Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times, Part 3 · Section 1 · Floating text 4

Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times · Part 3 · Section 1 · Floating text 4

p. 158An Act for the Healing and Concord of his Majestie's Subject's in matters of Religion.

WHereas the Concord and Conjunct Labours of all able Godly Ministers of Christ, are of great use to the safety of the true Religion, and peace of the Kingdom, and the Salvation of their Flocks, and Experience proveth that this Concord cannot be now obtained, without some Abatement of the terms of Uniformity required by the present Laws, Be it enacted by His Majesty, &c.

I. That no other Oath, Subscription, Declaration, Covenant or promise, shall henceforth be necessary to, or required of any Priests or Deacons for their Ordination, Institution, Induction, License to preach and perform their Office, nor of Students in the Universities, nor School-Masters, besides the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the promises at Ordination of Ministerial fidelity contained in the form of Ordination, and the subscribing to the Doctrine and Sacraments of the Church of England according to the statute of Eliz. 13. in the words [J. A. B. do unfeignedly assent to the Doctrine of Faith, and Sacraments of the Church of England, as they are expressed in the Articles of the Church]; And the Oaths for the proper privileges of the Universities and Colledges; and to this following Declaration against Rebellion and Disloyalty, [J. A. B. do hold that it is not lawful for any of his Majestie's Subjects upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, his Person, Authority, or Rights and Dignity, nor against any Authorized by his Laws or Legal Commission; and that there lyeth no obligation on me, or any of his Majestie's Subjects from the Oath commonly called the solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any Change of the present Government of his Majestie's Kingdoms, nor to endeavour any reformation or alteration of the Church Government (as it is not by Law established) by Rebellion, Sedition, or any other unlawful means.

II. And be it enacted by, &c.—That in such Churches or places of publick worship where the Liturgy is read, and the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper accordingly administred, by the Incumbent, or the Lecturer, or Curate, or other Minister, no other shall be punished for not using it there, or for not baptizing, or not administring the Lord's Supper; provided that such other Minister be oft present at the reading of the Liturgy, and that he read it himself at least twice a year, and as often baptize Children (if offered thereto) and administer the Lord's Supper according to the Liturgy, if he have cure of Souls. Provided that no Minister shall be punished as guilty of Omission, for any brevity which is caused unavoidably by sickness, weakness, or any just extraordinary cause: But if otherwise the Liturgy be in any Church disused, the Incumbent shall be punishable as is already appointed by the Law.

p. 159And Be it enacted—that no Parent shall be forbidden to enter his own Child into. Covenant with God in baptism, by speaking such promising and undertaking words, as by the Liturgy and Canon are now required of the Godfathers and Godmothers alone: Nor shall any Minister be forced against his Conscience to baptize any Child, who is not thus offered to God, by one of the Parents, or by such a pro parent as taketh the Child for his own, and undertaketh the Christian Education. Be it also Enacted that no person shall be constrained against his Conscience to the use of the Cross in Baptism, or of the Surplice, nor any Minister to deny the Lord's Supper to any for not receiving it kneeling; nor read any of the Apocrypha for Lessons; nor to punish any Excommunication or Absolution against his Conscience; but the Bishop or Chancellour who decreeth it shall cause such to publish it as are not dissatisfyed so to do, or shall only affix it on the Church-Door. Nor shall any Minister be constrained at Burial to speak only words importing the salvation of any person, who within a year received not the Sacrament of Communion, or was suspended from it according to the Rubrick or Canon, and satisfyed not the Minister of his serious Repentance.

III. And whereas many persons having been ordained as Presbyters by Parochial Pastors in the times of Usurpation and Distraction, hath occasioned many Difficulties; for the present remedy hereof, be it Enacted.—That all such persons as before this time have been ordained as Presbyters by Parochial Pastors only, and are qualifyed for that Office as the Law requireth, shall receive power to exercise it, from a Bishop by a written Instrument (which every Bishop in his Diocess is hereby impowered and required to Grant) in these words and no other [To A. B. of C. in the Country of D. Take thou Authority to exercise the Office of a Presbyter, in any place and Congregation in the King's Dominions whereto thou shall be lawfully called.] And this practice sufficing for present Concord, no one shall be put to declare his Judgment, whether This, or That which he before received, shall be taken for his Ordination, nor shall be urged to speak any words of such signification; but each party shall be left to Judge as they see cause.

IV. And whereas the piety of Families, and Godly Converse of Neighbours is a great means of preserving Religion and Sobriety in the World, and lest the Act for suppressing seditious Conventicles should be mis-interpreted as injurious thereto, be it declared—that it is none of the meaning of the said Act, to forbid any such Family Piety or Converse, tho more then four Neighbours should be peaceably present, at the Reading of the Scriptures, or a Licensed Book, the singing of a Psalm, repeating of the publick Sermons, or any such Exercise which neither the Laws nor Canons do forbid, they being performed by such as joyn with the allowed Church-Assemblies, and refuse not the Inspection of the Ministers of the Parish; Especially where persons that cannot read are unable to do such things at home, as by Can. 13. is enjoyned.

V. And whereas the form of the Oath and Declaration, imposed on persons of Office and Trust in Corporations, is unsatisfactory to many that are Loyal and peaceable, that our Concord may extend to Corporations as well as Churches, Be it Enacted—That the taking of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Declaration against Religion and Disloyalty, here before prescribed, shall to all Ends and purposes suffice instead of the said Oath and Declaration.

VI. And whereas there are many peaceable Subjects, who hold all the Essentials of the Christian Faith, but conform not to so much as is required to the Established Ministry and Church-Communion, Be it Enacted—that All and only they who shall publickly take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, before some Court of …ustice, or at the Open Sessions of the County where they live, and that then and there Subscribe as followeth. [I. A. B. do unfe…gnedly stand to my Baptismal Covenant, and do believe all the Articles of the Creeds called the Apostles, the Nicene, and Constantinopolitane; and the truth of the holy Canonical Scriptures, and do renounce all that … contrary hereto,] shall be so far tolerated in the Excercise of their Religion, as His Majesty, with the advice of his Parliament or Council, shall from time to time, find consistent with the peace and safety of his Kingdoms.

p. 160VII. And lest this Act for Concord, should occasion Discord, by emboldening unpeaceable and unruly or heretical men, be it enacted—that if any either in the allowed or the Tolerated Assemblies that shall pray or Preach Rebellion, Sedition, or against the Government or Liturgy of the Church, or shall break the Peace by tumults or otherwise, or stir up unchristian hatred and strife, or shall preach against, or otherwise oppose the Christan verities or any Article of the sacred Doctrine which they subscribe, or any of the 39. Articles of Religion, they shall be punished as by the Laws against such Offences is already provided.

I will here also Annex the Copies of some Petitions, which I was put to draw up, which never were presented.

I. The first was intended while the Parliament was sitting to have been offered; but wise Parliament-Men thought it was better forbear it.

II. The second was thought fit for some Citizens to have offered; but by the same Councel it was forborn.

III. The third was thus occasioned: Sir Iohn Babor told Dr. Manton that the Scots being then suspected of some insurrection, it was expected that we renewed the profession of our Loyalty, to free us from all suspicion of Conspiracy with them. We said that it seemed hard to us that we should fall under suspicion, and no cause alledged: We knew of no occasion that we had given: But we were ready to profess our continued Loyalty, but desired that we might with it, open our just resentment of our Case. They put me to draw it up: but when it was read, it was laid by, none daring to plead our Cause so freely and signify any sense of our hard usage.

I. May it Please Your Majesty, with the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament.

WHen the Common profession of resolved moderation had abated Men's fears of a Silencing Prelacy; and the published Declarations of Nobilitie and Gentry against all dividing violence and revenge, had helpt to unite the endeavours of Your Subjects which prospered for Your Majestie's desired Restoration; when God's wonderful providence had dissolved the Military Powers of Usurpers, which hindered it; and when Your welcome appearance, Your Act of Oblivion, Your Gracious Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs (for which the House of Commons solemnly gave you thanks) did seem to have done much to the Cure of our Divisions; we had some hopes that our common revived Love and Concord, would have tended to Your Majesty's and our common joy, in the harmony, strength and prosperity of Your Kingdoms; and that we might among your inferiour Subjects have enjoyed our part in the common tranquility. But the year 1662. dissolved those hopes, fixing our old Difficulties, and adding more which since then also have been much increased: Beeing consecrated and vowed to the sacred Ministry, we dare not desert it, lest we shortly appear before our Judge, in the guilt of sacriledge, & perfidiousness against Christ and the people's Souls. But we are forbiden to exercise it, unless, we will do that which we profess as Men that are passing to our final Doom, we would readily do, were it not for fear of God's displeasure and our Damnation. Deprivation of all Ministerial maintenance, with heavy Mulcts (on such as have not money to pay) and long Imprisonments in the Common Goals with Malefactors, and banishment (to those that shall survive them) and that into remote parts of the World, were the penalties appointed for us by your Laws. Voluminous reproaches are published against us; in which our Superiours and the World are told, that we hold that things indifferent are made unlawful by the Commands of lawful Governours, p. 161and that we are guilty of Doctrines inconsistent with the Peace and Safety of Societies, and that we are moved by Pride and Covetousness; as if we were proud of Men's Scorn, and covetous of sordid Want and Beggery, and ambitious of a Gaol; and that we are Unpeaceable, Disloyal, Odious and Intolerable Persons.

