Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times, Part 2 · Section 10 · Floating text 4
R. B.'s Reply.
THE Strictures returned, instead of Abatements for Accommodation, refer almost all the Matters in Difference to the Civil Magistrate. We know that whoever is in possession of the Magistracy will be the Judge of his own Actions, and give us Laws according to his Judgment. Our Motion is not, for Divines to do any of the Magistrates Work. But when Magistrates against Episcopacy are up, we would have Divines endeavour in their places, to draw them from injuring the Brethren that are for Episcopacy: And when Magistrates that are for Episcopacy are up, we would have Divines endeavour in their places to draw them from injuring the Brethren that cannot comply with it any nearer than on the fore-expressed Terms. And that the Party that is still under might not be look upon, and used as a Sect, and Division might not be cherished among us, we much rather desire an Accommodation than a Toleration: that we may be but one Body… and stick together whatever Changes come. To this end, we first desire that our Rule for Doctrine, Discipline and Worship, be such as may serve for an Universal Concord: and next, that we may be secured from Encroachments on our just Liberty, and such Impositions (besides or above the Rule) as we know will cause Divisions and Persecutions. That which we desire to these Ends, from the Divines to whom we offer our Proposals, is that they will express their own Desire that so much may be granted by the Magistrate, as they find meet to be granted; and agreeing on the fittest Terms among themselves, will profess and promise their faithful Endeavours in their Places and Capacities, to procure the Concession and Approbation of these Terms from the Magistrate. And this any single person may (to prepare for a further Communication) consider of, and consent unto, viz. to improve his Interest to these Ends.
Now to the Particulars, 1. We desire that you will profess your Judgment, and promise your just Endeavours in your place that [no Laws] may be made, (or continued) that are contrary to these Christian Duties (and I know of none such existent): And then we consent that all Persons be responsible for their Miscarriages.
2. This is the chief of our Desires, that you will profess your desire, and promise your endeavour in your place, that the power mentioned in the eighth Article, may by Law be granted to the Rectors of each Parish; we suppose that their Office is of Divine Institution: and therefore that Magistrates may not change it: what is by Law established, the Possessors of the Government, will still be Judges of. Did we believe that the Pastors of particular Churches are not of Divine Institution, unchangeable by Man; or that Diocesan Bishops could exercise Christ's Discipline over so many hundred Parishes, so that it would not certainly be cast out by their undertaking it, we would not have insisted on this Article, but yield that Rectors… shall never Rule.
3. We might hope that the Ceremonies might be left indifferent, and so there might be no Divisions about them. As we find it now by Experience in our Assemblies, in the singing of Psalms, the Gesture is left indifferent, and there is no trouble about it: So in many places the Sacrament Gesture is left indifferent; and one kneeleth, and another standeth, and another sitteth, and there is no disturbance about it; but Custom having taken off their Prejudice, they have the Charity to bear with one another. And some Congregations sing one Version of the Psalms and some another, and (though Uniformity in that be much more desirable than in a Cross, or Surplice, or Kneeling at Receiving the Eucharist, yet) there is no disturbance among us about it. And when our Unity is not laid upon our Uniformity in these unnecessary things; we shall not be necessitated to persecute one another about them, nor to make Sects by our Toleration of Dissenters: And doubtless if your Toleration be of all that profess Tenderness of Conscience in these Points, you will find such abundance of godly Men avoid your Ceremonies and accept of your Toleration, that you will think your selves necessitated to persecute them, as dishonouring you, and discouraging Uniformity by their dissent. But if you tolerate some, and not others that can lay the same claim to it, your partiality will quickly break all into pieces. We are certain that leaving these unnecessary things at liberty, to be used only by those that will, is the way to Unity: But if this cannot be attained, we shall be glad of a Toleration in our Publick Charges.
4. The Patron's Right of Nomination may be preserved, though the Communicants have their Consent preserved, without which none is to be obtruded on them: Though in case of unreasonable refusal of fit men, much means may be used by Church-Officers and Magistrates to bring them to consent: But how can People be governed in the Worship of God, and in a Holy Life, by any Pastor without their own consent.
5. The multiplying of Bishops is in our Account, the making Discipline become possible, that else is not (to any purpose): And though our own Judgment be that every Parish that is great should have a Bishop and Presbytery; yet we yield to you for Concord and Peace, that there be a Bishop and Presbytery in every City, that is, Corporation or Market-Town, and these (as is expressed in the Articles) to have one in every County or Diocess to whom they shall be responsible. We desire only the profession of your Consent to this Change, and promise of your promoting it in your place by just means, that so our Differences may be ended. But if this cannot be granted, and no particular Pastors tolerated to exercise Discipline in their own Parishes, but all must be done by the Bishop and his Court, we must take it as equipollent to this Conclusion, [Discipline shall be cast out of the Churches]: And then we have no hopes of the healing of our Divisions, or satisfying the Desires and Consciences of multitudes of Persons, truly fearing God: And if we may not have Discipline to promote a just Reformation of Manners, we shall still have irregular Attempts of Reformation.
But it is not the Name that we insist on; Call them Rural Deans or Arch-Deacons, or what you please, so be it, they may be authorized to do the things …ere desired; even to exercise that Discipline which one Bishop in a County cannot exercise.
