Against the Revolt to a Foreign Jurisdiction, Table of contents

Against the Revolt to a Foreign Jurisdiction · Table of contents

THE CONTENTS Of the First Part.

AN Historical Preface.

Chap. I. The Protestant Church of England is against all Humane Vniversal Soveraignty, Monarchical and Aristocratical, and against all Foreign Jurisdiction.

Chap. II. This whole Kingdom and Church is swor… against all Foreign Jurisdiction, and against all Endeavours to alter the Government; and must not be Perjured.

Chap. III. What Endeavours were used by Papists to bring England under a Foreign Jurisdiction in King James's time. The Bishop of Ambrun and others wrong him.

Chap. IV. Of the Papists Endeavours in K. Charles time, and the great Injury they did him especially the Irish. Maimburgh Declaration of the Dutchess of York.

Chap. V. The Foreign Leaders of the English Conciliators who are for a Foreign Jurisdiction. Gerson for the sufficiency of Christ's Law to rule the Church.

Chap. VI. Grotius's Judgment in his own words.

Chap. VII. The several sorts of Peace-makers about Popish Controversies.

Chap. VIII. The Doctrine of Archbishop Bromhall defending Grotius.

Chap. IX. The Judgment of Archbishop Laud, as delivered, 1. By Dr. Heylin. 2. By himself.

Chap. X. Dr. Peter Heylin's own Judgment.

Chap. XI. The Judgment of Mr. Herbert Thorndike.

Chap. XII. The Judgment of Dr. Sparrow Bishop of Norwich, and divers others.

Chap. XIII. Bishop Sam. Parker's Judgment.

Chap. XIV. Dr. Saywell's Arguments for a Foreign Jurisdiction considered.

Chap. XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII. Four Letters to Bishop Guning about a Foreign Jurisdiction.

Chap. XIX. Mr. H. Dodwell's Leviathan again Anatomized; and his Second Part considered, called A Discourse for One Altar and One Priesthood.

Chap. XX. Of Dean Th. Pierce (and Dr. Ham…nd cited by him.)

Chap. XXI. That this sort of Prelatists who have been for a Coalition with the French or Roman Church, have been the great Agents of all the Di…iding, Silencing, Persecuting Laws, which have brought and kept us these 27 Years in our lacerate sta…e.

Chap. XXII. How they have been stopt, and what Danger there is yet of them.

Chap. XXIII. Postscript against Dr. Beveridge's Convocation Sermon.

p. 1An Historical Prologue, as a Key to understand our English Differences.

§ I. IT is a dreadful Instance of the sottish deceivableness of Mankind, that one of the most happy Kingdoms on Earth, should be almost consumed by their own hands, in Divisions infamous through the World, and that to this very day the Cause and Matter of them, is not known (except by the contrivers, among our selves) by such who madly continue the Divisions. Nor is it known who is in the fault, but they strive on, accusing one another. And it's one of the saddest notices in this World, that studious Learned Pastors that are grown old in Studies, and profess all to be devoted to Truth and Love, are so far from having skill and will to heal us, that they are the men that cause the wound, and keep …t open, and are greater hinderers of our Concord and Peace, than Princes, Lords, or any Seculars: And what one judgeth the certain Cause of the Worlds Divisions, another as confidently judgeth the only way to heal them: And both sides confess while they lay it on each other, that it is the Clergy that are the deadliest Enemies of Peace.

§ II. It is not the noise of Drums and Trumpets, which tells an Army the causes of the War: The Masters of the War can chuse their own Trumpeters, and talk loudest of that which they would have divert men from the true cause. Episcopacy, p. 2and Liturgy, and Ceremonies, and Conformity, are the things that make the greatest noise. But Jewel, Bilson, Hooker, &c. differed not about these, nor Sir Edwin Sandys, the Author of Europae Speculum: Nor the English Clergy and Parliaments in Bishop Abbots days, who were of their mind, when the Differences began to rise and threaten us.

§ III. It's certain that the fundamental, universal Quarrel through the World, is between the followers of Cain and Abel, the Serpents and the Womans Seed, or the Servants of Satan and of Christ: For the carnal mind is enmity to God, and neither is nor can be subject to his Law. Selfishness is the sum of wickedness; and Holiness of Moral good. Uniting in one God is possible and safe: But to the selfish there are as many Religions and Ways, as sandy self-interest requireth. Good men will do good, and bad men will do evil, under every Form of Government: Because Great-Good men are so rare, to keep Bad men from doing hurt, is not the smallest use of Laws. Good men of different Opinions can live in Love and Peace. I never knew any called Puritanes, who did not love and honour such Conformists, as Bishop Jewel, A. Bishop Grindal, A. Bishop Abbot, A. Bishop Vsher, Bishop Davenant, and many such; and such as Mr. Bolton, Dr. Sibbs, Dr. Preston, Mr. Whateley, and all such other; yea while they wrote against some of them (as Bishop Morton, Hall, Downame, &c.) But what are the particular Quarrels?

§ IV. Departing from the only Center and Test of Universal Concord, and devising an Vniversal Humane Soveraignty, hath set the World into p. 3mortal Discord, on pretence of being the only way to Concord. Christ only is the Head, the King, and Law-giver, and Judge of the whole World: The Law of Nature, and sacred inspired Apostolical Scriptures, are his only Universal Law. Pastors by the Word, and Princes by the Sword (conjoyned where it may be) rule under him only in their several Provinces. God made the largeness of the Roman Empire a Receptive Means of the happy propagation of Christianity. Mans nature is prone to selfishness and ambition: By degrees those humours, and the Wisdom of the World, conformed the Episcopal Government to the Civil, and made those Bishops highest, who dwelt in the Cities where the Secular Rulers were highest. The Churches had before used to serve God in Concord, and to Assemble for Consultation when Concord required it. The Emperors therefore exalted the great Bishops, not to Govern alone, but to preside in these Assemblies. The first General Council had been called as a rational means to cure the shameful threatning Discords of the Churches, without the formality of any President, save the Emperor and a temporary Moderator: But three Patriarchs were soon set up, and after made five, and other Bishops in different degrees of grandeur: The great and shaking dangers bred by Religious Factions, were ordered to be decided by Assemblies of Bishops, when changes were made in the Cities of the Empire, the Rule of conforming the Church to the Civil Government bred a competition between Rome and Constantinople, because of the translating of the Imperial Seat. They grew higher and higher; and whenever any Emperor p. 4of Constantinople fell out with his own Patriarch, he either put him out, or favoured the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome to curb him: But usually his own Bishop being at his command, he favoured his Interest against the Roman: And it being the Law of their Councils called General, that the five Patriarchs must be there, by themselves, or their Delegates, and the Emperors calling the Councils (upon great occasions) they called them in some Eastern City for the most part, and the main Body of the Councils were the Greek Bishops, very few of the Western being there, nor the Pope himself, nor at C. P. Conc. 1. so much as any Legate.

When the Patriarch of Alexandria, who was the third, fell out with him of Constantinople, he would extol the Roman Preheminence to strengthen himself: And when the East had Arian persecuting Emperors and Bishops, the Orthodox would fly for countenance to the Orthodox Emperor and Bishop in the West: But usually the other four Patriarchs in Councils concurred, and the Roman Clergy were a small part of their Councils.