Lest we should seem over-querulous, and our Petitions themselves should prove offensive, we have been silent under Twelve years sufferings (by which divers Learned and holy Divines have been hastened home to Glory) hoping that Experience would have effectually spoken for us, when we may not Speak for our selves. And did we believe that our own pressures were the greatest consequent Evil, and that the People's knowledge, and piety, and the allowed Ministers Number sufficiency and Diligence, were such as made our Labours needless, and that the History of our Silence and Sufferings would be the future Honour of this Age, and the future Comfort of your Souls, and theirs that instigate you against us, before our Common Judge, we would joyfully be silent, and accept of a Dismission. But being certain of the contrary, we do this once adventure, humbly to tender to Your Majesty, and Your Parliament, these following Requests.

1. Because God saith, That he that hateth his Brother is a Murderer, and hath not Eternal Life: We humbly crave leave once to Print and Publish the true State and Reasons of our Nonconformity to the World; to save Mens Souls from the guilt of unjust Hatred and Calumny: And if we err, we may be helped to Repentance by a Confutation, and the Notoriety of our shame.

2. That in the mean time this Honourable House will appoint a Committee to consider of the best means for the Healing our Calamitous Divisions, before whom we may have leave at last to speak for our selves.

3. That these annexed Professions of our Religion and Loyalty may be received, as from Men that better know their own Minds than their Accusers do, and who, if they durst deliberately Lie, should be no Nonconformists.

4. That if yet we must suffer as Malefactors, we may be punished but as Drunkards, and Fornicators are, with some Penalty which will consist with our Preaching Christ's Gospel, and that shall not reach to the hurt or danger of many Thousand Innocent People's Souls, till the Re-building of the Burnt-Churches, the lessening of great Parishes, where one of very many cannot hear and worship God; and till the quality and number of the Conformable Ministers, and the knowledge, piety, and sobriety of the people have truly made our Labours needless; and then we shall gladly obey your Silencing Commands.

And whereas there are commonly reckoned to be in the Parishes without the Walls, above Two hundred thousand persons, more than can come within the Parish Churches, they may not be compelled in a Christian Land to live as Atheists, and worse than Infidels and Heathens, who, in their manner, publickly worship God.

The Profession of our Religion.

I A. B. Do willingly profess my continued resolved consent to the Covenant of Christianity which I made in my Baptism, with God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, forsaking the Devil, the World, and the sinful Lusts of the Flesh: And I profess my Belief of the Ancient Christian Creeds, called, The Apostles, The Nicene, and, The Constantinopolitane, and the Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, fullier opened in that ascribed to Athanasius: And my Consent to The Lord's Prayer, as the Summary of Holy Desires, and to The Decalogue, with Christ's Institutions, as the Summary Rule of Christian Practice: And to all the Holy Canonical Scriptures, as the Word of God: And to the Doctrine of the Church of England professed in the 39 Articles of Religion, as in sence agreeable to the Word of God: And I renounce all Heresies, or Errours, contrary to any of these; And I do hold that the Book of Common Prayer, and of Bishops, Priests and Deacons, containeth in it nothing so disagreeable to the Word of God, as maketh it unlawful to live in the Peaceable Communion of the Church that useth it.

p. 162The Profession of our Loyalty and Obedience.

I do willingly, and without Equivocation and Deceit, take the Oaths of Allegiance, and the King's Supremacy, and hold my self obliged to perform them. I detest all Doctrines and Practices of Rebellion and Sedition: I hold it unlawful for any of His Majesty's Subjects, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, His Person, Authority, Dignity, or Rights, or against any Authorized by his Laws or Commissions: And that there is no Obligation on me or any other of his Subjects, from the Oath Commonly called, The Solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any change of the present Government of these His Majesty's Kingdoms; nor to endeavour any Reformation of the Church, by Rebellion, Sedition, or any other unlawful means.

The Overplus, as a remedy against Suspicion.

We believe and willingly embrace all that is written in the Holy Scriptures for the power of Kings and the Obedience of their Subjects, and the sinfulness of Rebellion and Resistance. And concerning the same we consent to as much as is found in any General Council, or in the Confession of any Christian Church on Earth (not respecting Obedience to the Pope,) which ever yet came to our knowledg; or as is owned by the Consent of the Greater part of Divines, Politicians, Lawyers or Historians in the Christain World, as far as our Reading hath acquainted us therewith.

II. To the King's most Excellent Majesty; The Humble Petition of some Citizens of London, on the behalf of this City, and the Adjoyning Parishes, Sheweth,

THat the Calamitous Fire 1666, with our Houses and Goods, Burnt down near 90 Churches, few of which are yet Re-edifyed; And divers Parishes, whose Churches yet stand, are so great, that it is but a small part of the Inhabitants that can there hear: whereby great Numbers are left in ignorance, and as a prey to Papists and other Seducers, and which is worse, to Atheism, Infidelity, and Irreligiousness: And if many of their ancient ejected, silenced Pastors, who, for refusing certain Subscriptions, Declarations, Promises, Oaths and Practices, are called Nonconformists, had not through great Difficulties and Sufferings exercised their Compassion to the people's Souls, in Preaching and Visiting the Sick, they had been yet more miserable destitute and forsaken.

Your Petitioners being sensible, that Christians professing the Belief of a Life to come, and that the holy Scriptures should not, by such Judgments, as our Plagues and Flames be hardened against God, but be awakened to Repentance and Holiness of Life, and that so Great and Honourable a City, should not, after all, turn worse than Infidels and Heathens, who are taught by Nature, publickly to Worship God, do humbly request, that till the Great Parishes have Capacious Churches or Chappels, and the ruined Churches are re-built, and furnished with able Conformable Ministers, those Protestant Nonconformists who will Teach the people where others do not, may not be therefore punished, or be forbidden, and the Souls of many Thousands which are hasting to another World, be deprived of such necessary helps, the Preachers being responsible for whatever they speak or do amiss. This Necessary Compassion to this famous City, even to the Souls of Men, which we humbly crave will more oblige Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects, to Pray for the Continuance of Your Prosperous Reign.

p. 163III. To the King's most Excellent Majesty, The humble Profession of Gratitude and Subjection of some Ejected, Silenced Ministers of Christ, on the behalf of themselves and many others.