6. A General Care is one thing, and the Special Charge of the particular Pastor is another. The former extendeth no further than to oversee the particular Pastors, and to receive Appeals in extraordinary Cases from any of the People; and to teach them in course, while as Visitors they pass from one Parish to another, and in the same manner to administer Sacraments, and personally exercise Parish Discipline: But the Special Charge containeth an Obligation to watch over each particular Person in an ordinary teaching them, publickly and privately, as they have occasion and opportunity, and plucking up all Weeds of Heresie and Profaneness, that shall spring up among them, resolving Doubts, convincing Gainsayers, and ordinarily guiding them in Publick Worship, calling the Offenders to Penitence, and absolving the Penitent, and binding over the Impenitent to the Judgment Seat of Christ, and requiring the People to avoid them. If you impose on every Diocesan Bishop (besides the fore-described General Care) this Special Charge over every Soul, as every Pastor of a particular Church hath, you will take an effectual Course to keep the most pious, modest, and thoughtful Persons out of that rank.
And your Phrase of [Intrusting so much as is found necessary in the hands of the Rector of each Parish] seemeth to intimate that you take those Rectors not only for Men of a distinct Order or Office, from the Bishops, but also of an Office that it is not of Divine Institution, and described by God, but of Humane Institution, and left to the Bishop's Discretion what it shall be, and how much power such shall have, and that they are to be intrusted with it from the Bishops (as the Italians in Concil. Trident. would have had the Bishops to have theirs from the Pope). If this be your meaning, it will not reconcile. If it be not, then the Rectors of each Parish may know… their Office from the Holy Scripture, and receive it as from Christ, who hath instituted it, and entrusted them with it.
7. We desire the Scripture Confession but to the Extent and Securing of our Peace and Concord. If Papists would agree upon such a Confession, yea on a Subscription to the whole Scripture, we should rejoice: But they cannot do it, without ceasing to be Papists. And many may rise up among our selves that may scruple some words in the 39 Articles, that are not fit ergo to be persecuted and cast out of the Church (as Mr. Chillingworth's Instance proves): 1. As he that should scruple some one word (of no great weight) in Athanasius's Creed, contrary to Art. 8. 2. Or the absolute Exclusion of Works in the Article of Justification, Art. 11. 3. Or the displeasingness and sinfulness of Works before Faith, and their not making Men meet to receive Grace, Art. 13. 4. And that voluntary Works, besides or above God's Commandments, cannot be taught without A…ogancy and Impiety (vide Annot. Dr. H. H. in 1 Cor. 9. 16, 17.) Art. 14. 5. If any think that the Virgin Mary, or Infants offended not in many things, Art. 15.] We question whether it be according to the Ancient Simplicity or Charity, to cast out all these from our Churches. 6. And what if Dr. Taylor and many others cannot Subscribe to Art. 9. and 2. 7. And if a Man believe not that [by good Works a lively Faith may be as evidently known, as a Tree discerned by the Fruit], should he be presently cast out? Art. 12. 8. The 21 Art. concludeth that [General Councils may not be gathered together without the Commandment and Will of Princes]; and some think it may as well besaid, that we may not meet for Publick Worship without their Command and Will; and that this proveth, that there never was a General Council, nor ever will be; because the Princes (Infidels and Christians) in whose Dominions the Bishops live, never did, or will generally Consent to have their Subjects go to a General Council. 9. The 31st Art. concludeth [that there is none other Satisfaction for Sin, but Christ's alone]: which many beside Grotius do contradict. 10. Many dare not Subscribe to the 34th Art. without restriction… 11. Many good Men dare not so fully approve of all the Homilies as Art. 35. doth… 12. Many have refused Subscription because of Art. 36, it being hard so far to justifie every word in such Humane Writings as the Book of Consecration is. Now it seems against our Unity, to make such a Test of it, as all Persons tolerable cannot agree in. And it seems contrary to the Ancient Simplicity, which required no other Test than the Scriptures and the Creeds. And it hardeneth the Papists to call on us to prove a Succession of Protestants from the first Ages, that is, of Men that have held all the 39 Articles.
But yet we highly value the 39 Articles as found and moderate, and if we can procure no nearer a recourse to Scripture and Ancient Simplicity, we shall cheerfully submit to the 39 Articles; if the Doctrine of Bishops and Ceremonies, might be left out, as Matters of Practice and not of Faith, as long as we are responsible for any Disobedience. And it's hard if such things must be Subscribed, as of Necessity to our Church Communion, or Ministry.
And that these have been excepted against by the Old Nonconformists, I suppose you know.
And if you could be content with a Scripture Confession if Rome would yield to it, why should you deny to your Brethren at home, that which you would grant the Romanists, and therefore confess you may lawfully grant? Let us lay down such a Rule of Concord, as is fit for all to yield to, and then leave all to accept it as they please; and so they cannot blame our Religion, nor maintain their Alienation: But if we will not be content with a Rule that's fitted for Universal Concord, we keep Men from it.
And seeing you now say, It's reasonable that we be clog'd with no more] why might not the same have been said of some of the fore-mentioned Passages, if they had been left out?