But these Councils dolefully disagreeing, became a Church Militant, and on pretence of agreeing, the Churches tore them all to pieces, and all upon two occasions: 1. WHO SHOULD BE GREATEST, or please the greatest for worldly Interest? 2. WHO SHOULD PASS FOR ORTHODOX, when after the Arian and Macedonian Heresies, much of the strife was about ambiguous words: Till at last the Division of the Churches, the Degeneracy of the Clergy, the Badness of Emperors, and the Rebellion of Generals, p. 5and Mutinies of Souldiers, delivered up the Empire to the Infidels. And the Bishop of Rome became the Chief Rebel, and set up the French in the Western Empire, against his Lawful Prince, and furthered the Division of the Empire to its Ruine. But this Division occasioned an Universal Claim.

§ V. In all the old Contests it never came into the mind of the Emperors or the Councils, to set up a Government over all the World, but only in the Empire: They never Summoned the Bishops of all the World but only of the Empire (and not most of them.) As I have oft said, The Subscriptions yet tell us that it was the Bishops of the Roman Provinces. But the Empire being large, they used sometime the swelling phrase of totius Orbis, meaning Orbis Romani: And the Greek Patriarchs never dreamed of a Jus Divinum, or Establishment by Christ, or his Apostles, much less of an Universal Power: For they all knew that Constantinople had no such pretence, being a new Erected Seat; And they were not so impudent as to profess to set a Humane Law against a Divine: And the Roman Bishop long went no higher, nor ever used that Argument against Constantinople [My Power is of God and yours but of Men] which had been most obvious and unresistible, and therefore would have been used, had it been true and then believed.

But at last, from the Name of Saint Peter's Successor, the Pope began a double new Claim. 1. TO A DIVINE RIGHT. 2. TO THE GOVERNMENT OF ALL THE WORLD (of Christians at least.) And the breaking of the Empire necessitated him to this pretence which p. 6his ambition had obscurely before begun. For else, 1. His old power had died, when he was no Member of the Empire, and so from under the ancient Government and Laws: And all must have been built on a new uncertain Foundation. 2. And when all the old Eastern Empire was gone, his Power and Primacy would have been confined to a narrow compass. VVherefore he served his present interest; 1. By setting up the French Empire, and 2. By pretending to a right of Universal Soveraignty over the VVorld as the Successor of St. Peter.

For a General hath no strength without his Army, who must have their Part in the Fight, the Victory, and the Prey: Popes always ruled but in and by these Councils: These therefore must, as Church Parliaments have their Power in the Universal Soveraignty, and the Pope as Universal Monarch must Rule not absolutely; but in and by these Law-makers and their Laws.

How this Land was brought to Popery by degrees, and how much the most Religious Men did towards it, I must not tell Historically lest I be too long. He that readeth but Beda, and Malmesbury, and Huntington, and Hoveden, and Matthew Paris, may see how the Roman Grandeur drew on the change, and how good people took the advancement of the Bishops in Wealth and Power, and the Number and Endowments of Monasteries to be the chief strength of the Christian Church, while Princes were hardly restrained from Rapacity, Sacriledge, and from the Crimes that commonly breed in worldly Power, Wealth and Pleasure. The wickedness of some Princes made the Power of the Prelates seem necessary p. 7to bridle them: And then better Princes took it for their Chief Piety to advance them, who were all taken for sacred Persons, Men of God: And after the Saxons overthrow of the Brittains, the Countrey being Heathens, and long in Converting, it must needs be that ignorance must be predominant for a long time: And the Cure of it was greatly hindered by the continual Wars of the Saxon Kings among themselves, and after by the Danish Wars and Conquest.

And under the Normans the Bishops were grown so strong by their dependance on the Pope, who was then grown to the heighth of his Usurpation, as that they were almost in continual Contests with their Kings. The Ignorance of the English Clergy was so great that the Kings were put to fetch their chief Bishops from other Lands, where they had got more learning than was found at home, and so had been trained up in the heighth of Popery: And even those that were the most Famous for Learning and such Piety as then prevailed, were yet most Zealously addicted to the Pope, and learnt of Rome to strive for Grandeur.

Wilfrid of York who is magnified by Malmesbury and others after Beda, was so zealous to be the sole Bishop in that large Northern Countrey, when the King and the A. Bishop of Canterbury said there was work enough for four, and decreed a division, that in resistance of the King and the A. Bishop he appealed to the Pope, and went divers times himself to Rome, and once at Seventy years of age, rather than have his vast Bishoprick divided.

p. 8And when by his better skill in Computation he prevailed against the Holy Scots for the Roman time of Easter, the Merit of that, and that he was the first that brought in singing by Antiphons, and the Benedictine Monkery were good works which he pleaded against diminishing his Bishoprick: W. Malmesbury, p. 151.

The most Learned were placed at Canterbury, Viz, Odo, Dunstane, specially Lanfranke, Anselme, &c. whose Miracles by the Monks are magnified beyond belief, which tended much to advance their Interest. But what the generality of the Bishops were long, judge by these words of Malmesbury de gest. Pont. li. 1. p. 116. [speaking how Stigandus got both the Bishopricks of Winchester and Canterbury, and how Sacrilegious and Wicked a Life he lived, selling Bishopricks and Abbies, of unbounded Ambition and Covetousness, adds, [Sed ego conjicio illum non judicio sed errore peccare, quod homo illiteratus (sicuti pleri que & pene omnes tunc temporis Angliae Episcopi) nesciret quantum deliquerit, rem Ecclesiasticorum negotiorum sicut publicorum actitari existimans,] that is, [But I conjecture that he sinned not knowingly but by error; That being an Illiterate Man, (as most and almost all the Bishops of England then were) he knew not how much he transgressed; thinking that Church matters were to be managed like Publick matters.] (that is secular.) And this was in good K. Edward's Reign, and at the Conquest. And is it any wonder if such Bishops brought in Popery. And though the Conqueror strove not till he was setled, he and his Son after him were fain to be resolute in defending themselves against their own Prelates and the Pope: And though Hen. 1. wisely ordered them, p. 9the Bishops that had Sworn to be true to the Empress his Daughter, broke their Oath, and after swore to K. Stephen against her, and brake that Oath, and sware to her again, and brake that Oath, and again turned to Stephen, and his own Brother the Bishop of Winchester led the way: And no wonder when they were great enough to Build suddenly the many great Castles, (Sherburne, Salisbury, Devises, Malmesbury, &c. which he surprized.) And when Hen. 2. succeeded Stephen after long bloody VVars, with the greatest advantage of a Powerful Government, yet was he not able to master his own Bishops strengthened by the Pope. VVho feared not openly to tell him as Thomas of Canterbury did, [Certum esse Reges potestatem suam ab Ecclesia accipere, & non ipsam ab illis sed à Christo, &c. Hoveden, Hen. 2. p. 285.]