May it please Your Majesty,

WE Your Majesty's Subjects, Dedicated to the Sacred Office, from which we must not Perfidiously and Sacrilegiously alienate our selves, once (vainly) hoped that the Established Publick Ministry might have received Men of our Size of Science and Conscience, till all the Churches had been furnished with Wiser Better Men: But God (for our Sins and Trial) and Men (we know not why) have otherwise decreed. We choose not this Calling (nor our costly Nonconformity) as the way of Wealth or Worldly Honour; Nor ever expected that God should make us a Golden-Bridge to Heaven; Nor desire to be Lords over God's Flock, or Rule them by Constraint, remembring who said, [But with you it shall not be so:] Gain is not our Godliness, or Church-Glory, but Godliness our Gain; We like not Dives's Choice so well as Mary's; But yet could gladly have escaped both Lazarus and Martha's straits, and have served God without distraction: We have Flesh that is not in love with Suffering, nor ambitious to live on Alms: It is Divine Relief that must keep those Men's Consciences from a timerous or treacherous surrender, which are besieged by Sixteen years Poverty and Reproach, and from the Prophaneness of selling their Birth-right for a Morsel: But (though Sensibility of our Brethren's Sufferings, be not Impatient Murmuring, yet) it is a more Grievous Burden, which constraineth us at last to Speak, viz. That so great a part of our maturest Age (in which, by the experience of good and evil, our own and others, we should have been far wiser and sitter to serve God in his Church, than we were in unexperienced Youth) should be so far lost as it hath been, as to the Work to which we were Ordained: That (Unheard) we should be supposed so Erroneous, or Criminal, as that no Punishment of our Bodies can give satisfaction without the suffering of the Souls of Men, by our forbearing to Preach the Word of Life! That while with grieved Souls we must see the sad Divisions a…d Sidings that Prevail, and the doleful advantages that Satan hereby getteth, for the ruine of Piety, Love and Peace, and the increase of Atheism, Infidelity and Maliciousness, and Confusion, and every evil work, and are told so loudly, by our notorious Necessity, that all our Endeavours conjunct would be too little: When we have foreseen and foretold all this, and used our most earnest Requests and Endeavours to have prevented it; We must yet be defamed by Tongues and Press, as the Authors and Fomenters of it, and as men of Unsociable and unruly humours, and of Unpeaceable Schismatical and seditious Principles; That being thus rendered odious, we are made uncapable of Publick or Private use to Multitudes, whose Lives declare their need of help. That many whom we must honour and reverence, are hereby drawn into the guilt of Calumny and Injury to the Church, as well as to us, whose Case and Reasons (as to the New Conformity) they never understood, or heard. That so many Men's minds, and Zeal and Parts should be so ill imployed on all sides, as to be raking in the bleeding Wounds which they are obliged to the uttermost of their Diligence to heal: That while Preachers are against Preachers, and Heavenly Love and Joy is turned into Envying and Strife; We should go for the Men that blow the Coals, and rob Your Majesty of the Honour and Joy of Ruling an Unanimous Ministery, and a Peaceable, Loyal, Unsuspected People; We must not be guilty of setting so light by Your Majesty's Interest, and Your judgment of us, and Favour to us, and the Interest of the Church, and the People's Souls, as to remain still silent under all this. And, with greatest reverence of God, we must profess, That if the faithful search of our Consciences should shew us, that all this is caused by any self-seeking, or willfulness of ours; and that we were not still willing, at the dearest rate (except sinning, which is no way to Peace) to close these Wounds, but preferred any Worldly Interest before the Peace and Harmony of Souls, we should take it to be Kin to Iudas's Sin, and should tremble to think, p. 564how quickly a revenging God would judge us, and what a dismal entrance upon Eternity such guilty Souls are like to have.

But tho sense and conscience thus complain, it is but the introduction to our thankful acknowledgment of the favours which your Majesty hath vouchsafed us: Your Clemency, protection and forbearance hath revived our comforts, which consist in that work which is the business of our Lives. Our Loyal fidelity shall express our gratitude more than words: And because some in this also would render us suspected, we take it for our Duty to profess, that tho we take not and digest not, as easily as is expected, all Subscriptions, Declarations and Oaths, which are of late imposed, It is not from any Principle of Disloyalty: For we firmly hold that every Soul must be subject to the Higher Powers, not only for Wrath but Conscience sake: And that Honour; and Obedience in Lawful things, and patience under wrongful pressures is our Duty to our Rulers; In short, we know not of one word in Scripture, one Canon of any General Council, one Confession of any Christian Church on Earth, which speaketh more for subjects Submission, and peaceable obedience to Kings, than we do heartily acknowledge: And we believe that no vow or Covenant of our own, can disoblige us from any part of this obedience, or warrant us to Rebel. We would not have the King of Rome (the pretended vicar of the King of Kings) to be King over your Majesty or your Kingdoms; The world's Experience lowdly telleth us that Clergymen are fitter to be kept by the Sword in Peace and Quietness, than to be trusted with the Sword; and we would not have Kings be made their Executioners: For we are past doubt that the Controversies and Contentions of the Worldly Tyrannical, and the self-conceited Clergy, have been many hundred years more Calamitous to the Christian World, than the most bloody Wars: We are our selves so far from desiring Grandeur and Dominion, that we would not be so much as the Pastors of any but Consenters; and wish that the Clergie's State were such as neither starved or straitened the diligent Labourers, nor so tempted and invited Ambitious Worldly minds, as that such, being the seekers, must usually be the Masters of the Church, who are likest to be Enemies to the holy Doctrine which condemneth them. We long, we pray, we groan for the Concord of the Christian World: And we are sure that whoever shall be the blessed and honoured Instruments of that work, must do it by breaking dividing Engines, and making the primitive simplicity, the terms of Vnion; even a few plain, certain, necessary things; while the Sword of the Magistrate constraineth the turbulent, to peace and mutual forbearance in the rest: We are not for cruelty to any: We greatly approve of your Majesties Aversness to persecution. But we believe that it is the Learning, Godliness and Concord of the Ministry, which shall be publickly settled by your Laws, which must be the chief means of preserving Religion, Loyalty and Peace, and therefore must deeply resent it that we are rendered so unserviceable in that kind, and that well meaning men should so long misunderstand our cause, and judge, defame and use us as if we were the hinderers of that sweet agreement which our Souls most earnestly desire, and would purchase by any Lawful price. In summ, the belief of the Heavenly Glory through Christ, kindling the Love of God and Man, and teaching us to live Soberly, Righteously, and Godly, and the Government of Magistrates keeping all in peace upon these terms, is the Religion and State that we desire.

And the grief of our Souls for the present Divisions doth call up our thankful remembrance, that once by your Majesty's favour, we were Commissioned to speak for our selves about the old Conformity, and to treat with your Bishops for such Alterations as were necessary to our Concord: And that your Majesty published so Gracious a Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs, as, had it lived, had prevented our present fractions; yea that your House of Commons gave your Majesty the publick Thanks for your healing means: (Tho now some take all our Divisions and Distractions, to be a smaller evil, than the Terms of that your Majesty's Declaration would be). And if ever your favour allow us to speak for our selves also as to the New Conformity, and to open to the world, the matter and reasons of our Nonconformity, we cannot doubt but it would much abate the Censures and Injuries of Multitudes that understand us not, and consequently abate their guilt, and all unbrotherly Distances and Schisms, and Men's unthankful dislike of your Majesty's Clemency. And so far as God by your Majesty's favour shall open our Lips, that our mouths may shew forth his praise, we shall be obliged to greater thankfulness to your Majesty, and to pray for your pious and prosperous Reign, and that we may all live a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty, as becometh your Majesty's Loyal Subjects.

p. 565§ 289. While the said two Bishops were fraudulently seeming to set us on this Treaty, their cause required them outwardly to pretend that they would not have me troubled; but understand I was still the first that was haunted after and persecuted: And even while I was in this Treaty, the informers of the City (set on work by the Bishops) were watching my preaching, and contriving to load me with divers convictions and fines at once: And they found an Alderman Justice even in the Ward where I preached, sit for their Design, one Sir Thomas Davis, who understood not the Law, but was ready to serve the Prelates in their own way. To him Oath was made against me, and the place where I preached, as for two Sermons, which came to threescore pounds fine to me, and fourscore to the owner of the place where we assembled: But I only was sought after and prosecuted.

§ 290. The Reader must here understand the present case of the City as to such things: The Execution of these Laws, that were to ruine us for preaching, was so much against the hearts of the Citizens, that scarce any could be found to execute them: Tho the Corporation Oath and Declaration had new moulded the City (and all the Corporations of the Land, except some few (as Taunton, &c.) which were utterly dissolved by it) yet were the Aldermen for the most part utterly averse to such Imployment, so that whenever an Informer came to them, tho (they forfeited an 100l. every time that they refused to execute their Office, yet some shifted out of the way, and some plainly denyed and repulsed the Accusers, and one was sued for it; And Alderman Forth got an Informer bound to the behaviour for breaking in upon him in his Chamber against his will. Two fellows called Strowd and Marishal became the General Informers in the City, and some others under them. In all London, notwithstanding that the third parts of those great Fines might be given the Informers, very few would be found to do it: And those two were presently fallen upon by their Creditors on purpose, and Marishal laid in the Compter for Debt, where he remained for a considerable time; but Strowd (keeping a Coffee-House) was not so deep in debt, but was bailed. Had a Stranger of another Land come into London, and seen five or six poor ignorant sorry Fellows (unworthy to have been inferiour Servants to an Ordinary Gentleman) hunting, and insulting over the ancient Aldermen, and the Lord Mayor himself, and all the Reverend, faithful Ministers that were ejected, and eighty nine Churches were destroyed by the Fire, and in many Parishes the Churches yet standing, could not hold a sixth, or tenth part of the People, yet those that Preached for nothing were prosecuted to utter ruin, with such unwearied eagerness, sure he would have wondered what these Prelates and Prosecutors are; and it may convince us that the term foreign given in Scripture to some Men (translated false Accusers) is not unmeet: When Men pretending to be the Fathers of the Church dare turn loose half a dosen paltry, silly Fellows that know not what they do, to be, to so many Thousand Sober Men, as Wolves among the Sheep, to the distraction of such a City, and the disturbance of so many thousand for worshipping God. How lively doth this tell us, that Satan, the Prince of the Aereal Powers worketh in the Children of Disobedience, and that his Kingdom on Earth is kin to Hell, as Christ's Kingdom is to Heaven.