8. But the Doubt is, Whether you will allow the Title of the Ministers now in possession (except as before excepted), or whether you will rather judge all their Titles void that were not Ordained by Diocesan Bishops.
Lastly, We desire to know whether all the rest, not touched on and excepted against in these Notes, have your Consent: (as that Bishops be chosen by the whole Clergy, and Ordain not, and Censure not, without their Synods, &c.
O how easie were a Peace on these Terms! how easily and safely might you grant them, without any wrong to your Consciences, or the Church? Yea, to its exceeding benefit! How lowd do our Miseries cry for such a Cure! How long hath it been neglected!
If there be any more than what is here granted by us, that you think necessary for us to yield to on our parts, we shall gladly revive your Demands, and yield for Peace as far as is possible, without forsaking our Consciences: And what shall be agreed on, we shall promise faithfully to endeavour in our places, that the Magistrate may consent to it.
The inclosing Paper signified a readiness to yield to an Agreement, on the primitive Simplicity of Doctrine, Discipline and Worship: as Dr. Heylin also doth. We are agreed, and yet never the nearer an Agreement: O that you would stand to this in the Particulars! We crave no more.
Q. 1. Did the …imitive Church require Subscription to all in our 39 Articles, or to any more than the words of Scripture, and the Ancient Creeds, in order to Mens Church-Communion and Liberty? Were such Volumes as our Homili…s then to be subscribed to?
Q. 2. Were any required as necessary to their Ministry in the Primitive Times, to Subscribe to the Divine Right of Diocesan Prelacy, and promise or swear Obedience to such? Or to Subscribe to all that is contained in our Book of Ordination?
Q. 3. Were all, most, or any Bishops of the first Age, (of the lowest rank, now distinguished from Archbishop…) the fixed Pastors of many particular Churches, or of more Souls than one of our ordinary (or greater) Parishes? Much less of so many as are in a Diocess. Let us but have no more Souls, or Congregations under the lowest rank of Bishops now, than were in the first Age (or second either ordinarily), and we shall soon agree, I think in all the Substance of Government.
Q. 4. Was our Common Prayer used, and necessary to a Pastor's Liberty, in the first or second Age? Or all that is in it? Or will you leave out all that you cannot prove to have been then used, and that as necessary, as now it is supposed?
Q. 5. Were the Cross, Surplice, and Restriction to kneeling in receiving the E…charist enjoyned by Peter or Paul, or any in the first Age? (or second either, or many after?) If you say, that some Form of Prayer was used, though not ours: I answer, 1. Prove it used, and imposed as necessary to the Exercise of the Ministry: and that any was enjoyned to Subscribe to it, and use it on pain of Deprivation or Excommunication. 2. If the first (supposed) Book of Prayers was necessary in Specie, for continuance, we must have it, and cast away this that…s pleaded for: If it were not, then why may you not as well dispense with this, and change it, seeing you cannot plead it more immutable than the (supposed) Apostolical, or Primitive Prayer Book? 3. When Forms of Liturgy came up, had they not divers in the same Empire, and also changed them in particular Churches? (as the Controversie between Basil and the Church of Neocaesarea shews, &c.) And why then may not as much be granted now in England? at least to procure Unity and Peace in other things, after so long uncharitable Alienations, and doleful Effects of them in the Church and State?
N. B. That the foresaid Exceptions against imposing the Subscription of the 39 Articles, are urged ad hominem; because though the Doctrinal Part of those Articles be such as the generality of the Presbyterians would Subscribe to, yet I see not how the Reverend Brethren on the other side can possibly Subscribe them as reconcileable to the Principles published by many of them.
§ 67. Shortly after this, when Sir George Booth's Rising failed, Major General Monk in Scotland, with his Army, grew so sensible of the Infolencies of Vane and Lambert, March 10. 16…9. A Petition was sent up from Worcestershire, to have … the Long Parliament …ate, till they had done that for King, and Church, and Country, which they were restored for: But it was not delivered, because M…k, that recalled them, was otherwise ben….and the Fanaticks in England and Ireland, who set up and pull'd down Governments as boldly as if they were making a Lord of a Maygame, and were grasping all the Power into their own Hands; so that he presently secured the Anabaptists of his Army, and agreed with the rest, to resist these Usurpers; who would have England the Scorn of all the World. At first when he drew near to England, he declared for a Free Commonwealth.March 16. The Long Parliament …tlol…ed it self. When he came in, Lambert marched against him, but his Soldiers forsaking him, and Sir Arthur Haselrigge getting Portsmouth, March 25. Dr. Hammond died.and Col. Morley strengthning him, and Major General Berry's Regiment, which went to block it up, revolting to them, the Clouds rose every where at once, and Lambert could make no resistance; but instead of fighting, they were fain to treat: And while Monk held them Treating, his Reputation increased, and theirs abated, and their Hearts failed them, and their Soldiers fell off: and General Monk consulted with his Friends, what to do! Many Countreys sent Letters of Thanks and Encouragement to him. Mr. Tho. Bampfield was sent by the Gentlemen of the West; and other Countreys did the like; so that Monk came on, but still declared for a Commonwealth, against Monarchy: Till at last, when he saw all ripened thereto, he declared for the King. The chief Men (as far as I can learn) that turned his Resolution, to bring in the King, were Mr. Clarges and Sir William Morrice, his Kinsman, and the Petitions, and Affections of the City of London, principally moved by Mr. Calamy and Mr. Ash, two ancient, leading, able Ministers (with Dr. Bates, Dr. Manten, Dr. Iacomb, and other Ministers of London who concurred): And these were encouraged by the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Hollis, the (late) Earl of Anglesey, and many of the (then) Council of State: And the Members of the Old Parliament that had been formerly ejected, being recalled, did Dissolve themselves, and appoint the Calling of a Parliament which might Re-call the King. When General Monk first came into England, most Men rejected, in hope to be delivered from the Usurpation of the Fanaticks (Anabaptists, Seekers, &c.) And I was my…self so much affected with the strange Providence of God, that I procured the Ministers to agree upon a Publick Thanksgiving to God. And I think all the Victories which that Army obtained, were not more wonderful than their Fall was, when Pride and Errour had prepared them for it. It seemed wonderful to me, that an Army that had got so many great and marvellous Victories, and thought themselves unconquerable, and talkt of nothing but Dominion at home, and marching up to the Walls of Rome, should all be broken and brought into Subjection, and finally Disbanded, without one blow stricken, or one drop of Blood shed! and that by so small a power as Monk's Army in the …ginning was: So Eminent was the Hand of God in all this Change.