§ VI. But the General and his Army, the Universal Church-Monarch and his Church-Parliament could not well agree. Many hundred years the Roman Church-Monarch having the Preferments in his power, got Councillors to his mind, who were as ready to be militant against Princes, and Peace, as he to command it: Till at last the Monarch by a packt bribed Clergy having got possession of a Power like to absolute, disgraced it with a succession of such Monsters of wickedness, as the most flattering of their Historians declare to be unworthy to be named in the Catalogue. And they had so often two Popes at once, filling the World with blood, while by the Sword they tryed their Cause, and at last three Popes (and saith Wernerus in Fasc. Temp. once six at once that were then, and had been Popes) some Kingdoms being p. 10for one, and some for another, that the Christian World could no longer bear the mischievous effect, France having one Pope, and Italy and Germany another, expose the Nations to blood, and the Christian Religion to decay and scorn: Till necessity forced the Emperor of Germany and other Princes, first by the Council of Constance, and after by that at Basil, to overtop, depose and correct the Popes.

§ VII. But when the Councils were ended, though a Decennial Council was decreed, and all means used to prevent relapse, the chief Executive Power in the intervals being in the Monarch (the Pope) and it being the Pope, and not the Councils that gave Preferments, all the Councils Decrees against Absoluteness, and for Decennial Councils proved but empty words. The worldly Bishops clave to the Pope. Eugenius 4. condemned and Deposed as an Heretick, Simoniack, &c. continued in despight of his deposers, and their succession is from him to this day. The Greeks by necessity were forced a while to countenance a debauched Council at Florence, to undo what the other Councils had done, (who are there pronounced Rebellious Church-Parliaments, who would have changed the Universal Monarchy;) But being cheated, they went home, and had so sad entertainment by the Greek Church, as made them repent, and wish they had hearkened to their Marcus Ephesus.

§ VIII. Things returning to the old channel of Tyranny and Corruption, and their Clergy not reforming, Reformers got a double advantage, 1. By the sense of the need of Reformation, which the two Church Parliaments, Constance and Basil (after p. 11Pisa) had left upon the Peoples minds, with the general murmur at their frustration. 2. The horrid Corruption of the Clergy by gross Ignorance, palpable Errours, Pride, Covetousness, and almost all iniquity, which made even nature loath them: Whereupon the old Bohemian complaints were reassumed, and Tecelius's Indulgences provoking Luther, he awakened the University of Wittenburg, and they the Princes and Learned men of Germany.

§ IX. At their first awakening, they coming newly out of darkness, were sensible of little but the gross sort of corruptions, which men of common sense and morality might perceive: And few had studied the case of a Pretended Universal Jurisdiction, being bred up in the Reverence of that Church Unity for which it was pretended: But one Truth let in another till the case became very commonly understood.

Accordingly men fell into three Parties. 1. The worldly Clergy was against Church-Parliaments, unless such as would obey the Pope, and against Reformation, saying, The Pope was fittest to do what was to be done, for Councils and Popular Humours would never know where to stop, but would break down all the Churches strength and glory. 2. Luther's Party (after their riper thoughts) were for such a Reformation as consisted in a nullifying of the Papal Church and Separation from it, as no True Church, but the Seat of Antichrist. 3. A moderate sort of Papists were for reforming of many things in the Roman Church, but not for nullifying it. They were for reconciling the two Parties, and for submissive Conformity, but not for Separation. Such were Julius Pslug, Sidonius, and Agricola, who drew up the Interim, and also p. 12Erasmus, Cassander, Ar. Baldwin, Wicelius, &c. And in France the great Chancellor Michael Hospitalias, Thuanus, and many of their most excellent Lawyers and Parliament-men, and some Bishops and Divines.

These men being offended at the Separating part of the Reformation, were taken with the notion of Unity and Government, but understood not the true state of the Controversie, and were of two minds among themselves. 1. Some had long had an untryed notion by Tradition, that the Church throughout the World was One Body Politick under one Humane Government. 2. Others never thought of that, but having seen a submission of all the Western Churches to the Pope, thought a Separation unlawful.

§ X. But the case of the Separation, which they understood not who blamed it, was this.

The Reformers took the Universal Church in all the Earth to have no Head, King, or Soveraign Governour but Christ, none else having the least shew of true capacity or right; and therefore that none had an Universal Legislative, Judicial or Executive Power: And a Church-Soveraignty was a more irrational conceit than a Civil Soveraignty over all the Earth: And an Aristocracy of Bishops more irrational than a Papal Monarchy. Therefore they professed not to separate from Papists as Christians, or from any of their Societies as parts of Christ's Church; but to renounce, deny, and separate from their new Vsurped Church-Species or Form, as it is feigned to be an Vniversal Humane Soveraign with his Subjects. Had they never corrupted other Doctrine or Worship this Church-Species of Universal Soveraignty, is to be separated from.

p. 132. And with all, the Reformers found, that though they could have submitted to Patriarchs as a Humane Power set up by Princes, had they Governed according to the Laws of Christ, yet 1. It being but a Humane Power, 2. And one Prince having no right to set up a Patriarch over another Princes Subjects, 3. And the Roman Patriarch claiming also the Universal Soveraignty, or part of it in Councils; 4. And having corrupted Doctrine, Worship and Discipline, they took it to be their duty to renounce also the Pope's Patriarchal Government; and for all Christians to obey Christ's Universal Laws alone, and the Local Laws circa sacra left to man's Legislation, of the particular Princes and States where they live. And not to place Universal Unity or Concord in any Usurping Humane Soveraign, or their Laws, or mutable circumstances: And, had those excellent moderate Papists before-named, well studied this point of Universal Soveraignty, it's like they had forsaken Rome.

§ XI. When the Pope thought to satisfie the World, and confound the Reformation by the Council of Trent, the Cardinal of Lorain, and the French consented not to much that they there did; but stuck to the Councils of Constance and Basil, lest they should lose the Liberties of the Gallican Church: So that it was long e're that Nation seemed to own the Council of Trent, and never did it heartily and universally; but continued at some further distance from the Absoluteness of the Pope than Italy or Spain. And to this day they continue to maintain, 1. That the Pope hath no Power over the King in Temporals: 2. That he hath no Power to Depose Kings: 3. That General p. 14Councils are so far above him as to reform him and his disorders 4. That he is not Infallible alone, but in conjunction with the Church or Councils. And though some have spoken and written against the first and second, Barclay and many others have confuted them, and the Parliaments have burnt their Books. And this is the Moderate Popery of France.

Well may I call them Papists still; for, 1. They renounce not a Humane Universal Church Soveraignty. 2. They allow the Pope to call Councils, and Preside, and to be the principium Vnitatis, and Patriarch of the West. 3. They know that when no Church-Parliaments are in being, the Universal Executive Power must be continued, or the Universal Policy be dissolved: Therefore they allow the Pope a Right of Universal Government according to the Canons, but not Arbitrary; and therefore not above Councils: So that if those that are for the King Ruling by Law, and making Laws only in and by Parliaments, be yet for Monarchy then Concil. Constan. Basil, and the French are yet for Popery.

As to our Reformation it is so fully recorded by many and newly by that excellent and moderate Historian Dr. Burnet, that for the time he writes I shall only transcribe a few Notes out of his Abridgment.

Page 87. The Oaths which the Bishops swore to the Pope and the King were found so inconsistent, as it appeared both could not be kept; which caused the Popes to be dismist.