§ 291. When I understood that the design was to ruin me, by heaping up Convictions, before I was heard to speak for my self, I went to Sir Thomas Davis, and told him that I undertook to prove that I broke not the Law, and desired him that he would pass no Judgment till I had spoke for my self before my Accusers. But I found him so ignorant of the Law, as to be fully perswaded, that if the Informers did but swear in general that I kept [an unlawful meeting in Pretence of a Religious Exercise in other manner than according to the Liturgy and practice of the Church of England] he was bound to take this general Oath for Proof, and to record a Judgment; and so that the Accusers were indeed the Judges, and not he: I told him that any Lawyer would soon tell him the contrary, and that he was Judge whether by particular Proof they made good their general Accusation, (as it is in case a Man be accused of Felony or Treason, it is not enough that Men swear that he is a Felon or Traytor, they must name what his Fact was, and prove him guilty:) And I was at charge in Feeing Counsellors to convince him, and others; and yet I could not perswade him out of his mistake; I told him that if this were so, any two such Fellows might defame, and bring to Fines, and Punishment, himself, and all the Magistrates and Parliament-Men themselves, and all that meet in the Parish-Churches, p. 166and Men had no Remedy. At last he told me that he would consult with other Aldermen at the Sessions, and they would go one way: When the Sessions came I went to Guild-Hall, and again desired him that I might be heard before I was Judged: But though the other Aldermen (save two or three) were against such doings, I could not prevail with him, but (professing great Kindness) he then laid all on Sir Iohn Howell, the Recorder, saying, that it was his Judgment, and he must follow his Advice. I desired him, and Sir Thomas Allen, that they would desire of the Recorder, that I might be heard before I was Judged, and that if it must pass by his Judgment, that he would hear me speak: But I could not procure it; the Recorder would not speak with me: When I saw their Resolution, I told Sir Thomas Davis, if I might not be heard, I would record to Posterity the injustice of his Judgment, and Record: But I perceived, that he had already made the Record, but not yet given it in to the Sessions: At last, upon Consultation with his Leaders, he granted me a hearing, and three of the Informers met me at his House, that had sworn against me: I told them my particular Case, and asked them what made my Preaching a Breach of that Law, and how they proved their Accusation? They first said, Because I Preached in an unconsecrated Place: I told them, 1. That the Act only laid it on the manner of the Exercise, which the Place was nothing to: And, 2. That it was the Practice of the Church of England to Preach in unconsecrated Places, as at Sturbridge-Fair, at the Spittle, at Whitchall-Court, and many such like.

They next said, [Because I am a Nonconformist.] I easily convinced them that I am not a Nonconformist in Law-sence, but in the same case with a Conformist that hath no Benefice (whatever I am in conscience), the Law obliging me to no more than I do. And if I were, that is nothing to the manner of the exercise.

Their last and great proof was, that I used not the Common Prayer. I undertook to prove to them that Law commandeth the use of the Common Prayer only in Church Meetings, and not in every other subordinate or by-Meeting for Religious Exercises, such as ours was: And that it was not the sense of the Act that Conformable persons that Communicate in the Liturgy with the Parish Churches, should be judged Conventiclers, whenever above four of them joyned in a Religious Exercise without the Liturgy: For else all Tutors in the University should be punishable, and all School-masters that teach their Scholars and pray with them (if above 16 years of age) and they that instruct Prisoners at Newgate, and they that exhort and pray and sing Psalms with them at the Gallows, with many such Instances: We ought not to judge so uncharitably of King and Parliament, unconstrained, as to think that they would allow Multitudes to meet at a Play-house, a Musick-house, a horse-race, a Bear-baiting, or Dancing, or any game, and allow many to meet at a Coffee-house, Ale-house, or Tavern, or in any private house, and do, on pain of utter ruine, only forbid Conformable persons, to joyn more than four, in singing a Psalm, or reading a Chapter or a Licensed book, or in praying together, or Conference tending to Religious Edification.

In Summ, they confest they could not Answer me, nor prove their charge, but they still believed that I was guilty: The Justice was so far from thinking that they proved it, that he motioned to them to Retract their Oaths (or else still he thought that he must condemn me:) They denyed to do that, and said, That the Bishop assured them, That it was a Conventicle, and I was guilty: I desired them, if it must all lie upon the Bishop, that I might Speak with them to the Bishop for my self: They told me, That it was the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and they were all just now going to him, and promised to bring me word when I might Speak with him; But I heard no more of them of that: But the Justice retracted not his Judgment, but delayed a Month or more, to give out his Warrant to distrein, though I daily look when they take my books (for they will find but little else:) Though both Justice and Accusers have before witness confessed that they cannot prove me guilty, but one professeth to go on the belief of the Recorder, and the other of the Archbishop.

§. 292. But God hath more mercy on these ignorant Informers, than on the Pharisaical Instigators of them: For those repent, but no Prelate, (save one) that I hear of, doth repent: One of them that …ore against me, went the next Fast to Redrif…, to Mr. Rosewell's Church, where a Fast was kept, where hearing p. 167three Ministers pray and preach, his heart was melted, and with Tears, he lamented his former course, and particularly his Accusing me, and seemeth resolved for a new reformed Course of Life, and is retired from his former Company to that end. And a third (the chief) of the Informers lately in the Streets, with great kindness to me, professed, that he would meddle no more (coming by when a half distracted Fellow had Struck me on the head with his Staff, and furiously reviled at me for Preaching, with the titles of Rogue, Villain, Hypocrite. Traytor, &c. (as the Prelatists and Papists often do.)

§. 293. The Parliament meeting Apr. 13. they fell first on the D. of Lauderdale, renewing their desire to the King, to remove him from all publick Enployment and Trust: His chief accusing Witness was Mr. Burnet, late Publick-Professor of Theologie at Glascow, who said, That he askt him whether the Scots Army would come into England, and said; What if the Dissenting Scots should Rise, an Irish Army should cut their Throats, &c. But because Mr. Burnet had lately magnified the said Duke in an Epistle before a published book, many thought his witness now to be more unfavoury and revengefull: Every one judging as they were affected. But the King sent them Answer, That the words were spoken before his late Act, of pardon, which if he should Violate, it might cause jelousies in his Subjects, that he might do so also by the Act of Indemnity.

§. 294. Their next Assault was against the Lord Treasurer, who found more Friends in the House of Commons, who at last acquitted him.

§. 295. But the great work was in the House of Lords, where an Act was brought in to impose such an Oath on Lords, Commons, and Magistrates, as is Imposed by the Oxford-Act of Confinement on Ministers, and like the Corporation-Oath (of which more anon.) It was now supposed that the bringing the Parliament under this Oath and Test was the great work which the House was to perform: The Summ was, That none Commissioned by the King may be by Arms resisted, and that they would never endeavour any alteration of the Government of Church or State. Many Lords spake vehemently against it, as destructive to the Privileges of their House, which was to Vote freely, and not to be preobliged by an Oath to the Prelates: The Lord Treasurer, the Lord Keeper, with Bishop Morley and Bishop Ward, were the great Speakers for it, And the Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, the D. of Buckingham, the Earl of Salisbury, the chief Speakers against it: They that were for it, being the Major part, many of the rest Entered their Protestation against it: The Protesters the first time (for they protested thrice more afterward) were the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earls of Salisbury, Bristol, Barkshire,

§ 296. The Protesting Lords having many days striven against the Test, and being overvoted, attempted to joyn to it an Oath for Honesty and Conscience in these words. [I do swear that I will never by threats, injunctions, promises, or invitations, by or from any person whatsoever, nor from the hopes or prospects of any gift, place, office, or trust whatever, give my vote, other than according to my opinion and conscience, as I shall be truly and really perswaded upon the debate of any business in Parliament]. But the Bishops on their side did cry it down and cast it out.

§ 297. The Debating of this Text did more weaken the Interest and Reputation of the Bishops with the Nobles, than any thing that ever befel them since the King came in; so much doth unquiet overdoing tend to undoing. The Lords that would not have heard a Nonconformist say half so much, when it came to be their own case, did long and vehemently plead against that Oath and Declaration as imposed on them, which they with the Commons had before imposed on others. And they exercised so much liberty for many days together in opposing the Bishops, and free and bold speeches against their Test, as greatly turned to the Bishops Disparagement, especially the Earl of Shaftsbury, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Bristol, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earl of Salisbury, the Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, and the Lord of Alesbury.

Which set the Tongues of Men at so much liberty, that the common talk was against the Bishops: And they said, that upon Trial, there were so few found among all the Bishops, that were able to speak to purpose (Bishop Morley of Winchester, and Bishop Ward of Salisbury being their chief Speakers) that they grew very low also, as to the Reputation of their parts.

p. 168§. 298. At last, though the Test was carried by the Majority, yet those, that were against it, with others, prevailed to make so great an alteration of it, as made it quite another thing, and turned it to the greatest disadvantage of the Bishops, and the greatest accommodation of the Cause of the Nonconformists, of any thing that this Parliament hath done For they reduced it to these words, of a Declaration and an Oath.