§ 68. Yet were there many prudent, pious Men that feared greatly the return of the Prelates, an exasperated Party that had been before subdued; and as they saw that the Fanaticks would bring all to Confusion under pretence of promoting Godliness, so they fear'd the enraged Prelatical Party would renew their Persecution, under pretence of Order and Government. And some that thought R. Cromwell's Resignation was not plain and full, did scruple it, Whether they were not at present obliged to him; for though they knew that he had no Original Right, and though the condemned the Act of those Men as Treason, who set up both his Father and him, yet when he was set up, and the Government had been Twelve years in their Hands, and the House of Commons had sworn Subjection to him, they thought it was very doubtful whether they were not obliged to him, as the Possessor: And withal, many had alienated the Hearts of Men from the King, making them believe that he was uncertain in his Religion, &c. and that the Duke of York was a Papist, and that they would set up the revengeful Cavaliers: but these things were quickly at an end: For many Gentlemen, who had been with the King in Scotland, especially the Earl of Lauderdaile and Colonel Greav…, who were of Reputation with the People, did spread abroad mighty Commendations of the King, both as to his Temper and Piety; whereby the Fears of many at that time were much quieted.
§ 69. As for my self, I came to London April the 13th, 1660. where I was no sooner arrived but I was accosted by the Earl of Lauderdale (just then released from his tedious Confinement in Windsor Castle by the restor'd Parliament) who having heard from some of the Sectarian Party, that my Judgment was that our Obligations to Richard Cromwell were not dissolved, nor could be till another Parliament, or a fuller Renunciation of the Government, took a great deal of pains with me, to satisfie me in that point.
And for the quieting People's Minds that were in no small Commotion through clandestine Rumours, he by means of Sir Robert Murray, and the Countess of Balcares then in France, procured several Letters to be written from thence, full of high Elogiums of the King, and Assurances of his firmness in the Protestant Religion, which he got translated and publisht. Among others, one was sent to me from Monsieur Gaches, a famous pious Preacher at Chatenton; wherein, after an high strain of Complements to my self, he gave a pom…ous Character of the King, and assured me, that during his Exile he never forbore the Publick Profession of the Protestant Religion, no not even in those places where it seemed prejudicial to his Affairs. that he was present at Divine Worship in the French Churches at Roan and Rochel, though not at Charenton, during his stay at Paris; and earnestly press't me to use my utmost interest, that the King might be restored by means of the Presbyterians, &c.
The Letter being long, and already publisht, shall not be here inserted. But I could not forbear making divers Reflections, upon the Receipt of such a Letter as this was.
§ 70. This Excellent Divine, with divers others, living at a distance, knew not the state of Affairs in England so well as we that were upon the place: They knew not how much the Presbyterians had done to bring in the King, or else they would not have thought it needful to use any Exhortations to them to that end. And they knew not those Men, who with the King were to be restored, so well as we did: What the Presbyterians did to preserve and restore the King, is a thing that we need not go to any Corners or Cabinets to prove! The Votes for Agreement upon the King's Concessions in the Isle of Wight prove it: The Ejection and Imprisonment of most of the House of Commons, and all the House of Lords prove it: The Calamitous overthrow of two Scottish Armies prove it. The Death of Mr. Love, with the Imprisonment and Flight of other London Ministers prove it: The wars in Scotland, and their Conquest by Cromwell prove it: The Rising of Sir George Booth and his Army's overthrow prove it: The Surprize of Dublin-Castle from the Anabaptists by Colonel Iohn Bridges and others in Ireland, and the Gratulations of General Monk in England, the Concurrence of the Londonners, and the Ministers there, the Actual Preparations of the Restored Members of the Long Parliament, and the Consent of the Council of State left by them, and the Calling in of the King hereupon by the next Parliament, without one contradicting Voice, and finally the Lords and Gentlemen of the King's old Party in all Countreys, addressing themselves to the Parliamentarians, and the King's grateful Acknowledgments in his Letters, and his Speeches in Parliament, do all put this Matter out of question. Of which I have said more in my Key for Catholicks.
