the Countreys, by their Pamphlets and Converse, and the People admiring the conquering Army, were ready to receive whatsoever they commended to them: And it was the way of the Faction to speak what they spake as the Sense of the Army, and to make the People believe that whatever Opinion they vented, (which one of forty in the Army, owned not) it was the Army's Opinion. When we quarter'd at Agmondesham in Buckinghamshire, some Sectaries of Chesham had set up a Publick Meeting as for Conference, to propagate their Opinions through all the Country; and this in the Church, by the encouragement of an ignorant Sectarian Lecturer, one Bramble, whom they had got in (while Dr. Crook the Pastor, and Mr. Richardson his Curate, durst not contradict them). When this Publick Talking day came, Bethel's Troopers (then Capt. Pitchford's) with other Sectarian Soldiers must be there, to confirm the Chesham Men, and make Men believe that the Army was for them: And I thought it my Duty to be there also, and took divers sober Officers with me, to let them see that more of the Army were against them than for them. I took the Reading Pew, and Pitchford's Cornet and Troopers took the Gallery. And there I found a crowded Congregation of poor well-meaning People, that came in the Simplicity of their Hearts to be deceived. There did the Leader of the Chesham Men begin, and afterward Pitchford's Soldiers set in, and I alone disputed against them from Morning until almost Night; for I knew their trick, that if I had but gone out first, they would have prated what boasting words they listed when I was gone, and made the People believe that they had baffled me, or got the best; therefore I stayed it out till they first rose and went away: The abundance of Nonsense which they uttered that day, may partly be seen in Mr. Edward's Gangraena: for when I had wrote a Letter of it to a Friend in London, that and another were put into Mr. Edward's Book, without my Name. But some of the sober People of Agmondesham gave me abundance of thanks for that Days work, which they said would never be there forgotten: And I heard that the Sectaries were so discouraged that they never met there any more. I am sure I had much thanks from Dr. Crook and Mr. Richardson, who being obnoxious to their displeasure, for being for the King, durst not open their mouths themselves. And after the Conference I talkt with the Lecturer Mr. Bramble (or Bramley) and found him little wiser than the rest.

§ 81. The great Impediments of the Success of my Endeavours I found were only two: 1. The discountenance of Cromwell, and the chief Officers of his Mind, which kept me a stranger from their Meetings and Councils. 2. My incapacity of Speaking to many, because Soldiers Quarters are scattered far from one another, and I could be but in one Place at once. So that one Troop at a time ordinarily, and some few more extraordinarily was all that I could speak too: The most of the Service I did beyond Whalley's Regiment, was (by the help of Capt. Lawrence) with some of the General's Regiment, and sometimes I had Converse with Major Harrison and some others: But I found that if the Army had but had Ministers enough, that would have done but such a little as I did, all their Plot might have been broken, and King, Parliament, and Religion might have been preserved: Therefore I sent abroad to get some more Ministers among them, but I could get none. Saltmarsh and Dell were the two great Preachers at the Head Quarters; only honest and judicious Mr. Edward Bowles kept still with the General. At last I got Mr. Cook of Roxhall to come to assist me; and the soberer part of the Officers and Soldiers of Whalley's Regiment were willing to pay him out of their own pay: And a Month or two he stayed and assisted me; but was quickly weary, and left p. 57them again: He was a very worthy, humble, laborious Man, unwearid in preaching, but weary when he had not opportunity to preach, and weary of the Spirits he had to deal with.

§ 82. All this while, though I came not near Cromwell, his Designs were visible, and I saw him continually acting his part. The Lord General suffered him to govern and do all, and to choose almost all the Officers of the Army. He first made Ireton Commissary General; and when any Troop or Company was to be disposed of, or any considerable Officer's place was void, he was sure to put a Sectary in the place; and when the brunt of the War was over, he lookt not so much at their Valour as their Opinions: So that by degrees he had headed the greatest part of the Army with Anabaptists, Antinomians, Seekers, or Separatists at best: and all these he tied together by the point of Liberty of Conscience, which was the Common Interest in which they did unite. Yet all the sober Party were carried on by his Profession that he only promoted the Universal Interest of the Godly, without any distinction or partiality at all: But still when a place fell void, it was Twenty to one a Sectary had it, and if a Godly Man of any other Mind or temper had a mind to leave the Army, he would secretly or openly further it. Yet did he not openly profess what Opinion he was of himself: But the most that he said for any was for Anabaptism and Antinomianism, which he usually seemed to own. And Harrison (who was then great with him) was for the same Opinions. He would not Dispute (with me) at all, but he would in good Discourse very fluently pour out himself, in the Extolling of Freegrace, which was savoury to those that had right Principles, though he had some misunderstandings of Freegrace himself. He was a Man of excellent Natural Parts for Affection and Oratory; but not well seen in the Principles of his Religion: Of a Sanguine Complexion, naturally of such a vivacity, hilarity and alacrity as another man hath when he hath drunken a Cup too much; but naturally also so far from humble Thoughts of himself, that it was his ruine.