Page 113. An Act was made for Election and Consecration of Bishops; in short, The King to name one, and the Dean and Chapter in twelve p. 15days to return an Election of the person named by the King—

Page 138. Cranmer, Tonstall, Clark and Goodrik. Bishops being called to give their Opinion of the Emperors Power to call Councils said, That though ancient Councils were called by the Roman Emperors, yet that was done by reason of the extent of their Monarchy that was now ceased: But since other Princes had an entire Monarchy within their Dominions: Yet if one or more of those Princes should agree to call a Council to a good intent, and desire the concurrence of the rest, they were bound by the rule of CHARITY to agree to it.

Page 139. Cranmer said—that this Authority of General Councils flowed not from the Number of Bishops, but from the Matter of their decisions; which were received with an Universal Consent; for there were many more Bishops at Arimini — than at Nice or Constantinople, &c. Christ had named no Head of the whole Church, as God had named no Head of the World —

In Queen Elizabeth's Reign 1559. the Divines appointed to dispute against the Papist Bishops in their second paper maintain, That every Church had power to reform it self: This they founded on the Epistles of Paul to the particular Churches, and St. John to the Angels of the Seven Churches: In the first three Ages there were no General Councils, but every Bishop in his Diocess, or such few Bishops as could assemble together, condemned Heresies, determined Matters that were contested; so did also the Orthodox after Arrianisme had so overspread the World that even the See of Rome was defiled with it.

p. 16Page 358. A Bill that came to nothing was for empowering thirty two Persons to revise the Ecclesiastical Laws: But as this last was then let fall, so to the great prejudice of this Church, it hath slept ever since.

For before this p. 129, 130. l. 2. In King Edward's Reign Bucer's Opinion was asked about the review of the Common Prayer Book: He wished there might not be only a denunciation against scandalous Persons that came to the Sacrament, but a Discipline to exclude them: That the Habits might be laid aside, &c.— At the same time he understood that the King expected a New Years Gift from him, of a Book written particularly for his own use: So he made a Book for him concerning the Kingdom of Christ: He prest much the setting up a strict Discipline, the Sanctification of the Lords day, the appointing many days of Fasting, and that Pluralities and Non-residence might be effectually condemned; that Children might be Catechized, that the reverence due to Churches might be preserved, that the Pastoral Function might be restored to what it ought to be, that Bishops might throw off Secular Affairs, and take care of their Diocesses, and Govern them by the advice of their Presbyters; that there might be Rural Bishops over twenty or thirty Parishes, and that Provincial Councils might meet twice a year; that Church Lands be restored, and a fourth part assigned to the poor; — that care be taken for Education of Youth and for repressing Luxury, that the Law be reformed, and no Office sold but given to the most deserving, that none be put in Prison upon slight offences — The young p. 17King was much pleased with these advices: And upon that began himself to form a Scheme for amending many things, &c. — It appears by it that he intended to set up a Church Discipline, and settle a Method for breeding Youth —

Page 361, 362, li. 4. To return to Queen Elizabeth, the Changes are recited, and he addeth, [The liberty given to explain in what sence the Oath of Supremacy was taken, gave a great evidence of the Moderation of the Queens Government; that she would not lay snares for her people, which is always a sign of a Wicked and Tyrannical Prince. But the Queen reckoned that if such comprehensive Methods could be found out as would once bring her people under any Vnion, though perhaps there might remain a great diversity of Opinion, that would wear off with the present Age, and in the next Generation all would be of one mind.

Page 363. The Empowering Lay men to deprive Church-men, or Excommunicate, could not be easily excused; but was as justifiable as the Commissions to Lay-Chancellors for those things were. There are 9400 Benefices in England, but of all these the Number of those (viz. Papists) who chose to resign rather than take the Oath was very inconsiderable. Fourteen Bishops, Six Abbots, Twelve Deans, Twelve Archdeacons, Fifteen Heads of Colledges, Fifty Prebendaries, and Eighty Rectors was the whole number of those that were turned out: But it was believed that the greatest part complied against their Consciences, and would have been ready for another turn, if the Queen had died while that Race of Incumbents lived, and the next Successor had been of another Religion.

Read what he saith of Mr. Parker's great unwillingness to be A. Bishop, and the threatning p. 18else to Imprison him. p. 363, 364, &c.

I conclude with that honest Note, p. 369. [There was one thing yet wanting to compleat the Reformation of this Church, which was the restoring a Primitive Discipline against scandalous Persons, the stablishing the Government of the Church in Ecclesiastical hands, and taking it out of Lay hands who have so long profaned it — So that the dreadfullest of all Censures is now become most scorned and despised. See the rest.

The Papists in Queen Elizabeth's days sometime strove by Treasons the recovery of their Power; and secretly strove by Policy to divide the Protestants, and to root out those that were most against them. The Ministers unhappily fell into these Parties. 1. Some were for the Grandeur of the Bishops, and for strict observance of Liturgy and Ceremonies, and against Parochial Discipline; and these prevailed with the Queen. 2. Some were against Diocesan Bishops and Ceremonies, and some things in the Liturgy, and were for Parish Discipline: And these were called Nonconformists and Puritans. 3. Melancthon and Bucer had prevailed with some others, who were indifferent as to Bishops, and most of the Ceremonies and Forms, but Zealous for Parish Discipline and a godly Life, and for using things indifferent only indifferently, to Edification, and not to the hinderance of the Ministry of refusers. And Bucer's Scripta Anglicana written for K. Edward, which urged this Parish Discipline with great Zeal and Judgment, prevailed with a great part of the Queens Council, and of the Protestant Nobility and Gentry; but most of the Clergy were of the two first mentioned Opinions, called Extreams by others.

p. 19§ 4. All the Parliaments that were called in Queen Elizabeth's time were still suspicious that Popery would keep too much strength by the peoples Ignorance and Impiety, for want of good Preaching and godly Living in the Ministry: And therefore were usually complaining of the Bishops (especially Whitguift) for silencing so many Nonconforming Preachers, and keeping up so many Pluralists, and so many meer Readers: And they were oft attempting a Reformation of this, and to have restored the Nonconformists, and united the godly Protestants: But by the Bishops Counsel the Queen still restrained them, and charged them not to meddle with Ecclesiastical Matters, as belonging to her; In Sir Simond Dewes Journals you may see the many attempts and her constant prohibition and restraint: And Parliaments were loth to offend her, or make any breach, remembering how great a deliverance they had by her from Queen Mary's Persecutions. Though they grudged at the Imprisonment of Mr. Strickland and others that had spoke earnestly for Reformation, of Bishops Affairs, and the Ministry, yet they bore it patiently because of what they did enjoy. One of their strongest attempts you may read in their Petition of Sixteen Articles in Sir Sim. Dewes, An. 1584, and 1585. page 357. which is well worth the reading: But it was not endured.

But she long endured the Popish Bishops in their Seats, though in Parliament the A Bishop of York, the Bishop of London, the Bishops of Worcester, Landaff, Coventree, Oxford, Chester, the Abbot of Westminster were against the Bill for the Supremacy and abolishing Popery. See Sir S. Dewes p. 20p. 28. and p. 23. also the Bishops of Winchester, Carlile, Exceter. Which patience of hers mentioned put Sir S. D. the Historian on the recital of so large a Catalogue of Records for the Kings Power against the Pope and Usurping Bishops as is worth the reading, page 24.