§ 71. And when I read this Reverend Man's excessive Praises, and his concluding Prayer for the Success of my Labours, I thought with my self, how little doth the good Man understand how ill the beginning and end of his words accord: He prayeth for my Congregation, and the Blessing of my Labours, when he hath perswaded me to put an end to my Labours, by ssetting up those Prelates who will Silence me and many a hundred more! He perswadeth me to that which will separate me from my Flock, and then prayeth that I may be a Blessing to them. He overvalueth and magnifieth my Service to the Church, and then perswadeth me to that which will put a Period to my Service, and to the Service of many hundreds better than my self. But yet his Cause and Arguments are honest; and I am so far from being against him in it, that I think I am much more for it than he: for he is for our Restoring the King, that our Ministry may be freed from the obloquy of malicious Enemies: but I am for restoring of the King, that when we are Silenced, and our Ministry at an end, and some of us lye in Prisons, we may there, and in that Condition, have Peace of Conscience in the Discharge of our Duty, and the Exercise of Faith, Patience and Charity in our Sufferings.
§ 72. And I confess at that time the Thoughts of Mens hearts were various according to their several Expectations: The Sectarian Party cried out that God had in Justice cut off the Family that Reigned over us; and to return to it again, was to betray the Church, and the Souls of Men. Some others said, That the Sectaries had traiterously and wickedly pull'd down the King and Parliament, and set up themselves, and broken their Oaths, and pull'd down all Government, and made the Name of Religion a Reproach, and brought that Blot upon it, which is never till the Day of Judgment like to be wiped off: But yet that after Twelve years alienation of the Government, and when a House of Commons hath sworn Fidelity to another, and the King's own Party had taken the Engagement, their Obligations to that Family were by Providence, against their Wills dissolved; and that they were not bound to be Actors in that which will Silence thousands of faithful Ministers, and be like to be the Perdition of many and many thousand Souls. But the Presbyterians said, We are bound by the Covenant to the King that last was, and by the Oath of Allegiance to him and his Heirs; and all Changes since have been made unlawfully by Rebellious Sectaries; and for our parts, whatever others have done, we have taken no Engagements or contrary Oaths: if the Sectaries and the Cavaliers have taken the Engagement, what is that to us: Our Brethren of Scotland, nor we never did it: Therefore being obliged to the King, as the undoubted Heir of the Crown, we ought to do our Duty, as Loyal Subjects to Restore him, and for the Issue let God do what he will.
§ 73. This was their Resolution, but in their Expectations they much differed: for those of them that converse with the Nobles and Great Men, and heard from them an high Character of the King, as to his Temper and Piety, were apt to believe them: and had great hopes, that because he had taken the Covenant himself, he would be moderate in setling all Matters of the Church, and would allow the Presbyterians liberty to preach the Gospel in their Parish-Churches! and that he would remove the Subscriptions, and leave the Common Prayer and Ceremonies indifferent, so that they should not be cast out of the Churches. Others thought that the Prelates, being once set up, there would be no place for Nonsubscribers in the Publick Churches: but yet that if we were the means of the King's Restoration, the Prelates would not for shame deny us such Liberty as the Protestants have in France; and that Protestants would not deny that to Protestants, after such an Obligation, which Papists granted them. But a third sort said, You know not the Principles or Spirit of the Prelates, if you look for any Liberty in Publick or in Private, to be granted to any that do not conform. We all look to be Silenced, and some or many of us imprisoned or banished: but yet we will do our parts to restore the King, because no foreseen ill consequence, must hinder us from our Duty: And if ignorant Men be put into our places, and never so many Souls perish by it, the Fault is not ours, but theirs that do it. And a fourth sort there were, that foreseeing the Silencing of the Ministers, said, We are sure that there are not competent Men (much less excellent) in England, to supply the place of one among many of those that will be cast out; and we know that God useth to work by Means: and therefore that the Change is like to be the damnation of many thousand Souls: and we do not believe that we are bound (all things considered) to be forward to bring such a Work to pass: But we will stand by, and see what God will do, and will not hinder it.
§ 74. Those that lookt for Liberty, were encouraged in their Expectations by these Means following:
1. All the Noblemen and Gentry that had been Sequestred for the King's Cause against the old Parliament, did in several Counties, publish Invitations to all Men to promote the King's Reduction, protesting against Thoughts of Revenge or Uncharitableness, and professing their Resolution to put up all Injuries and live in Peace.
2. Afterward his Majesty sent over a Promise of Liberty of Conscience, as these Men understood it: but indeed it was but a Profession of his readiness to consent to any Act which the Parliament should offer to him to that end.
3. Dr. Morley, and other of the Divines on that side, did privately meet with several Persons of Honour, and some Ministers, and professed Resolutions for great Moderation and Lenity.