§ 83. All these two Years that I was in the Army, even my old bosom Friend, that had lived in my House, and been dearest to me, Iames Berry, (then Captain, and after Colonel and Major General, and Lord of the Upper House) who had formerly invited me to Cromwell's old Troop, did never once invite me to the Army at first, nor invite me to his Quarters after, nor never once came to visit me, nor saw me save twice or thrice that we met accidently: so potent is the Interest of our selves and our Opinions with us, against all other Bonds whatever: He that forsaketh himself in forsaking his own Opinions, may well be expected to forsake his Friend, who adhereth to the way which he forsaketh: and that Change which maketh him think he was himself an ignorant, misguided man before, must needs make him think his Friend to be still ignorant and misguided, and value him accordingly. He was a Man, I verily think, of great Sincerity before the Wars, and of very good Natural Parts, especially Mathematical and Mechanical; and affectionate in Religion, and while conversant with humbling Providences, Doctrines and Company, he carried himself as a very great Enemy to Pride: But when Cromwell made him his Favourite, and his extraordinary Valour was crowned with extraordinary Success, and when he had been a while most conversant with those that in Religion thought the old Puritan Ministers were dull, self-conceited, Men of a lower form, and that new Light had declared I know not what to be a higher attainment, his Mind, his Aim, his Talk and all was altered accordingly. And as Ministers of the old way were lower, and Sectaries much higher in his esteem than formerly, so he was much higher in his own Esteem when he thought he had attained much higher, than he was before when he sate with his Fellows in the Common Form. Being never well studied in the Body of Divinity or Controversie, but taking his Light among the Sectaries, before the Light which longer and patient Studies of Divinity should have prepossest him with, he lived after as honestly as could be expected in one that taketh Errour for Truth, and Evil to be Good.

After this he was President of the Agitators, and after that Major General and Lord as aforesaid: And after that a principal Person in the Changes, and the principal Executioner in pulling down Richard Cromwell; and then was one of the Governing Council of State. And all this was promoted by the misunderstanding of Providence, while he verily thought that God, by their Victories, had so called them to look after the Government of the Land, and so entrusted them with the welfare of all his People here, that they were responsible for it, and might not in Conscience p. 58stand still while any thing was done which they thought was against that Interest which they judged to be the Interest of the People of God.

And as he was the Chief in pulling down, he was one of the first that fell: For Sir Arthur Haselrigg taking Portsmouth (of which more hereafter) his Regiment of Horse sent to block it up, went most of them into Sir Arthur Haselrigg. And when the Army was melted to nothing, and the King ready to come in, the Council of State imprisoned him, because he would not promise to live peaceably; and afterwards he (being one of the four whom General Monk had the worst thoughts of) was closely consin'd in Scarborough Castle: but being released he became a Gardiner, and lived in a safer state than in all his Greatness.

§ 84. When Worcester Siege was over, (having with Joy seen Kidderminster and my Friends there once again), the Country being now cheared, my old Flock expected that I should return to them, and settle in Peace among them.