[I A. B. do declare, That it is not lawful, on any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King; And that I do abhor that Traiterous Position, of taking Arms, by His Authority, against His Person, or against those that are Commissioned by him according to Law, in time of Rebellion and War, in acting in pursuance of such Commission.

[I A. B. do Swear, that I will not endeavour an Alteration of the Protestant Religion now established by Law in the Church of England: nor will I endeavour any Alteration in the Government of this Kingdom in Church or State, as it is by Law Established.

§. 299. This Declaration and Oath thus altered, was such as the Nonconformists would have taken, if it had been offered them in stead of the Oxford-Oath, the Subscription for Uniformity, the Corporation and Vestry Declaration: But the Kingdom must be Twelve years rackt to Distraction, and 1800 Ministers forbidden to Preach Christ's Gospel, upon pain of utter ruin, and Cities and Corporations all New-Modelled and Changed, by other kind of Oaths and Covenants; and when the Lords find the like obtruded on themselves, they reject it as intolerable: And when it past, they got in this Proviso, That it should be no hinderance to their Free-Speaking and Voting in the Parliament: Many worthy Ministers have lost their Lives by Imprisonments, and many Hundred their Maintenance, and Liberty, and that opportunity to serve God in their Callings, which was much of the comfort of their Lives, and mostly for refusing what the Lords themselves at last refuse, with such another Declaration. But though Experience teach some that will no otherwise learn; it is sad with the World, when their Rulers must learn to Govern them at so dear a rate; and Countreys, Cities, Churches, and the Souls of Men, must pay so dear for their Governours Experience.

§. 300. The following Explication will tell you, That there is nothing in this Oath and Declaration to be refused. 1. [I do declare, That it is not lawful] can mean no more, but that [I think so] and not that I pretend to Infallible certainly therein. 2. [To take Arms against the King.] That is, either against his Formal Authority, as King; or against His Person (Life, or Liberty) or against any of His Rights and Dignity: And doubtless the Person of the King is invi…able, and so are His Authority and Rights; not only by the Laws, but by the very Constitution of the Kingdom: For every Common-wealth being essentially constituted of the Pars Imperans, and pars subdita materially, the Union of these is the Form of it, and the Dissolution is the Death of it: And Hostility is Disunion and Dissolution. Therefore no Head or Soveraign hath power to destroy, or sight against his Kingdom, nor any Common-wealth or Kingdom against their King or Soveraign Rulers: unless in any case the Law of Nature and Nations, which is above all Humane Positive Laws, should make the dissolution of the Republick to become a Duty, (As if some Republick should cast off the Essential Principles of Society.) By Law, neither King nor Kingdom may destroy or hurt each other: For the Governing Laws suppose their Union (as the Constitution, and the Common good, with the due Welfare of the Soveraign, is the end of Government, which none have power against.

But it must be noted, that the words are [against the King] and not [against the King's Will;] for if his Will be against his Welfare, his Kingdom, or his Laws, though that Will be signified by his Commissioners, the Declaration disclaimeth not the resisting of such a Will by Arms.

3. And if there be any that assert, that the King's Authority giveth them right to take up Arms (against his Person, or Lawful Commissions,] it must needs be a False and Traiterous Assertion: For if his Person may be Hostilely fought against, the Common-wealth may be dissolved, which the Law cannot suppose; p. 169for all Laws die with the Common-wealth: And it is a contradiction to be authorized by him to resist by Arms his Commissions, which are according to Law: For the Authority, pretended to be his, must be his Laws, or Commissions, and to be Authorized by his Laws, or Commissions, to resist his Laws, must signifie, that his Laws are contradictory, when by one we must resist another: But so far as they are contradictory, both cannot be Laws, or Lawful Commissions; For one of them must needs nullifie the other (either by Fundamental Priority, or by Posteriority, signifying a Repeal of the other.)

And it must be noted, that yet the Trayterous Position medleth not with the Question of [taking Arms against the King's Person, or Commissioners by the Law of God, of Nature, or of Nations, but only of doing it by his own Authority.

4. And that it is not lawful to take Arms against any Commissioned by him, according to Law, in time of Rebellion and War, in pursuance of such Commission,] is a Truth so evident, that no sober Persons can deny it: The Long Parliament that had the War, did vehemently assert it, and therefore gave out their Commissions to the Earl of Essex and his Soldiers, to fight against Delinquent Subjects, for the King and Parliament.

5. And the Oath containeth no more, than our not endeavouring to Alter the Protestant Religion established, or the King's Government or Monarchy: It cannot, with any true reason, be supposed to tie us at all to the Bishops-much less to the English Disease or Corruption of Episcopacy, or to Lay-Chancel, lours, &c. but only to the King, as Supreme, in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, so far as they fall under Coercive Government.

This is thus proved past denyal. 1. The word [Protestant Religion as estalished in the Church of England] cannot include the Prelacy; For, 1. The Protestant Religion is essentially nothing, but the Christian Religion as such, with the disclaiming of Popery, aud so our Divines have still professed: But our Prelacy is no part of the Christian Religion.

2. The Protestant Religion is common to us with many Countreys which have no Prelacy: And it is the same Religion with us and them.

3. The words of the Oath distinguish the Religion of the Church of England, from the Church of England it self, and from Government.

4. If Episcopacy in general were proved part of the Protestant Religion, the English Accidents and Corruptions are not so: They, that say that Episcopacy is Iure Divino, and unalterable, do yet say, that National, and Provincial Churches are Iure Humano; and that so is a Diocesane, as it is distinct from Parochial, containing many Parishes in it: And if the King should set up a Bishop in every Market-Town, yea, every Parish, and put down Diocesanes, it is no more than what he may do: And if by [the Protestant Religion established] should be meant every alterable mode or circumstance, then King-James changed it when he made a new Translation of the Bible, and both he and our late Convocation (and King and Parliament by their Advice) did change it when they added new Forms of Prayer: And then this Oath bindeth all from endeavouring to make any alteration in the Liturgie, or mend the Translation, or the Metre of the Psalms, &c. or to take the keys of Excommunication and Absolution out of the hands of the Lay-Chancellour's, &c. which none can reasonably suppose.

2. And that our Prelacy is not at all included in the word [Government of the Kingdom in Church and State] but only the King's Supreme Government in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, is most evident: 1. Because it is expressly said [The Government of the Kingdom] which is all one with the Government of the King. For a Bishop, or a Justice, or a Mayor, is no Governour of the Kingdom, but only in the Kingdom, of a Particular Church, City, Corporation, or Division; The summa potestas only is the Government of the Kingdom, as a Kingdom; And because forma denominat, we cannot take the Kingdom to signifie only a Church or City.

p. 1702. Because else it would change the very constitution of the Kingdom, by making all the inferiour Officers unalterable, and so to be essential constitutive parts: Whereas only the pars Imperans and pars Subdita are constitutive parts of every Kingdom, or Republick, and the Constitutive pars Imperans is only the summa potestas except where the mixture and fundamental Contract is such, as that Inferiour Officers, are woven so into the Constitution, as that they may not be changed without it's Dissolution, which is hardly to be supposed, even at Venice. Tbe Oaths between the summa potestas and the Subject, are the bonds of the Commonwealth; their Union being the form, that must not be dissolved: But to make Oaths of Allegiance, or Unchangeableness, …each to the Inferiour Magistrates or Officers, is to change the Government or Constitution.

3. And so it destroyeth the Regal power, in one of it's chief properties or prerogatives, which is to alter inferiour Officers; who all receive their power from the Supreme, and are alterable by him (even by the Majestas which hath the Legislative powers.) And this would take away all the King's power to alter so much as a Mayor, Justice or Constable. For, mark, that Government of the Kingdom [in Church and State] are set equally together without any note of difference, as to alteration: If therefore it extend to any but the Supreme, even to inferiour Officers, it were to extend to them as Governing the State (even to the lowest) as well as the Church. But this is a supposition to be Contemned.

4. And if the Distinction should be meant de personis Imperantibus, and should intend only [Bishops and King] by [Church and State] 1. It would suppose that King and Parliament do take [Bishops and King] for two coordinate Heads, in governing the Kingdom, 2. And that they set the Bishops before the King; which is not to be supposed.