§ 75. But those that look'd for silencing, cruelty, and Confusion, said, that from the Beginning (except a few inconsiderable Persons) it was all the Enemies of serious Godliness in the Land, who were on the one side; and it was the Friends of serious Godliness who were the main Body on the other side: That the Enmity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed is the most unreconcilable in the World: That all the Hypocrites and carnal Sort of Formal Pharisaical Christians will persecute them that are born after the Spirit: That Wars and Sequestrations, and Cromwel's severity against them, have exasperated them; so that we shall have natural Enmity and Malice sublimated to deal with; and that they will revenge all their real and seeming Injuries; that these twenty Years Tryal hath proved them unreconcilable: That their carnal Interest will continually engage them against serious Godliness; and a Man of Conscience that cannot say or swear or do any thing which they command him, will be taken by them for a Schismatick and Enemy: That the late Wars hath given them Advantage to cast the Odium of Civil Broils upon Religion, and of other Mens Faults upon the innocent; so that there Interest will certainly lead them to call all those Rebels that swear not to their Words; and every Man whose Religion is not ceremonious and complemental shall be called a Presbyterian, and every Presbyterian a Rebel: And whereas heretofore they had no worse Names to call godly Men by, than the foolish Names of Puritans and Roundheads, henceforth if a Man will not be as bad as others, he shall be called an Enemy to the Government: And though not one of forty of the Ministers ever medled with the Wars, they shall all fare alike if they be not Prelatists. Thus did Men differ in their Expectations.
§ 76. When I was at London, the new Parliament being called, they presently appointed a Day of Fasting and Prayer for themselves: The House of Commons chose Mr. Calamy, Dr. Gauden, The last Day of April 1660. I preached to the Parliament.and my self to preach and pray with them at St. Margaret's Westminster. In that Sermon, I uttered some Passages that were after matter of some Discourse: Speaking of our Differences and the way to heal them, I told them that whether we should be Loyal to our King was none of our Differences; in that we are all agreed; it being not possible that a Man should be true to the Protestants Principles, and not be Loyal; as it was impossible to be true to the Papists Principles, and to be Loyal: And for the Concord now wish'd in matters of Church-Government, I told them it was easy for moderate Men to come to a fair Agreement, and that the late Reverend Primate of Ireland and my self had agreed in half an Hour. I remember not the very Words, but you may read them in the Sermon, which was printed by order of the House of Commons.
§ 77. As soon as this printed Sermon came abroad, the Papists were enraged against me; and one nameless Gentleman wrote a Pamphlet to challenge me to make good my Charge: And others sent me Letters with their Names (real or counterfeit) containing the same Challenge; but never told me where they dwelt, nor how I might convey an Answer to them; whereas the heedless Challengers might have seen that I fully performed what I undertook, and answered their Challenge before they sent it, in the Sermon it self, when I cited Can. 3. of the General Council at the Laterane under Pope Innocent III. which I have done in other Places again and again to provoke them to make some Answer to it; but never could procure it of them: But to gratifie these Gentlemen, I began to write a fuller Proof of what I there affirmed; but I was advised not to publish it, considering the Power and Malice of the Papists, and how greatly (though they called for it) they would be enraged by it, and in likelihood quickly work my Ruine:
§ 78. The next Morning after this Day of Fasting,May 1. 1660. the Parliament owned the King, and voted his Recall. did the Parliament unanimously Vote home the King, Nemine contradicente; and do that which former Actions had but prepared for.
§ 79. The City of London about that time was to keep a Day of solemn Thanksgiving, for General Monkes Success; and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen desired me to preach before them at St. Paul's-Church: Wherein I so endeavoured to shew the Value of that Mercy, as to shew also how Sin and Mens Abuse might turn it into matter of Calamity, and what should be right Bounds and Qualifications of that Joy. The Moderate were pleased with it; the Fanaticks were offended with me for keeping such a Thanksgiving; the Diocesane Party thought I did suppress their Joy: The Words may be seen in the Sermon ordered to be printed.
§ 80. But the other Words about my Agreement with Bishop Usher, in the Sermon before the Parliament, put me to most Trouble. For presently many moderate Episcopal Divines came to me to know what those Terms of our Agreement were: And thinking verily that others of their Party had been as moderate as themselves, they entered upon Debates for our general Concord; and we agreed as easily among our selves in private, as if almost all our Differences were at an end. Among others I had Speech about it with Dr. Gauden, who promised to bring Dr. Morley, and many more of that Party to meet with some of the other Party at Dr. Bernard's Lodging in Grays-Inn; there came none on that side but Dr. Gauden, and Dr. Bernard; and none of the other side but Dr. Manton and my self; and so little was done but only Desires of Concord expressed: But whereas I told Dr. Gauden [That for the Doctrinal Part of the Common-Prayer-Book, though I knew that there were many Exceptions against it, yet I remembred nothing which I could not assent to, allowing it but the favourable Interpretation which the Writings of all Divines are allowed]: He took Advantage from these Words to praise my Moderation in the next Book which he printed, as if I had spoke this of the Liturgy in general, as a Frame of Worship, leaving out the first Words [As to the Doctrinal Part] to which only I limited my Assent: So that I was put in print so far to vindicate my self, as to set down the true Words; which he never contradicted. Thus Men were every day talking of Concord, but to little purpose, as appeared in the Issue.