I went to Coventry, and called the Ministers again together who had voted me into the Army: I told them [That the forsaking of the Army by the old Ministers, and the neglect of Supplying their Places by others, had undone us: that I had laboured among them with as much Success as could be expected in the narrow sphere of my Capacity: but that signified little to all the Army! That the Active Sectaries were the smallest part of the Army among the Common Soldiers, but Cromwell had lately put so many of them into Superiour Command, and their Industry was so much greater than others, that they were like to have their Will: That whatever obedience they pretended, I doubted not but they would pull down all that stood in their way, in State and Church, both King, Parliament and Ministers, and set up themselves. I told them that for this little that I have done I have ventured my Life, and weakened my Body (weak before): but the Day which I expected is yet to come and the greatest Service with the Greatest Hazard is yet before. The Wars being now ended, I was confident they would shortly shew their purposes, and set up for themselves: And when that day came, for all that are true to King, Parliament, and Religion then to appear if there be any hope by contradicting them or drawing off the Soldiers from them, was all the Service that was yet possible to be done: That I was like to do no great matter in such an Attempt; but there being so many in the Army of my mind, I knew not what might he till the Day should discover it: Though I knew it was the greatest hazard of my Life, my Judgment was for staying among them till the Crisis, if their Judgment did concur]. Whereupon they all voted me to go, and leave Kidderminster yet longer, which accordingly I did.

§ 85. From Worcester I went to London to Sir Theodore Mayern, about my health: He sent me to Tunbridge Wells, and after some stay there to my benefit, I went back to London, and so to my Quarters in Worcestershire where the Regiment was.

My Quarters fell out to be at Sir Tho. Rous at Rous's Lench, where I had never been before: The Lady Rous was a godly, grave, understanding Woman, and entertained me not as a Soldier but a Friend. From thence I went into Leicestershire, Staffordshire, and at last into Derbyshire. One advantage by this moving Life I had, that I had opportunity to preach in many Countreys and Parishes; and whatever came of it afterward, I know not; but at the present they commonly seemed to be much affected.

I came to our Major Swallow's Quarters at Sir Iohn Cook's House at Melbourn in the edge of Darbyshire, beyond A…hby de la Zouch, in a cold and snowy Season: and the cold, together with other things coincident, set my Nose on bleeding. When I had bled about a quart or two, I opened four Veins, but it did no good. I used divers other Remedies for several days to little purpose; at last I gave my self a Purge, which stopt it. This so much weakened me and altered my Complexion, that my Acquaintance who came to visit me scarce knew me. Coming after so long weakness, and frequent loss of Blood before, it made the Physicians conclude me deplorate after it was stopped; supposing I would never escape a Dropsy.

And thus God unavoidably prevented all the Effect of my purposes in my last and chiefest Opposition of the Army; and took me off the very time when my Attempt should have begun: My purpose was to have done my best first to take off that Regiment which I was with, and then with Capt. Lawrence to have tried upon the Generals (in which two was Cromwell's chief Confidents) and then have joyned with others of the same, mind (for the other Regiments were much less p. 59Corrupted). But the Determination of God against it was most observable: For the very time that I was bleeding the Council of War sate at Nottingham, where (as I have credibly heard) they first began to open their Purposes and act their Part: and presently after they entered into their Engagement at Triploe-Heath. And as I perceived it was the Will of God to permit them to go on, so I afterward found that this great Affiction was a Mercy to my self; for they were so strong and active, that I had been likely to have had small Success in the Attempt, but to have lost my Life among them in their Fury. And thus I was finally separated from the Army.

§ 86. When I had stayed at Melbourn in my Chamber three Weeks (being among Strangers, and not knowing how to get home) I went to Mr. Nowell's house at Kirby-Mallory in Leicestershire, where with great Kindness I was entertained three Weeks: By that time the Tidings of my Weakness came to the Lady Rous in Worcestershire, who sent her Servant to seek me out; and when he returned, and told her I was far off, and he could not find me, she sent him again to find me, and bring me thither if I were able to travel: And in great weakness, thither I made shift to get, where I was entertained with the greatest Care and Tenderness, while I continued the use of means for my Recovery: and when I had been there a quarter of a Year, I returned to Kidderminster.

§ 87. When I was gone from the Army, the Parliament was most Solicitous how to keep them from Tumults and Disobedience: But Sir Henry Vane with his Party secretly confederated with them, to weaken all others, and to strengthen the Sectaries: Whereupon they procured the House to Disband both Major General Massey's Brigade, and all other Field Soldiers, and the honest County Forces and Garrisons of most Places, which among them had sober Men enow to have resisted them. This was the successfullest Act that was done for their Designs: for now they had little fear of Opposition.

