An Apology in Brief Assertions — Hugh Broughton

An Apology in Brief Assertions · Hugh Broughton

THAT THERE WAS NO cauſe why 560. yeares ſhould be imagined betwixt the deliuerance by Cyrus, and the death of our Sauiour.

For the whole time.

IF twentie from Nathan to Salathiel, & much the like in Salomons houſe: for that Ezekias might hauehave been a grandfather, at Manaſſes birth: if theſe two houſes had but 430. yeares, for twenty or as twentie: the twentie in Sainct Luke from Zororobabel, by all likelihoode can not without warrant from God come ſo farre, as to make vp Daniels 490. yeares, much leſſe 560.

If twentie can hardly bring vp ſo much: much leſſe would an heathen gather from ten Matth. 1. ſo much, by ordinarie courſe: none can affirme anie omitted.

For the Perſians 130. yeres.

The fiue generations (from Ioſua excluded) vntounto Iaddue by common ſucceſſion, hardlie make vp one hundred and thirtie, much leſſe may mans counters ſummon them to double, almoſt.

And if Nehemiahs gonernement and Sanballats open dealing ſaw the whole 5. that are after Ioſua: it is ſtrange that his gouernment ſhould be longer than all theirs, in ſo ſmall recordes of doings.

Nehemiah, by all Ebrewes and Greekes, and all that read the Bible as ſufficient in it ſelf, is the ſame Ez. 2. Ne. 1. So he muſt ſee all the Perſian times. For Iaddue who met Alexander and Darius the laſt of Perſian Monarchs is in his booke chap. 12. 22. and his owne dealinges againſt Manaſses brother to Iaddue ſonne in lawe to Sanballat, who ſaw Alexanders warres. Ioſeph. 11. ant. 7. & 8. conferd with Neh. 13. 28.

Obiection.

Bellarmine the Ieſuite from Beda, ſaith that Nehemia… numbreth the high Prieſts vntounto Iaddue, becauſe he touched the infancie of Iaddue, who was aged when he met Alexander.

Anſwer.

1 Manaſſes the younger brother of Iaddue, marying Sanballats daughter cauſed Nehemias troubles: therfore he ſaw their mans age.

2 He ſaw alſo Darius Codomanus. N. 12. euen by the confeſſion of M. F. Iunius.

An other obiection in Wolphius vponupon Nehemias.

It may be that ſome after Nehemias death wrote the catalogue of thoſe high Prieſts.

Anſwer.

1 We ſhoulde not imagine one worke to be of two auctors, though Deut. 33. hath the laſt eight verſes written after Moſes death: by Ioſue Baua Batra pag. 15. or ſome other. For there euident mention of death went afore, but no ſuch thing is here.

2 Alſo that of Darius and Manaſſes, doth aunſwer him. And thus Nehemias age controlleth all that extend the Perſians rule vntounto two hundred yeres and more: and grant him borne at the firſt returne, as all antiquitie, and the late that I know, do, ſauing one or two.

A third obiection.

Nehemias placed third amongſt the names expreſsely named (Ezr. 2. 2.) is not he who is neere in gouernment, Neh. 1. & of that the Geneua notes auctoritie might hauehave warned. For that Nehemias was young, as circumſtances proue: ſpecially that he knewe not that Ieruſalem was deſtroied.

Anſwer.

1 It is ſtrange that Nehemias a Iewe, wittie and learned, coulde be ignoraunt of Moſes, Eſay, Micheas, Ieremie, Ezekiel, Obadias, Pſalm. 137. Daniel: whoſe praier he ſo expreſſely followeth touching Ieruſalem: of Cyrus decree, of Zor…babels companie, of Ezras, and after fiftie thouſande returned to their countrie, ſhoulde not know that. A childe ſeauen yeares olde hardly would hauehave beene ſo ſimple. Marke what ſtrange expoſitions a falſe Chronicle breedeth.

2 All circumſtances proue him aged: his heauineſſe of foure moneths for Ieruſalem: his office of truſt for the kings life: his policie: yeelding an idean of a politician.