§ 5. Also for many years the Papists came to our Temples, till the Pope forbad them: But the Parliament men much differed about this: Some would have all men forced to the Sacrament: Others would have them forced to hear some allowed Teachers, but not to be compelled to the Sacrament, because it is the investing of men in the Pardon of sin and right to Salvation, which no unwilling Person is capable of. Of this see in the foresaid Author, p. 177. the Excellent Speech of Mr. Aglionke, and of others.

I mention this because the late Reconcilers have made the mixture of Papists and Protestants in Communion the first ten years of the Queen to be the desireable state to which they would have had us reduced. Of which more anon.

But the Queen here also restrained them, and would have all left to her and the Bishops.

Mr. Yelverton told them how perillous a President it might prove for worser times for the Parliament to be so restrained; Where (saith he) there was such fulness of Power, as even the right of the Crown was to be determined, and by warrant whereof we had so resolved, that to say the Parliament had no Power to determine of the Crown was High Treason. Ibid. page 176.

§ 6. The Invasion 1588, and many Treasons, and the Popes Excommunications, increased the Parliaments Zeal against Popery, and the Clergies p. 21also. And when the Case of the Queen of Scots was referred to the Council of the Parliament, they earnestly urged the Queen by many Reasons, to execute the Sentence of Death which was past upon her; seeing while the Papists hoped for her Reign, neither the Life of the Queen nor the Kingdom could be safe. See Sir S. D' Ewes, page 400, &c.

These were their apprehensions then of Popery.

§ 7. In K. James's time the horrid Powder Plot to have blown up King and Parliament, and the Murder of Two Kings in France successively, H. 3. and H. 4. and other Inhumanities, increased this Kingdoms Zeal against Popery. As the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy were made for their discovery, so multitudes of Learned Men were employed in confuting their pretended Sovereignty and manifold Errors. And the common Preachers had ordinarily in their Sermons One Vse, as they called it, for the Confutation of the Papists. Besides that the Homilies and Jewels writings against them were to be in every Church. And as many of the Bishops in Queen Elizabeth's first time were such as had been Exiles and Suffered by the Papists, so many both in her days and K. James's, were Learned and Godly Men, who remembred former times, and were greatly desirous of the Extirpation of Popery, and of the increase of able Preachers, and of the Concord of Protestants to that End. And the Books of Martyrs written by John Fox being common in all parts of the Land, increased the peoples hatred of Religious cruelty. But some few Bishops (specially A. Bishop Whitguift and Bancroft) exceeded p. 22the rest in their prosecution of the Nonconformists; And though before by connivance they had enjoyed more quietness, yet when once the Canon was made and Executed for Subscribing that [there is nothing contrary to the Word of God in the Liturgy, &c.] and the Excommunicating Canons, five, six, seven, &c. the reconciliation of the Protestants seemed hopeless.

Yet even the hottest prosecuting Bishops were firm Adversaries to Popery; yea Whitguift thought Arminianism came so near it, as made him consent to the ill-framed Lambeth Articles. And that unhappy Controversie called Arminian (which I have largely proved to be over-aggravated on both sides for want of a distinct way of Examination, in my Cath. Theol.) increased the Division much. The Jesuits being most hated by the Protestants, the Arminians were taken to incline to Popery, though the Dominicans who had been on the contrary side, had been the Bloody Masters of the Inquisition. And when our English Arminians were accused of approaching Popery, it inclined some of them to think more favourably of a Reconciliation with those whom they were likened to. And the Papists never ceased their diligence, secret or open, for the restoration of their Forreign Jurisdiction and their Errours.

§ XII. The Councils at the Laterane, Lyons, and others having so set up the Pope above Kings, as that those whom he Excommunicates may be deposed, and are then no Kings: And their Most Learned Doctors writing this, the Pope came to lay much of his strength upon King-killing; and it hath proved too successful: Had it been only p. 23against Rebellion, Kings had their defence: But what can one do against a Desperado, who is promised Preferment if he escape, and taught, if he so die for the service of the Church, to look for as much greater a Reward than Martyrs, as his service is more voluntary, and of more publick benefit than theirs? When Henry the Third was so murdered in France, Henry the Fourth turned Papist, it's like much for fear. And when the first Knife had but struck out his Teeth, the next dispatcht him. King James here was not a fearless man: He had known of the many Treasons which Queen Elizabeth escaped. The Powder-Plot thundred to him, though it took not fire. King Henry's Stabs did yet speak louder. He was told, This shall be your End; think not to escape; Instruments will be found who prefer the Church before their Lives, if you repent not. What a strait now is a King in, whose Life is thus at the mercy of a thousand deluded desperate Slaves of the Pope! That which kindleth revenging anger in a Kingdom or Senate, may rationally cause fear in a single man: For it is easier to kill a King, than a Kingdom or a multitude.

§ XIII. The unhappy Differences about the five Articles in Belgio (in which I am past doubt both Parties there were much to be blamed) involved the Learned Hugo Grotius in sufferings: The Contra-Remonstrants were too violent, and trusted to the Sword of the Prince of Orange; and Grotius being condemned to Imprisonment, and by his Wife got out in a Trunk, on pretence of carrying away his Books, becoming the Queen of Swedens Resident Embassador in France, no doubt exasperated, and falling into intimate acquaintance with p. 24the French Jesuits, especially Petavius, grew to that approbation of the Moderate French Popery, which I have here after proved, and to that desire of reducing the Protestants to them, which not only Valesius Orat. in Obit. Petavii, but his own Writings fully testifie. And his design was to bring Rome as the Mistress Church, to Rule, not arbitrarily, but by the Canons of Councils, securing the Right of Kings and Bishops, and casting aside the Schoolmens subtil vain Disputes, and reforming the bad lives of the Clergy, and some small mutable things; and in this to draw in the Church of France, and England to agree, and the Queen of Sweden, and if possible the Lutherans, and to crush the Calvinists as unreconcileable: And he tells us how many in England favoured what he did, though those whom he miscalleth Brownists were against it.

§ IV. The Church of England and the Parliament being before discontented at the Marriage-Articles as to Toleration, and at the Popes Agents and Nuntio's here in London, were much more offended at the changes suddenly made by Bishop Laud. The blotting out the name of the Pope and Antichrist, and the Zeal for Altars and Bowings, and the report of a Treaty for Union with Rome, Printed by some with the particulars, and their conceit that Arminianism lookt towards Popery, and the casting out many Conformable Ministers, and many such things, especially when they thought the Liberty of their Persons, and their Properties had been Invaded, and that A. Bishop Laud, and the new Clergy Men, (Sibthorp, Mainwaring, Heylin, &c.) were the Cause of all; I say, These things raising in men a dread of Popery p. 25our greater distances were here begun: And though in A. Bishop Abbot's days the Church of England was against the Syncretism, and few went with Bishop Laud at first, he afterwards got many to adhere to him. He that would see all the Case in an unsuspected Author, let him read Dr. Heylins Life of A. B. Laud, where he shall find much of the proceedings, and the Articles and Reasons of the Treaty with the Papists. And if he add Laud's Tryal, and Rushworth's Collections, he may see more. Heylin tells us that the Design was but to bring the Papists in to us, by removing that which kept them out: They that feared a Toleration of Papists did much more fear a Comprehension or Coalition, though their Conversion they desired: For they knew that they must still be Members of the false Universal Papal Kingdom, and that we must in the greatest points come to them, who without changing their Religion could not come to us: And if we could hardly now keep out the Pope, what should we do when he had got so much more advantage of us? Besides all other Changes we must change our very Church-species, or else we should not be of the same Church, though we sate in the same Seats: For a Church which is but a subject part of a Sovereign greater Church, is no more of the same species with one that is subject to no other (but Christ) than our Cities are of the same species with a Kingdom.