5. And to put all out of question, the Oath is but Conform to former Statutes, Oaths, Articles of Religion and Canons, 1. The Statutes which declare the King to be only Supreme Governour of the Church, I need not cite. 2. The Oath of Supremacy is well known of all, 3. The very first Canon is, that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all Bishops, &c. shall faithfully keep, and observe all the Laws for the King's Supremacy over the Church of England, in causes Ecclesiastical: And the 2d. Canon is to condemn the dangers of it. And the 36. Canon obligeth all Ministers to subscribe that the King's Majesty under God is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm—as well in all spiritual and Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal. And (as the Parliament are called the Representative of the People or Kingdom as distinct from the Head, so) the 139. Canon excommunicateth all them that affirm [that the Sacred Synod of this Nation, in the Name of Christ and by the King's Authority Aslembled is not the true Church of England by Representation: So that they claim to be but the Representative of the Church as it is the Body distinct from the Head Christ, aud the King as their chief Governour. 4. And all that are Ordained are likewise to take the Oath of Supremacy [I do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm—as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes, as Temporal,] 5. And It is also inserted in the Articles of Religion, Art. 35. And it is added expositorily [Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the Chief Government (by which title we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended) we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of God's Word, or of the Sacraments—but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastcal or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword, the Stubborn and evil Doers.] Here it is to be noted, that, though, no doubt, but the Keys of Excommunication and absolution belong to the Pastors, and to the Civil Magistrate, yet, the Law, and this Article, by the word [Government] mean only [Coercive Government by the Sword] and do include the power of the Keys under the title of [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] Church Guidance being indeed nothing else but the Explication and Application of God's word to Cases and Consciences, and administring the Sacraments accordingly. So that as in the very Article of Religion, Supreme Government, appropriated to the King only, is contradistinguish'd from [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] which is not called Government there, so are we to understand this Law and Oath: And many Learned Men think, that Guidance is a fitter name than Government for the Pastor's Office; p. 171And therefore Grotius de Imper. Sum. Pot. would rather have the Name Canons or Rulers used than Laws as to their Determinations: Though no doubt but the name [Government] may be well applyed to the Pastor's Part; so we distinguish as Bilston and other judicious men use to do, calling one [Government by God's Word (upon the Conscience) and the other Government by the sword.] (as seconding Precepts with enforcing penalties and Mulcts.)

§ 301. While this Test was carrying on in the house of Lords and 500 pounds Voted to be the penalty of the Refusers, before it could come to the Commons, a difference fell between the Lords and Commons about their priviledges, by occasion of two Suits that were brought before the Lords, in which two Members of the Commons were parties, which occasioned the Commons to send to the Tower, Sir Iohn Fagg, one of their Members, for appearing at the Lords Bar without their consent, and four Counsellours (Sir Iohn Churchill, Sergeant Pemberton, Sergeant Pecke, and another) for pleading there; And the Lords Voted it Illegal, and that they should be released: Sir Iohn Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower obeyed the Commons, for which the Lords Voted him a Delinquent; And so far went they in daily Voting at each other, that the King was fain to Prorogue the Parliament, Iune 9. till October 13. there appearing no hope of Reconciling them. Which rejoiced many that they rose without doing any further harm.

§ 302. Iune 9. Keting, the Informer being commonly detested for prosecuting me, was cast in Gaol for Debt, and wrote to me to endeavour his Deliverance, which I did; and in his Letters, saith [Sir, I assure you I do verily believe that God hath bestowed all this affliction on me because I was so vile a wretch as to trouble you: And I assure you I never did a thing in my Life that hath so much troubled my self as that did: I pray God forgive me: And truly I do not think of any that went that way to work that ever God would favour him with his mercy: And truly without a great deal of mercy from God; I do not think that ever I shall thrive or prosper: And I hope you will be pleased to pray to God for me, &c. ]

§ 303. A while before another of the chief Informers of the City and my Accuser (Marishall) died in the Counter where his Creditors laid him, to keep him from doing more harm:) Yet did not the Bishops change or cease: Two more Informers were set on work, who first assaulted Mr. Case's Meeting, and next got in as hearers into Mr. Read's Meeting where I was Preaching; And when they would have gone out to fetch Justices (for they were known) the doors were lockt to keep them in till I had done, and one of them (supposed to be sent from Fullum) stayed weeping: Yet went they straight to the Justices, and the week following heard me again as Informers at my Lectures; but I have not yet heard of their Accusation.

§ 304. But this week (Iune 9.) Sir Thamas Davis (notwithstanding all his foresaid Warnings and Confessions) sent his Warrants to a Justice of the Division where I dwell, to distrein on me (upon two Judgments) for 50 pounds; for Preaching my Lecture in New-street: Some Conformists are paid to the value of 20 pounds a Sermon for their Preaching, and I must pay 20 pounds and 40 pounds a Sermon for Preaching for nothing; O what Pastors hath the Church of England, who think it worth all their unwearied Labours, and all the odium which they contract from the People, to keep such as I am, from Preaching the Gospel of Christ, and to undo us for it as far as they are able, though these many years they do not (for they cannot) accuse me for one word that ever I Preached: nor one Action else that I have done: While the greatest of the Bishops Preach not thrice a year (as their Neighbours say) themselves.

§ 305. The dangerous Crack over the Market-house at St. Iames's put many upon desiring that I had a larger safer place for Meeting. And though my own dulnss, and great backwardness to troublesome business made me very averse to so great an undertaking, judging that it being in the face of the Court, it would never be endured, yet the great and uncessant importunity of many (out of a fervent desire of the good of Souls) did constrain me to undertake it: And when it was almost finished (in Oxenden-strtet) Mr. Henry Coventry, one of his Majesties principal Secretaries, who had a house joyning to it, and was a Member of Parliament, spake twice against it, in the Parliament: But no one seconded him.

§ 306. I think meet to recite the names and liberality of some of those pious and Charitable persons who contributed towards the building of this place (The p. 172money was all put into the hands of Mr. Tho Stanley a worthy sufficient Citizen in Bread-street, who undertook the care and Disbursement, for I never toucht one penny of it my self, nor any one for me: Nor did I think meet to make a publick Collection for it in the place where I Preached.) The Lady Armine—60 l. (on her death-bed. Sir Iohn Maynerd—40 l. Mr. Brooke Bridgdes—20 l. Sir Iames Langham—20 l. (at first time.) The Countess of Clare—10 l, The Countess of Trecolonel—6 l. The Lady Clinton—5 l. The Lady Eleanor Hollis—5 l. The Countess of Warwick—20 l. Mr. French—and Mr. Brandon (Non-conformable Ministers)—20 l. The Lady Richards—5 l. Mr. Henly (a Parliament man) 5 l.—Sir Edward Herley—10 l.—Mr. Richard Hambdon and Mr. Iohn his Son—8 l.—The Lady Fitz-Iames and her three Daughters—6 l.—Sir Richard Chiverton—1 l. Mrs Reighnolds 1 l. Alderman Henry Ashurst and his Son-in-law Mr. Booth (the first Undertakers) 100 l. Collected among all their City Friends, and Ours whom they thought meet to move in it.

And that we might do the more good, my Wife urged the Building of another Meeting-place in Bloomsbury, for Mr. Read (to be furthered by my sometime helping him); the Neighbourhood being very full of People, Rich and Poor, that could not come into the Parish-Church, through the greatness of the Parish (and Dr. Bourman, the Parish-Parson, having not Preached, Prayed, Read, or Administred Sacraments these Three or Four Years.

§ 307. This Week (Iun. 14.) many Bishops were with the King, who, they say, granted them his Commands to put the Laws against us in Execution: And on Tuesday about Twelve or Thirteen of them went to Dine with the Sheriff of London, Sir Nathanael Herne; where the business being mentioned, he told them; that they could not Trade with their Neighbours one Day, and send them to Goal the next.

§ 308. Dr. Tully, by his book called Iustificatio Paulina; constrained me to Publish Two Books in Vindication of the Truth and my self, viz. Two Disputations of Original Sin, and a Treatise of Justifying Righteousness; in which I …oblished my Old Papers to Mr. Christopher Cartwright. Dr. Tully presently fell sick, and (to our common Loss) shortly died.

§ 309. I was so long wearied with keeping my Doors shut against them that came to distrein on my Goods for Preaching, that I was fain to go from my House, and to sell all my Goods, and to hide my Library first, and afterwards to sell it; So that if Books had been my Treasure, (and I valued little more on Earth) I had been now without a treasure. About Twelve Years I was driven an Hundred Miles from them; and when I had paid dear for the Carriage, after Two or Three Years I was forced to sell them. And the Prelates, to hinder me from Preaching, deprived me also of these private Comforts: But God saw that they were my Snare: We brought nothing into the World, and we must carry nothing out. The Loss in very tolerable.