§ 81. And because I heard that Dr. Morley was a Moderate Orthodox Man, and had often Meetings with Dr. Manton and others, whom he encouraged with Pacificatory Professions, and that he had greatest Interest in the King and the Lord Chancellor, I had a great desire to have one hours Discourse with him, to know whether really Concord was intended: And when he gave me a Meeting, and we had spent an Hour in Discourse, I found that he spake of Moderation in the general, but came to no particular Terms, but past by what I mentioned of that Nature: But speaking much for Liturgies, against Extemporary Church-Prayers, he told me at last that the Iansenists were numerous among the Papists, and many among the French inclined to Peace, and that on his knowledge, if it were not for the Hinderances which Calvin had laid in the way, most on this side the Alpes would come over to us. And this was all I could get from him.
§ 82. When the King was to be sent for by the Parliament, certain Divines with others were sent by the Parliament and City to him into Holland; viz. Mr. Calamy, Dr. Manton, Mr. Bowles, and divers others; and some went voluntarily; to whom his Majesty gave such encouraging Promises of Peace, as raised some of them to high Expectations: And when he came in, as he past through the City towards Westminster, the London Ministers in their Places attended him with Acclamations, and by the Hands of old Mr. Arthur Iackson, presented him with a Rich-adorned Bible, which he received, and told them it should be the Rule of his Actions.
§ 83. About this time I had some Conference with one (that called himself) William Iohnson, a Papist; the Occasion, Progress, and End of which I will here give you at once, to avoid farther Interruptions by it.
When I was at Kiderminster, 1659. one Mr. Langhorn, a Furrier in Walbrook, sent me a Sheet of Paper subscribed by William Iohnson, containing an Argument against our Church, for want of perpetual Visibility; or, That none but the Church of Rome, and those in Communion with it, had been successively visible; casting all on his Opponent to prove our Churches constant Visibility. He that sent this Paper desired me to answer it as for some Friends of his who were unsatisfied. I sent him an Answer the next Day after I received it. To this, some Weeks after I received a Reply: This Reply had cited many Fathers and Councils, and as the use is, brought the Controversy into the Wood of Church-History. To this I drew up a large Rejoinder, and sent it by the Carrier; though I was not rich enough to keep an Amanuensis, and had not leisure my self to transcribe, yet as it well happened I had got a Friend to write me a Copy of my Rejoinder: For it fell out that the Carrier lost the Copy which I gave him to carry to London, and professed that he never knew what became of it: And no wonder, when I after learnt that my Antagonist lived within five or six Miles of me, whom I supposed to have lived one hundred and fifty Miles off: When I expected an Answer, I received a Month after an Insulting Challenge of a speedy Answer, and this seconded with another, all calling for haste. I suppose he thought I had kept no Copy, but as soon as I could get it transcrib'd I sent it him; and I heard no more of Mr. Iohnson in a Twelve-month. When I was at London I went to Mr. Langhorne, and desired him to procure me an Answer to my Papers from Mr. Iohnson, or that I might know that I should have none: At last he told me that Mr. Iohnson would come speak with me himself; which he did, and would have put off all the Business with a few Words, but would promise me no Answer. At last by Mr. Tillotson I was informed that his true Name was Terret, and that he lived in the House of a certain Nobleman near our parts, and that being much in London, he is there the chief Hector, or great Disputer for the Papists; and that he was the chief of the two Men who had held and printed the Dispute with Dr. Pierson and Dr. Gunning: And when I saw what Advantage he had got by printing that Dispute, I resolved that he should not do so by me, and so I printed all our Papers; but before I printed them, I urged him to some farther Conference; and at our next meeting I told him how necessary it was that we should agree first of the meaning of our Terms, and I wrote down some few [as Church, Pope, Council, Bishop, Heresy, Schism, &c.] which I desired him to explain to me under his Hand promising him the like whenever he desired it; which when I had got from him, I gave him some Animadversions on it, shewed their Implications; to which he answered, and to that I replyed: And when he came no more to me, nor gave me any Answer, I printed all together; which made him think it necessary at last to write a Confutation: whereto I have since published a full Rejoinder to which I can procure no Answer.