§ XVI. These distances between the old Church-men and the Laudians having increased to that which they came to in 1641. suddenly on Octob. 23. the Irish Rebellion Murdering two hundred thousand, and Fame threatening their coming into England, cast the Nation into so p. 26great fear of the Papists, and next of Bishop Laud's new Clergy who were supposed to be for a Coalition, as was the Cause (where-ever I came) of Mens conceit of the necessity of defensive Arms; and this was increased by two or three Opinions which many were then guilty of, who had not Learning enough to know which side was right according to the Law.

One of their Opinions was, That the Law of Nature is the Law of God. Another was that no men have Authority to abrogate it. Another was that the Law of Nature inclineth men to Love their Lives, and to private Self-defence. Another was that every Kingdom or Nation hath by the Law of God in Nature, a right of publick Self-defence against professed Enemies and apparent danger of its destruction. And another was, that They whose profest Religion obligeth them on pain of Damnation to do their best to exterminate or destroy the Body of the Kingdom (are to be taken for its profest Enemies, if they renounce not that obligation: Especially if they or their Confederates Murder two hundred thousand Fellow-Subjects, and apparently strive for power over the rest. These Opinions being then received, and by many ill-applyed, things then ran to what we saw.

§ XVII. When the old Churchmen and Parliament on one side, (and we know who on the other side) began the War, necessity caused them to call in the Scots as Auxiliaries, who brought in the Covenant and attempted Illegally the Change of the Church Government; and all after falling into the hands of Cromwell and his Army, the King destroyed, the Parliament pulled down, and other unthought of Changes which we saw, Discord and War grew odious to the Nation. p. 27And we longed to be reconciled to those that we had differed from especially in matters of Religion.

Among others more considerable, I attempted in Worcestershire a Reconciliation with them. I tryed first with my Neighbours: The Gentry that I spake with of the Royal Party, professed willingness, and that they desired but the Security of the Essentials of Episcopacy. Dr. Good and Dr. Warmstrie with others of them Subscribed their approbation to our Agreement: When I tryed with others distant, Bishop Vsher easily consented, Bishop Brownrig on somewhat harder terms, but such as would have healed us; Dr. Hammond on harder yet, but yet such as we could have born save that he left all to the uncertain determination of a Convocation. Put shortly Dr. Warmstrie withdrew his Consent, and as the reason of it sent me a Writing against our Agreement, saying, It was a confederacy with Schism, and labouring to prove that they were no Ministers or Churches which had not Episcopal Ordination, and much more to that effect. I wrote a full answer to it, which satisfied all that I shewed it to, but did not publish it. The writing answered was Dr. Peter Guning's, now Bishop of Eli. Presently I found this opinion, That they were no true Ministers or Churches that had not an uninterrupted Succession of Diocesane Ordination from the Apostles, but that they were true Ministers and Churches that had Roman Ordination, became the stop to our desired Agreement, and I saw that it proclaimed an utter renunciation of the Reformed Churches which have no such Succession, and yet a Coalition with the Roman Clergy, though p. 28the Bishops of Rome have had the most notorious intercisions. And having read Grotius his Discussio Apologetici Rivetiani in which he more plainly pleads for Canonical Popery, than he had done in his Votum, or Consultatio, &c. I thought I was bound in Conscience to give notice to the Royalists of the Grotian Party and Design, and after printed a small Collection out of Grotius his own words: These Dr. Pierce wrote against, and others were offended at. But in the Second Part of my Key for Catholicks, I shewed the utter impossibility of this Conceit of Sovereign Government by General Councils.

§. XVIII. When God was pleased by the restoration of the King to raise Mens hopes of Protestant Agreement, I need not repeat what was done towards it; among many worthier Persons by my Self, the Earl of Manchester and the Earl of Orery first making from us the motion to His Majesty, who readily consented, and granted us the healing Terms exprest in His gracious Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs 1661; for which the London Ministers subscribed a Thanksgiving, and the House of Commons gave him their Publick Thanks, as making for the Publick Concord. But when the King under the Broad Seal granted a Commission to many on both Sides, to treat and agree of such Alterations of the Liturgy as were necessary to tender Consciences, and the Bishops and their Drs. yielded not to the least, but to the last maintained that none were necessary for them; I saw in the Manner and the Issue with whom it was that we had to do, and consequently what England must expect. I easily perceived that much more would be imposed. For I saw what some p. 29intended, and I could conjecture what must be the Means: But others went further than they. If I my self had been of the opinion that a Syncretism or Coalition with the Church of France on Grotius's terms had been the way of Church Concord most pleasing to God, and that all were intolerable Schismaticks that united not on these terms, as Members of one Universal Church, under one humane Soveraignty. It's like I should have done my best to accomplish these things following, at least, if I were also of the temper of those of that Mind which I have known.

I. I should have laboured to render all those as odious and contemptible as I could, that had been against the Coalition.

II. It's like I should have done what I could to Silence all those Ministers that were likest to hinder my Design.

III. It's like I should have desired if less would not do this, that more might be imposed on them, that it might be effectually done.

IV. It's like I should have done all that I could to Banish them far enough from the Ears and Presence and Acquaintance of Rulers, that we might represent them at our pleasure, and they might not answer for themselves.

V. If all this would not do, were I sufficiently hardened, It's like I should endeavour to break all those that will not bend, and to ruine them utterly, and lay them in Jailes with Rogues, and make men believe that they are intollerable Persons deserving worse, and that all this is Mercy to them.

VI. It's like that were I of that mind and temper, I should make it my chief design to make p. 30a tender Conscience a Scorn, and to drive it out of Esteem and Power, and then there would be little in the rest to hinder my desires; I might expect that they would all take my Pills whom I could first get to swallow as big a thing.

VII. I would make the great noise about Episcopacy, Liturgy and Conformity, and not say a word till all were ready of a Coalition with the French Papists or Roman Church.

VIII. I would (as Dr. Heylin) call this a Drawing in the Papists to us, when we had opened the Door wide enough for their Universal Soveraignty, and I would not call it a going over to them.

IX. It's like I should learn of Grotius, to call none Papists but only those that count all good and lawful that the Popes do, or as Dr. Saywell, disown none but the Jesuited Party, and then I would detest and rant against Papists as hotly as any of them all.