3 The notes on the Bible dedicated to her Maieſtie, as they now ſtand proue the contrarie: and vtterly reſiſt the citer of them. So vnleſſe Romiſtes and Proteſtantes, and the olde fathers will reſiſt their owne ſelues: Nehemias wil driue them all to condemne the Greeke ſuppoſed agreement of Chronicle: and to followe Gabriels. For what a vanitie and vexation of ſtudie, hath it wroght among men that would ſeeme to commend Scripture as plaine? To what inconſtancie hath it driuen men: to make their owne writings to croſſe themſelues: and to wreſt Scriptures, beyonde all reaſon of common iudgement.

Of Ezra.

A like ſtrength to the cauſe bringeth Ezra. Ebrewes, Greekes. Latines all commonly, vnleſse ſome one forget himſelfe, helde Ezra ſonne to Saraias; which was killed when the temple was burnt. So he liuing nigh to their laſt times, controulleth the ouerreachers by their owne conſent.

So do, Sal. Iarchi vponupon 1. Chron. 5. Abrabbaneel vponupon Aggei: Rambam and zakuto in their ſucceſſions, & Megilah in the Talmud maketh him ſuch: as Baruchs ſcholer, & Simeony vponupon Ezra named Neh. 12, from Talmud Sanedrin, maketh him the Scribe: as nothing further doubting. Athanaſius or other Greekes neuer moued anie doubt. Latines more expreſſely mention it: as olde Ierome, whome alſo H. Bullinger citeth▪ as Lyra, Lauater, Pellican, Sixtus Senenſis, Tilemanus Stella, and Romiſtes, in apparatu Bibliorum and vponupon 2. King. 25. and all who like of 4. Eſd. 3. Whereas none yet for that point controll the auctor: none that I could heare of. Only the Rabbin zakuto forgetting the text, maketh him ſonne to Ioſedek, though in an other place he ſhewing how manie of his anceſters Ezra omitted, placeth not Ioſedek as one. And M. F. Iunius in priuat ſpeech with my ſelfe (though hereby he ouerthroweth his cauſe and my aduerſaries by his grant) maruelled that any woulde doubt of it. For his death, whether we holde with them that bring him to the Perſians end of Monarchie (as they do, who either make him to be Malachie, or to write Nehemias ſtorie) or to dye ſomewhat ſooner: we neede not to ſtriue for the extremitie of his olde age.

Obiection againſt that Eſra ſhould be properly ſonne to Saraias.

The terme ſonne may be for any poſterity: and Eſra i… …bnepos to Saraias: that is in the fifte deſcent from him.

Anſwer.

1 He is very ſimple in deede, & knoweth not Chriſt to be the ſonne of Dauid, who is ignorant how ſonne may ſignifie any poſteritie. But we muſt hold the uſuall ſignification of termes, vnles ſcripture driue us to ſeeke others that be further of.

2 It had ben a ſtrange dealing in Eſra to deriue Saraias to Aaron. 1. Chro. 5. (who is knowen vp to Adam) without omitting any one, if betwixt him and Saraias he would ſo pen the matter, as to deceaue his owne nation continually. Greekes alſo and alſo Latiniſtes commonly. None heretofore euer thought him abnepotem Saraiae, nor borne after the Captiuity.

3 It can not agree with any mans nature, to hauehave him in record next himſelfe, who is the firſt ſtaine of his houſe if he had any betwixt to record. but to Efra Saraias was ſuch, the firſt of his line that died in open wrath, therfore he would neuer hauehave him next himſelfe, if any further kinred were betwixt.

4 The lerning and authority of Eſra argueth that he was of that age; wherin ebrew was purely kept. For he could not hauehave bin counted a principal man amongeſt ſo many thouſandes, vnles in ebrew ſtudies he had bin of the ebrew prophets education: as the talm…d maketh him ſcholler to Barue, & the Iewes generall conſent holdeth, and the Greekes with Latines much in the ſame ….