§ 84. And not long after, hearing that the Countess of Balcarres was not well, I went to visit her, and found her grievously afflicted for her eldest Daughter, the Lady Ann Lindsey about sixteen or seventeen Years of Age, who was suddenly turned Papist by she knew not whom. She told me, that when she first heard of it she desired Dr. Gunning to meet with the Priest to dispute with him, and try if her Daughter might be recovered, who pretended then to be in Doubt: And that Dr. Gunning first began to persuade her Daughter against the Church of Scotland which she had been bred in, as no true Church, and after disputed but about the Pope's Infallability, and …eft her Daughter worse than before; and that she took it to be a strange way to deliver her Daughter from Popery, to begin with a Condemnation of the Reformed Churches as no true Churches, and confess that the Church and Ministry of Rome was true. She desired me that I would speak to her Daughter, and try whether she would yet enter into Conference about the Reason of her Faith. But she utterly refused it, and would say nothing to that purpose, but refer us to the Church, and profess her acquiescence in its Judgment, and when I desired to know of her, how she knew what was the Judgment of the Church; whether it were not meerly the Word … the Priest that satisfied her in this, and therefore desired her that she would hear that Priest or Jesuit on whose Word she built all her Faith, in the Presence of some one that was fit to help her in the Tryal of his Assertions, and intreated her to procure a Conference in her hearing between him and me, she promised readily that it should be done. The next time I came again, and askt whether she had spoke with him about it, and whether time and place were agreed on; she confidently told me that he was ready to do it when I pleased, and that all he desired was, that my Promise might secure him from Accusation, and from the danger of the Law, and that was all that he was solicitous for. I offered her to bring only two Witnesses on each side, and that we might have two days Conference or Dispute; in one of which he should give his Reasons why she ought to change her Religion, and I would answer them; and in the other I would give my Reasons why she ought not to change, and he should answer me; and I thought this the clearest and most impartial Method for the discerning of the Truth. And I promised her all the Security which I could procure him from any danger. The next time I came to know the Day, she told me the Gentleman would not meet nor dispute: I desired to know the Reason: But she told me that she did not know her self: I intreated her to procure some other to do it, in whom she put the greatest Confidence, and desired her to take the ablest she could get among all the Jesuits or Priests of the Queen or the Queen-Mother, with whom I knew she was not unacquainted. But she would not undertake for any; whereupon I was forced to urge her with Provocations, and tell her,This was in the end of Nov. 1660. that seeing she was forced to resolve all her Faith into the Word of particular Priests, by which only she knew the Sense of the Church, and all that History which induced her to believe that Rome was the true Church, she seemed very little to regard her Soul, who would so far venture it upon the Words of Men that would not be provoked to an equal Conference in her hearing. The next day I came, I urged her again to procure a Conference: She told me that the Gentleman would not consent: And when I urged her to tell me his Reason, she told me that he knew me very well, and that he had very high Thoughts of me, and that it was not now through any fear of Danger, for he durst venture his Life in my Hands; but since he knew it was me that he was to meet with, he would not come; but would not tell her why. And though still I told her that there were more enough if he refused, I could not procure her to bring any of them to a Dispute. But at last, when I purposely continued to provoke them, she told me that he would yield to Dispute, so it might be done only in Writing, and not a Word spoken, nor any thing written but Syllogistically and according to the strictest Rules of Disputation. I told her, 1. That I supposed that she understood not when an Argument was in Mood and Figure; nor what a Fallacy was, and therefore that this was not designed to her Edification. 2. That I supposed that she had not read one of many of all those Books already written against them which are unanswered: And if Writing will serve turn, a printed Argument is as good as a written one: Nor had she read the late Disputation between Mr. Iohnson and me: nor were any one of my Books against them yet answered, and why then should I write more till those were answered. 3. I told her that Mr. Iohnson's Writing and mine held us above a Twelvemonth, and yet was not driven to the Head: And I asked her whether she would be willing to wait a Year or two, and suspend her Resolution in Religion, till she saw the Issue of our Disputation in Writing. 4. I told her that it was like that he that offered this, understood that by his Majesty's Pleasure, I was then newly engaged in another Work, which occasioned him to make this Offer. 5. But yet that her Deceiver might have no Excuse, I offered her that I would do all that he desired, and manage it in Writing, so be it, he would first but spend two Hours in verbal Disputation in the way I had proposed, viz. That he should spend one Hour in giving his Reasons for her Change, and I might answer them; and the other Hour I would give my Reasons against it, and he should answer me: And after that we would go to it by Writing. But a Day or two after, when I came for Answer to this Proposal, the Lady was gone, being secretly stolen from her Mother in a Coach, and so I understood the meaning of this Offer, and never could see the Face of any of her Priests.
§ 85. At last it was discovered that the Man that seduced her and refused Disputation, was this Mr. Iohnson (o… Terret) the same Man that I had before conferred and wrote with: And yet when I asked her whether it were he, she plainly and positively said it was not; and when a Servant went after her Coach and overtook her in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, she positively promised to come again, and said, she went but to see a Friend. Also she complained to the Queen-Mother, of her Mother, as if she used her hardly for Religion, which was false: in a Word, her Mother told me, that before she turned Papist, she scarce ever heard a Lye from her; and since then she could believe nothing that she said. This was the Darling of that excellent, wise, religious Lady (the Widow of an excellent Lord); which made the Affliction great, and taught her to moderate her Affections to all Creatures. This Perversion had been a long time secretly working before she knew of it; all which time the young Lady would join in Prayer with her Mother, and jeer at Popery till she was detected, and then she said she might join with them no more.
§ 86. They that stole her away, conveyed her to France, and there put her into a Nunnery, where she is … dead. Not long after her departure, she sent a Letter superscribed to her Lady Mother, &c. and subscribed, Sister Anna Maria, &c. It contained the Reasons of her Perversion: And though I knew they were not like to suffer her to read it, I wrote an Answer to it, at her Mother's desire, which was sent to her by her Mother. The Letter which I sent her the day before she was stoln away, and tthe Answer to that her Letter from the Nunnery, I thought meet here to insert, which are as followeth.