X. I would not put any Oath or Profession of Popery, or of an Universal foreign Jurisdiction on any of the Lay Communicants, nor on the Inferior Clergy till they were ripe for it: It's gently said of Dr. Saywell, What Bishop puts you to own the Power of General Councils before he will give you the Sacrament? If the Bishops will but own and be subject to a foreign Jurisdiction, and the Clergy only to the Bishops at first, and the Laity to that Clergy and Bishop; the Chain is strong enough at present, we need no more.

XI. I will Prognosticate no further conditionally of my self, but whoever is engaged in such work, above all cannot spare the Engine of Historical Vntruths. Against those that may not be p. 31heard speak for themselves, nor be acquainted with them that hear the report, this must do the greatest part of the work; it cannot be probably done without it: Perjury is a thing that I will not meddle with.

XII. They must make the Differences of Protestants as odious as they can, and make men believe that they are running mad for want of Catholick Government and Unity, and as a late Book called An Address, &c. tell them that lately there were an Hundred and forty several Sects, (and if it be denied, it is but proving so many Complexions.)

XIII. Above all, they must say nothing for the Pope himself, but only for General Councils, advancing their Honour by making odious all that they Condemned, and by the Reverence that Protestants have exprest to the best as means of Concord: And they must be sure to confound Concord and Government, Communion and Subjection.

XIV. And they must be sure to keep the Ministry; partly in hope of Preferment, and partly in servile Dependance, and specially to Corrupt the Vniversities, that part may be Ignorant and Vicious, and part ambitious Militants; And when once all these have got into Church Livings, let the Dislikers get them out if they can.

XV. Some have ever found it of great use to Altering-designs, to represent all that are against it as Rebellious, and make Rulers believe that they are their Enemies. And when our King here hath done so much by the Act of Oblivion, and advancing the late Duke of Albemarle, and acknowledging the Service of him and his Army, and many others who formerly fought against p. 32him, I cannot but suspect some Altering design in them that would still rub the old Sores, and fetch thence Materials for all their Purposes. (If I may mix ridiculous things with terrible,) that as the Drunken Man easing his Bladder by a running Conduit, stood half the day there in a mingent posture, complaining to Passengers that his Water would not stop, because he still heard the Conduit run; so if they can but make the Nation Drunk or Melancholick, the noise of nothing but War, and Rebellion, and Blood, will make them think that their Blood is still running.

XVI. And beyond Sea, the Papists have found it the greatest Expedient to their Successes, to keep Great Men from Study, and Learning, yea, and from Conscience and Sobriety, and train them up with Sport, and Wine and Women, and Debauchery, and ranting Jollity, and scorns at Conscience and Preciseness, that they may not discern their own interest, nor have understanding enough to see the Snare, but may tamely put their foot in the Stocks & under pretence of Universal Concord and Government, make themselves the Subjects of a foreign Usurpation. And if the Pope may but govern till the next General Council, it will be like a Lease of many Hundred Years, as good as a Fee-simple; And may he but Rule all as Patriarch and Principium Vnitatis by the Canons already made, it will be as good as the Guardianship of Infants, that will never call the Guardian to Account.

§. XIX. I must say after all this, that I love the French Church much better than the Italian, and if we must all be Papists, had rather we were French Papists, of the two. And yet that I more p. 33fear the French Papists than the Italians. For the Italian Party are at so visible a distance, that they can design no way for their advantage but a Toleration (unless they could get the Government) And their Toleration would a while but make the Nation better know them, and more dislike them: But the French Party cry down Toleration, and trust wholly to a Coalition and to force: They hope to do their work before its known what they are doing: They will cry down Popery, meaning only the Pope's absolute Power above Councils: It is but abating the Latine Service, Transubstantiation, Priests Marriage, granting the Cup to the Laity, and two or three more such things, and crying up nothing but the Name of the Church of England (though changed by Subjection to a Forreign Jurisdiction) and then crying up Obedience and Conformity to it, and crying down Schism as an intolerable thing, and the Papists shall seem to turn to us, and not we to them, and then no Dissenter shall be suffered. Mr. Thorndikes Book of forbearance of Penalties, tells us of no other hope of sufferance, but on supposition that we all agree in subjection to the thing called, The Vniversal Political Church. And a Learned Tribe by Interest and Opinion engaged in the Cause may be ready by confident triumphant Writings and Disputes to make good all this, and scorn and tread down Gainsayers as Schismaticks. And the Coalition will take in the parts and labours of those that now are called Papists, who are trained up in Militant Arts.

XX. But as long as God and the King are against them, we need not much fear the Success of their Endeavours: Such a Care hath the King had to secure the Land against all suspicion of Popery p. 34in himself, that a severe penalty is to be inflicted on any that shall so defame him: Yea he hath passed Acts for the Clergy, Corporations, Vestries, the Militia, Nonconformists, in which they are all obliged by Promise or Oath never to Endeavour any Alteration of the Government of Church and State: And again I say, what sober Man can be so sottish as to think that to subject the King, Clergy, and whole Kingdom to the Forreign Jurisdiction of a pretended Universal Sovereignty (Monarchical, Aristocratical or Mixt) is no alteration of the Government of the Church, yea of the Church-specifying Form.

XXI. This is a great secondary reason why we cannot be for such a change because we cannot Consent that Church, Vestries, Corporations, Militia, &c. should be all perfidious or perjured: Yea all the Land that have taken the Oath of Supremacy against all Forreign Jurisdiction. We accuse not others but excuse our selves: Yea what Crime is it against King and Kingdom, to make them the Subjects of a Forreign Power, I leave to other men to enquire.

XXII. God seemeth purposely to have confounded them in their Design, by leaving them no Materials for their Fabrick. I can imagine no pretences of possibility but in some of these following ways. 1. That it is the Colledge of Bishops diffused over the Earth that must exercise Legislation and Judgment by Consent, or by Majority of Votes: And I shall never fear the prevalency of this Opinion, till an Epidemical Madness turneth us into a Bedlam.

2. That it must be a true General Council that must Govern us: And this is no more to be expected p. 35than that all the World fall under one Monarch, or that all Christians save one Kingdom Apostatize; which God prevent.

3. That Patriarchs with such Metropolitans as they will call, be taken for the Governing Representers of all the Bishops and Churches on Earth. But there is no possibility left us of this way: For it must be either by the five old Patriarchs or by new ones. 1. If the old ones, Gods Judgments have made that way unpracticable. 1. The Cities of Antioch and Alexandria are destroyed, where two of the Patriarchs should be Bishops. 2. The Turk is Lord of four of the old Patriarchal Seats; and none can be chosen, rule, or come to Councils without his Consent. And he can get almost whom he will Chosen, and so the Turk should be our Chief Church Governour. And the Places are bought with Money, and the Possessors answerable. Ludolphus tells us that the Patriarch of Alexandria is some unlearned ignorant Person that scarce knoweth Letters, and that Men are made Clergy-men there against their wills, all Men shunning the Office because of the Sufferings from the Turk which they must undergo. They have no just Qualification, Election or Power: There are three nominal Patriarchs of Antioch chosen by three several Parties, besides the Popes. They are utterly uncertain which of them is right, or rather certain that none of them are or can be such. All the four Nominal Patriarchs are against the Romans, and several against each other: And many of the chief Christian Churches own none of them as their Governours, and none own them all as such.