§ 310. I was the willinger to part with Goods, Books, and all, that I might have nothing to be distreined, and so go on to Preach: And accordingly removing my Dwelling to the New Chappel which I had built, I purposed to venture there to Preach (there beiug Forty Thousand Persons in the Parish (as is supposed) more than can hear in the Parish-Church, who have no Place to go to for God's Publick Worship: So that I set not up Church against Church, but Preached to those that must else have none, being loth that London should turn Atheists, or live worse than Infidels. But when I had Preached there but Once, a Resolution was taken to surprize me the next Day, and send me for Six Months to the Common Goal, upon the Act for the Oxford Oath. Not knowing of this, it being the hottest part of the Year, I agreed to go for a few Weeks into the Countrey, Twenty Miles off: But the Night before I should go, I fell so ill, that I was fain to send to disappoint both the Coach and my intended Companion (Mr. Sylvester): And when I was thus fully resolved to stay, it pleased God, after the Ordinary Coach-Hour, that Three Men, from Three parts of the City, met at my House accidentally, just at the same time (almost to a minute) of whom, if any One had not been there, I had not gone; viz. the Coachman again to urge me, Mr. Sylvester, whom I had put off, and Dr. Coxe, who compelled me, and told me, else he would carry me into the Coach. It proved a special merciful Providence of God; for after One Week of Languishing and Pain, I had Nine Weeks greater Ease than ever I p. 173expected in this World, and greater Comfort in my Work. For my good Friend Richard Berisford, Esq, Clerk of the Exchequer, whose importunity drew me to his House, spared for no Cost, Labour o… Kindness for my Health or Service. For understanding of which, and much more in these Papers, seeing I record such things for the Notice of Students and Physicians, that other mens Health may have some advantage by my Experiences and Sorrows, I must here digress, to mention the State of my vile Body, not otherwise worthy the notice of the World.

§ 311. What is before written, hath notified, that I have lain in above Forty Years constant Weaknesses, and almost constant Pains: My chief Troubles were incredible Inflamations of Stomach, Bowels, Back, Sides, Head, Thighs, as if I had been daily fill'd with Wind: So that I never knew, heard, or read of any man that had near so much. Thirty Physicians (at least) all called it nothing but Hypochondriack Flatulency, and somewhat of a Scorbutical Malady: Great bleeding at the Nose also did emaciate me, and keep me in a Chachectical Atropie. The particular Symptoms were more than I can number. I thought my self, that my Disease was almost all from Debility of the Stomach, and extream Acrimony of Blood, by some Fault of the Liver. About the Year 1658. finding the Inflation much in the Membranes of the Reins, I suspected the Stone, and thought that one of my extream Leanness might possibly feel it. I felt both my Kidnies plainly indurate like Stone: But never having had a Nephritick Fit, nor Stone came from me in my Life, and knowing, that if that which I felt was Stone, the Greatness prohibited all Medicine that tended to a Cure: I thought therefore that it was best for me to be ignorant what it was: And so far was I from melancholy, that I soon forgot that I had felt it, even for about Fifteen Years. But my Inflations beginning usually in my Reins, and all my Back, daily torn, and greatly pained by it, 1673. it turned to terrible Suffocations of my Brain and Lungs; So that if I slept, I was suddenly and painfully awakened: The Abatement of Urine, and constant Pain, which Nature almost yielded to as Victorious, renewed my Suspicion of the Stone, And my Old Exploration: And feeling my Lean Back, both the Kidneys were greatlier indurate than before, and the Membrane so sore to touch, as if nothing but Stone were within them: The Physicians said, That the Stone cannot be felt with the Hand! I desired Four of the Chief of them to feel them: They all concluded that it is the Kidneys which they felt, and that they are hard (like Stone or Bone); but what it is they could not tell; but they thought, if both the Kidneys had Stones so big, as seemed to such feeling, it was impossible but I should be much worse, by Vomiting and Torment, and not able to Preach, and go about. I told them besides what Skenkius and many Observators say; That I could tell them of many of late times, whose Reins and Gall were full of Stone (great ones in the Reins, and many small ones in the Gall), who had, some of them, never suspected the Stone, and some but little: But while One or Two of the Physicians (as they use) did say, It could not be, lest they should (as they thought) discourage me, I became the Common Talk of the City, especially the Women; as if I had been a melancholy Humourist, that conceited my Reins were petrified, when it was no such matter, but meer Conceit. And so while I lay Night and Day in Pain, my supposed Melancholy (which, I thank God, all my Life hath been extraordinary free from) became, for a Year, the Pity, or Derision of the Town. But the Discovery of my Case was a great mercy to my Body and my Soul: For,

1. Thereupon, seeing that all Physicians had been deceived, and perceiving that all my Flatulency and Pains came from the Reins by Stagnation, Regurgitation and Acrimony, I cast off all other Medicine and Diet, and Twice a Week kept clean my Intestines by an Electuary of Cassia, Terebinth. Cypr. and Rhab. &c. or Pills of Rhab. and Terebinth. Scio. Using also Syrup of Mallows in all my Drink; and God hath given me much more Abatements and Intermissions of Pain this Year and half, than in my former overwhelming Pains I could expect.

2. And whether it be a Schyrrus, or Stones (which I doubt not of), I leave to them to tell others, who shall dissect my Corps: But sure I am that I have wonderful Cause of Thankfulness to God, for the Ease which I p. 174have had these Forty Years: Being fully satisfied, that (by ill Diet, Old Cheese, Raw Drinks and Salt Meats) whatever it is, I contracted it before Twenty Years of Age, and since Twenty One or Twenty Two, have had just the same Symptoms as now at Sixty, saving the different strength of Nature to resist. And that I should in Forty Years have few hours without pain (to call me to redeem my Time), and yet not one Nephritick Torment, nor Acrimony of Urine (save One Day of Bloody Urine) nor intolerable kind of Pain: What greater Bodily Mercy could I have had? How merciful, how suitable hath this Providence been. My Pains now in Reins, Bowels and Stomach, &c. are almost constant; but with merciful Alleviations upon the foresaid means.

§ 312. As I have written this to mind Physicians, to search deeper, when they use to take up with the General Hiding Names of Hypochondriacks and Scorbuticks, and to caution Students; so I now proceed to that which occasioned it. I had tried Cow's Milk, Goats Milk, Breast Milk, and lastly, Asses Milk, and none of them agreed with me; But having Thirty Years ago read in many great Practitioners, That for Bloody Vrine, and meer Debility of the Reins, Sheeps Milk doth Wonders (see Gordonius, Forestus, Schoubo, &c.) I had long a desire to try it, and never had Opportunity. But as I was saying this to my Friend, a Child answered, That their next Neighbour (a Quaker) did still milk their Sheep (a Quarter of a Year after the usual time, or near): Whereupon I procured it for six Weeks, to the greatest increase of my Ease, Strength and Flesh, of any thing that ever I had tried.

2. And at the same time, being driven from Home, and having an Old License of the Bishop's yet in Force, by the Countenance of that, and the great industry of Mr. Berisford, I had Leave and Invitation for Ten Lord's Days to Preach in the Parish-Churches round about. The first Parish that I Preach'd in, after Thirteen Years Ejection and Prohibition, was Rickmersworth, and after that at Sarrat, at Kings Langley, at Chessam, at Chalford, and at Amersham, and that often Twice a Day: Those heard that had not come to Church of Seven Years; and Two or Three Thousand heard where scarce an Hundred were wont to come, and with so much Attention and Willingness, as gave me very great Hopes that I never spake to them in vain. And thus Soul and Body had these special Mercies.

§ 313. But the Censures of Men pursued me, as before: The Envious Sort of the Prelatists accused me, as if I had intruded into the Parish-Churches too boldly, and without Authority: The Quarrelsome Sectaries, or Separatists, did in London speak against me, for drawing People to the Parish-Churches and the Liturgy; and many gave out, That I did Conform. And all my Days nothing hath been charged on me so much as my Crimes, as my costliest and greatest Duties. But the pleasing of God, and saving Souls, will pay for all.

§ 314. The Countries about Rickmersworth abounding with Quakers, because Mr. W. Pen, their Captain, dwelleth there, I was desirous that the Poor People should Once hear what was to be said for their Recovery; Which coming to Mr. Pen's Ears, he was forward to a Meeting, where we continued speaking to Two Rooms full of People, (Fasting) from Ten a Clock till-Five (One Lord and Two Knights, and Four Conformable Ministers, besides others, being present, some all the Time, and some part). The Success gave me Cause to believe that it was not labour lost: An Account of the Conference may be published ere long (if there be cause.)