The Design of Vane and Cromwell now was not only to keep up an Army of Sectaries, when the Sober Party were Disbanded, but also to force the Parliament to their mind, and moddel it so as that they should do their work: (which I had foretold some Parliament Men of long before): One of the Principal Engines in this Contrivance was, to provoke the Parliament to pass such Votes as the Army would be most displeased with, and then to stir up the Army to the deepest Resentment of it. Accordingly the Parliament voted that part of the Army should go to Ireland, and part be disbanded, and part continued. The Leaders in the Army incensed the Soldiers, by perswading them that this was to deprive them of their Pay, and to divide them, and when they had them at home again to ruine them as Sectaries, and this was the Reward of all their Services. Whereupon at Triploe-Heath they entered into an Engagement to stick together, &c. and were drawing up a Declaration of their Grievances; (the aggravating of supposed Injuries being the way to raise Mutinies, and make use of Factions for Seditious Ends) Quarter-Master General Fincher acquainteth Sir William Waller with their Design, (who with others was sent to the Army) and Col. Edward Harley (Member of the Parliament and of the Army) acquainteth the House with it. Cromwell being in the House doth with vehemency deny it; and said it was a Slander, raised to discompose the Army by discontenting them, and undertook that they should all lay down their Arms at the Parliaments Feet, and for his own part, protesting his Submission and Obedience to them. And this he did when he was Confederate with them, and knew of the Paper which they were drawing up, and confest it after when the Copy of it was produced, and presently went among them, and headed them in their Rebellion. In short, he and his Cabal so heightned the Discontents, and carried on the New Confederate Army, that the Parliament was fain to Command all that were faithful to forsake them, and offer them their Pay to encourage them thereto: Commissary General Fincher, and Major Alsop, and Major Huntington, and many more with a considerable number of Soldiers came off: But being not enow to make a Body to resist them, it proved a great Addition to their strength: For now all that were against them being gone, they filled up their Places with Men of their own Mind, and so were ever after the more unanimous.

§ 88. Upon this Cromwell and his Obedient Lambs (as he called them) advanced in the Prosecution of their Design, and drew nearer London, and drew up an Impeachment against Eleven Members of the Parliament, forsooth accusing them of Treason; viz. Sir Philip St…pleton, Sir William Lewis, Col. Hollis, Sir Iohn Maynard, Mr. Glyn, &c. and among the rest Col. Edward Harley (a sober and truly p. 60religious Man, the worthy Son of a most pious Father, Sir Robert Harley). And when thereby they had forced the House to seclude them as under Accusation, they let fall their Suit, and never prosecuted them, nor proved them Guilty.

Thus begun that Pride to break forth into Rebellion, which grew up from Successes in impotent Minds, not able to conquer so great a Temptation as their Conquests. When they had cast out these Members, they thought that the House would have done as they would have had them, and been awed into Obedience, but still they continued to cross them, and came not up to the Conformity expected. A while after the City seemed to take Courage, and would defend the Parliament against the Army, and under Major General Massey and Major General Pointz they would put themseves into a Military posture: But the Army made haste, and were upon them before they were well resolved what to do, and the hearts of the Citizens failed them, and were divided, and they submitted to the Army, and let them enter the City in triumph. Whereupon Massey and Hollis, and others of the accused Members fled into France, of whom Sir Philip Stapleton died of the Plague near Calice; and now the Army promised themselves an obedient Parliament; but yet they were not to their mind.

§ 89. Here I must look back to the Course and Affairs of the King; who at the Siege of Oxford, having no Army left, and knowing that the Scots had more Loyalty and Stability in their Principles than the Sectaries, resolved to cast himself upon them, and so escaped to their Army in the North. The Scots were very much troubled at this Honour that was cast upon them: for they knew not what to do with the King. To send him back to the English Parliament seemed unfaithfulness, when he had cast himself upon them: To keep him they knew would divide the Kingdoms, and draw a War upon themselves from England; whom now they knew themselves unable to resist. They kept him awhile among them with honourable Entertainment, till the Parliament sent for him; and they saw that the Sectaries and the Army were glad of it, as an occasion to make them odious, and to invade their Land. And so the terrour of the Conquering Army made them deliver him to the Parliaments Commissioners upon two Conditions: 1. That they should promise to preserve his Person in Safety and Honour, according to the Duty which they owed him by their Allegiance. 2. That they should presently pay the Scots Army one half the Pay which was due to them for their Service, (which had been long unpaid to make them odious to the Country where they quartered).