And must our Kings and Kingdoms be Subjects p. 36of ignorant Subjects of the Turk, because once Men were advanced to high Titles over Towns now destroyed, in one Christian Empire now dissolved or turned Mahometans.

4. There is therefore but one way left, which is for the Pope and his Privy Council of Cardinals to be the standing Governour, by Judgment and Execution, and to call when Princes force him to it, such European Councils as he can, and (as he doth) to make four Nominal Patriarchs (of Const. Alex. Antioch and Jerusalem) as Men make Kings, Queens, and Bishops on a Chess-board, and to call these General Councils, as he did that at Trent, and to keep the people ignorant enough to believe it.

As for the making of a sort of new Patriarchs there must go so much to agree who they shall be among all Christian Princes and Nations, and then to prove that they are the true Representers of all others, and that the Representers or represented have any Universal Legislative Power, that I am in no Expectations of any such Sovereignty. I have proved against Mr. Hooker that the Body of the people as such are not the Givers of the Power of their Govern ours, nd therefore cannot give power to an Universal Supream.

XXIII. When I had seen all Mr. Thorndikes Books, and Dr. Heylins, and some other such, and A. Bishop Bramhall's Book against me, with a long and vehement reproving Preface, I purposed to have again detected the design, and have answered that Book. But my Bookseller Nevill Simons told me that Mr. Roger Lestrange then Overseer of the Press, came to him and vehemently protested that he would ruine him if he printed p. 37my Answer to it: And when it might not be Printed I forbore to Write it.

Since then among others Mr. Dodwell hath appeared with most Voluminous confidence, whom I have answered; who I doubt not will want neither Ink, Paper, Words or Face for a reply.

My Conference with Bishop Guning I thought it against the Rules of Converse to publish. But his Chaplain Dr. Saywell, Master of a Colledge in Cambridge, whom I take for his Mouth, being himself present, hath published what he would have the World to believe of our Discourse, in a Book against me, for Universal Jurisdiction: And therefore he hath put some necessity on me to publish the Truth, which I am confident will not be to the Readers loss of time, who will peruse it. When I had sent him my Book of Concord, he sent me Dr. Saywell's first, by Dr. Crowther, of which I wrote to him my sence. On this he desired me to come speak with him, which having done three several days, I thought it meet at Night to Recollect our Discourse and send him the Sum of all in Letters, that neither he might forget it, or any Man misrepresent it. These four Letters I have therefore here annexed, and with them an answer to Dr. Saywell's Reasons for a Forreign Jurisdiction.

XXIV. I am so far from charging the Church of England with the guilt of this Doctrine or Design, that I prove that the Church of England is utterly against it. But then by that Church I do not mean any Men that can get heighth and confidence enough to call themselves the Church of England; but those that adhere to the Articles of Religion, the Doctrine, Worship and Government by Law Established.

p. 38XXV. And I am so far from uncharitable Censures of the Men whom I thus confute, that I profess that I believe Mr. Thorndike, Bishop Guning, Mr. Dodwell, &c. to be Men that do what they do in an Erroneous Zeal for Unity and Government, and are Men of great Labour, Learning, and Temperance, and Religious in their way: And I have the same Charity and Honour for many French Papists, yea for such Papal Flatterers as Baronius who joyned with Philip Nerius in his first Oratorian Exercises and Conventicles: Yea I cannot think that they that burn and torment Men for Religion, could live in quietness, if they did not confidently think that it is an acceptable Service to God. And I fear not still to profess that were it in my power, I would have no hurt done to any Papist which is not necessary to our own defence.

But I must say that I much more honour such as Gerson, Ferus, Espencaeus, Monlucius, Erasmus, Vives, Cassander, Hospitalius, Thuanus, &c. who among Papists drew nearer the Reformers, than such among us as having better Company and Helps draw fromward them, and nearer to the Deformers.

XVI. And as to you, Reverend Brethren Conformists, who are true to the True Church of England; I humbly crave of you but three things. I. That you will by hard study and Ministerial diligence and holiness of life, keep up to your power the common Interest of Christianity, of Faith and serious Piety and Charity. II. That you will heartily promote the Concord of all godly Protestants, and therein follow such measures as Christ himself hath given us, and as you would have p. 39others use towards you. III. That you will openly and faithfully disown the dangerous Errour of Universal Legislative and Judicial Soveraignty, and bringing the King, and Church, and Kingdom under any Forreign Jurisdiction, Monarchical, Aristocratical or Mixt; and never stigmatize the Church of England and your sacred Order with the odious brand of Persidiousness, after so many Imposed and Received Subscriptions, Professions and Oaths, against all Endeavours to alter the Government of Church or State.

XVII. And as to the Nations fears of future Popish Soveraignty, for my part I meddle no further than 1. To do the work of my own Office and Day, 2. And to pray hard for the Nations Preservation, 3. And to trust God, and hope that he will perfect his wonders in such a deliverance, as shall confirm our belief of his special care and providence for his Church.

But I must tell you that such Reasons as Bishop Gunings Chaplains, should not be thought strong enough to make you so secure, as to abate the fervour of your prayers. His words are these (more congruous far to him than to you and me) page 282, 283. [The only means that is left to preserve our Nation from destruction, and to secure us from the danger of Popery, is to suppress all Conventicles, &c. — Being by this method provided against having our People seduced by the Papists, which as yet they are in great danger of— the next thing is to consider how to prevent violence, that those be not murdered and undone that cannot be perswaded to submit. Now to secure this, His Majestes gracious promises to conform any Bills that were thought necessary to preserve the Established Religion, p. 40that did not intrench on the Succession of the Crown, do make the way very easie; if our People were united among themselves, and in the Religion of the Church of England. For matters may be so ordered, that all Officers Ecclesiastical, Civil and Military, and all that are employed in Power and Authority, of any kind, be persons both of known Loyalty to the Crown, and yet faithful Sons of the Church, and firm to the Established Religion: And the Laws that they act by may be so explained, in favour of those that Conform to the Publick Worship, and the discouragement of all Dissenters, that we must reasonably be secure from any violence that the Papists can offer to force our submission: For when All our Bishops and Clergy are under strict Obligations and Oaths, and the People are guided by them; and all Officers, Civil and Military, are firm to the same Interest, and under severe penalties, if they act any thing to the contrary: Then what probable danger can there be of any violence or disturbance, to force us out of our Religion, when all things are thus secured, and the Power of External Execution is generally in the hands of men of our own Perswasion. Nay moreover, the Prince himself will by his Coronation Oath be obliged to maintain the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom so Established.]

I am not of a Calling fit to debate the Reasons of these Reverend Fathers; some will read them with a Plaudite; some with a Ridete; some with a Cavete, and I with an Orate: And he that will abate the fervour of his prayers by such securing words, is one whose Prayers England is not much beholden to. The words with all their designs are edifying, as Diagnostick and Prognostick. I only say, [Seeing we receive a Kingdom which cannot p. 41be moved, let us have grace whereby we may serve God acceptably with reverence and godly fear; for our God is a consuming fire, Heb. 12.28, 29.]

March 28. 1682.