§ 315. Whilst this was my Employment in the Countrey, my Friends at home had got one Mr. Seddon, a Nonconformist of Derbyshire, lately come to the Gity as a Traveller, to Preach the Second Sermon in my New Built Chappel: He was told (and over-told) all the Danger; and desired not to come, if he feared it: I had left word, That if he would but step into my House, through a Door, he was in no danger, they having not Power to break open any but the Meeting-house: While he was Preaching, Three Justices, with Soldiers (supposed by Secretary Coventry's sending) came to the Door to seize the Preacher. They thought it had been I, and had prepared a Warrant upon the Oxford Act, to send me for Six Months to the Common Goal. The good man, p. 175and Two Weak Honest Persons intrusted to have directed him, left the House where he was safe, and thinking to pass away, came to the Justices and Soldiers at the Door, and there stood by them, till some one said, This is the Preacher. And so they took him, and blotted my Name out of the Warrant, and put in his; Though almost every Word fitted to my Case, was false of him. To the Gatehouse he was carried, where he continued almost Three Months of the Six; and being earnestly desirous of Deliverance, I was put to Charges to accomplish it, and at last (having Righteous Judges, and the Warrant being found faulty) he had an Habeas Corpus, and was freed upon Bonds to appear again the next Term.

§ 316. By this means my Case was made much worse: For, 1. The Justices, and other Prosecutors, were the more exasperated against me. 2. And they were now taught to stop every Hole in the next Warrant (to which I was still as liable as ever): So that I had now no Prospect that way of Escape. And yet though my Charge, Care and Trouble had been great for his Deliverance, and Good People had dealt very kindly with him, my usual Back-biters (the Prelatists and Separatists) talk commonly of me, as one that had unworthily saved my self from Danger, and drawn a Stranger into the Snare; and therefore deserved to bear all the Charges: Though, as is said, 1. I was Twenty Miles off, Preaching publickly. 2. They that askt him to Preach, told him the Worst. 3. He went into Danger from Safety, by the Conduct of some Persons of that censorious humour. 4. My Danger was Increased by it, as well as my Charges. But Man's Approbation is a Poor Reward.

§ 317. Just when I came home, and was beginning to seek Mr. Seddon's Deliverance, Mr. Rosse Died, the Fiercest of the Justices, who had sent me to Goal before. The other Two are one Mr. Grey, and Sir Philip Matthews.

§ 318. The Parliament being sate again, a Letter was secretly printed, containing the History of the Debate in the Lord's House the former Sessions about the Test, and it was Voted to be burnt by the Hangman, but the more desired, and read it. In which it appeareth, That when it came to be their own case, more was said by the Lords for the Cause of the Nonconformists, than ever they were permitted to say for themselves.

§ 319. A most Excellent Book was written for the Nonconformists (for Abatements, and Forbearance, and Concord) by Dr. Herbert Crofts, Bp. of Hereford, without his Name; of which, more afterward.

§ 320. The Lords and Commons Revived their Contests about their Powers and Priviledges, and the Lords appointed Four Lawyers to plead their Cause; and the Commons set up Orders, or Votes, to forbid them. And the Duke of Buckingham made a Notable Speech against Persecution, and desired the Consent of the Lords, that he might bring in a Bill for the Ease of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in matters of Religion; but while it was preparing, the King, on Monday, November 21st. Prorogued the Parliament, till February come Twelve-month.

§ 321. The Speeches of the Earl of Shaftsbury, and others, about the Test, were secretly Printed, and a Paper of Reasons for Dissolving this Parliament, and Calling a New One, which were given in the House of Lords: And the Debates of this Test (opening a little of the Noncouformists Cause, as to the Oxford Oath) together with what the Earl of Shaftsbury hath done, with Wit and Resolution, hath alienated many, even of the Conformists, from the present prevailing Bishops.

§ 322. The other of the fierce Justices, that Subscribed a Warrant for my imprisonment, died shortly after; viz. Colonel Grey. The Death of Mr. Barwell, Sir Iohn Medlicot, Mr. Ross and Mr. Grey, besides the Death of some Informers, and the Repentance of others, and the Death of some late Opposers of the Clergy, made me, and some others, the more to compassionate Persecutors, and dread God's Judgments.

§ 323. The Town of Northampton lamentably burnt.

§ 324. An Earthquake in divers Counties.

§ 325. My Dear Friend, Sir Matthew Hale, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, falling into a Languishing Disease, from which he is not like to Recover, resolvedly petitioned for a Dismission, and gave up his Place, having gone p. 176through his Employments, and gone off the Stage with more universal love and honour, for his Skill, Wisdom, Piety, and resolved Justice, than ever I heard or read, that any English Man ever did before him, or any Magistrate in the World of his rank, since the days of the Kings of Israel. He resolved, in his weakness, that the place should not be a burden to him, nor he to it. And after all his great practice and places, he tells me, That with his own Inheritance and all, he is not now worth above Five hundred Pounds per Annum: so little sought he after gain: He may most truly be called [The Pillar and Basis, or Ground of Iustice] as Paul called (not the Church,) but Timothy (in the Church) the Pillar and Basis of Truth.] His digested knowledge in Law above all Men, and next in Philosophy, and much in Theology, was very great: His sincere honesty and humility admirable: His Garb and House, and Attendance so very mean and low, and he so resolutely avoided all the Diversions and Vanities of the World, that he was herein the Marvel of his Age. Some made it a Scandal, but his Wisdom chose it for his Convenience, that in his Age he Marryed a Woman of no Estate, suitable to his Disposition, to be to him as a Nurse: He succeeded me in one of the meanest Houses that ever I had lived in, and there hath ever since continued with full content; till now that he is going to his Native Countrey, in likely-hood to die there: It is not the least of my pleasure that I have lived some years in his more than ordinary Love and Friendship, and that we are now waiting which shall be first in Heaven: Whither, he saith, he is going with full content and acquiescence in the Will of a gracious God, and doubts not but we shall shortly live together. O what a blessed World were this, were the Generality of Magistrates such as he.

§. 326. Part of a M. S. was put into my hand to p…ruse by a Bookseller, as Written by one that greatly valued my Judgment, and would refer his Writings to my Censure, but not consent to have them Printed: Whereupon I valuing them, did judge them worthy to be published, but made some Alterations in some phrases liable to Misinterpretation, in the Piece called, The Right Knowledge of Christ Crucified: I conjectured not who the Author was, and not long after the Book was Printed, and proved to be the foresaid Lord Chief Justice Hale's, called, Contemplations Moral and Divine, published by a Friend of his: by which he will Preach when he is dead: the Books presently all bought up for his Name, and being useful for their Spiritual, Rational, Serious, and Plain Manner of Writing, as well as Acceptable for his sake.

§. 327. When I had been kept a whole Year from Preaching in the Chappel which I Built, on the 16th of April, 1676. I began in another, in a Tempestuous time; for the necessity of the Parish of St. Martins, where, about 60000 Souls have no Church to go to, nor any Publick Worship of God! How long, Lord—!

§. 328. About Feb. and March it pleased the King importunately to Command and Urge the Judges, and London-Justices, to put the Laws against Nonconformists in Execution; But the Nation grew backward to it: In London they have been oft and long commanded to it; and Sir Ioseph Sheldon, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's near Kinsman being Lord Mayor; on April 30th the Execution began: They required especially to send all the Ministers to the Common Gaols, for Six Months, on the Oxford-Act, for not taking the Oath, and dwelling within Five Miles. This day Mr. Ioseph Read was sent to the Gaol, taken out of the Pulpit, Preaching in a Chapel in Bloomsbury, in the Parish of St. Giles, where it is thought, that 20000, or 30000 Souls at least, more than can come within the Church, have no Publick Worship of God, or Teaching: He is a Laborious Man, (whom I Educated, and sent to the University,) and did so much good to the Poor Ignorant People that had no other Teacher, that Satan did owe him a Malicious Disturbance. He built the Chappel in his own House (with the help of Friends,) in compassion to those People, who, as they Crowded to hear him, so did they follow him to the Justi…es, and to the Gaol to shew their Affections: It being the place where I had used oft to Preach, I suppose was somewhat the more Maliced. The very day before, I had new secret hints of Men's Desires of Reconciliation and Peace, and Motions to offer some Proposals towards it, as if the Bishops were at last grown Peaceable: To which (as ever before) I yielded, and did my part, though long Experience made me suspect that some Mischief was near, and some Suffering presently to be expected from them. The forwardest of the two Justices that sent him to the Gaol, was one Parry a Souldier, one p. 177of them that was accused for slitting Sir Iohn Coventree's Nose, about which there was so great a stir in the House of Commons: The other was one Robinson. But since then so many have been sent to the Goals for the same cause, and so many died there, that I must forbear particular Instances and Enumerations.

§. 329. After Northampton, Blaudford, and many other Towns, Southwark was Burned (between 600 and 1000 Houses,) the People suspecting that it was done by Design: And one taken for attempting again to Burn the rest of Northampton, confest that he was hired, and that Southwark was so Burnt; whom Sir Iohn Munson sent hereupon to Goal.