Touching the obiection that as Eſra ouer ſkippeth in one cataloge certen generations, (by Zacuto ſeauen, in dede but ſix) ſo well he might omit ſome betwixt Saraias and himſelfe, it may ſone be anſwered, that as the one is ſure by a ſcripture, ſo ſhould the other hauehave bin, if any ſuch matter were. but it is not. therfore I will no more beleue any to be betwixt Saraias and Eſra, then betwen theſe, Salmon, Booz, Obed, Ieſsai. Betwixt them, ſome hauehave imagined ſome: none of accompte, any betwixt theſe two.

Obiection.

Nehemias ſhould exceede common old age, and Ezra ſpecially.

Anſwer.

Suppoſe Nehemias aged but twelue yeres: according to Ioſephus recorde (antiq. 11. 4.) for the youngeſt in the roules of the returned. So he might ſee Alexanders warres vnderunder one hundred and fortie, younger then Galen. Neither was that age anie where ſtraunge.Geſnerus out of Bale…. Dauid Meneuenſis ſaw yeares one hundred fortie and fiue. A Beuerley man of late was reported to dye at one hūdred thirtie and fiue yeres, of whoſe age great examination by great mē was ſaid to be had. Plinie recordeth many aged betwixt a hundred thirtie and fiue, and a hundred and fortie, found together in ſmall quarters of Italie. By Epimenides of a hundred fiftie and ſeauen in Plinie, Phlegon, Lucian, with Arganthonius of a hundred and fiftie, in thē frō Anacreon and Herodotus, & M. Aponius well knowne of that age in Plinie lib. 7. cap. 49. by them Ezras caſe will not be ſtrange. For if prophane late matche or paſſe Iſmaels old age: it ſhould not be thought ſtrange that one as Ezra an other Moſes for law, ſhould for olde age come neere Iſaakes yeares: when a prophecie from God, zach. 8. 4 had promiſed that olde folke vſing ſtaues in their handes, ſhoulde ſit in Ieruſalems ſtreetes. That prophecie might warrant vsus that ſome ſhould be found verie aged. Through Europe a forged Philo hath long ben receaued, cited in commentaries infinitely, in which Mardochai is aged a hundred ninetie eight yeares. The countries who receiued him ſhould not hold▪ Ezras yeres ſtrange. Codomans imitatour that maketh Obed and Ieſſai new fathers at a hundred ſixtie one, may not blame this. But I ſee no neceſſitie why we may not thinke that Ezra died ſome twentie or thirtie yeares before Alexanders Monarchie, as I hauehave before handled: though for the common opinion we place him in the laſt times of the Perſians exactly. So his age ſhall hauehave no vnlikelihood in it: euen to an heathen iudgement. And thus by two good witneſſes the Perſians Monarchie is drawne within the compaſſe of one hundred and thirtie yeares, from the ſuppoſed two hundred or more.

For the ſpace betwixt Cyrus and Aggai, prophecying: that it is nothing neere 107.

From the temple built vntounto Tyberius his eighteenth, D. R. hath fiue yeares leſse than I lay. That ſpace by our agreements is paſt fauour to his part: wherefore the ſpace betwixt Cyrus and Aggei remaineth to be tried. That it is nothing neere 107. yeres, nor more than 32. weigh all proofs, of coniectures manie, ſome ſurer and better ſtanding, ſome demonſtrations may be ſeene.

1 Mardochei is held then aliue, captiued with Ieconias: ſo held al the milliōs of Ebrewes & Greeks, all that our lād bred, all ſimple that are turned to the text: & that proofe, or none, is enough, his age and his vncles daughter ends the controuerſie. By my account he ſhoulde be a litle elder than Daniel was the third of Cyrus.

Bellarmine had rather grant him yeeres one hundred ſixtie fiue than to deny him to be captiued: for which point Paulus Burgenſis and Caietanus hauehave been continually reiected which opinion is reuiued by Druſius, Scaliger, Iunius and Pererius: but againe reiected of later.

Againſt that, for Romiſtes Bellarmin vponupon Eſters booke hath arguments acceptable: de verbo Dei.

For Ebricians, theſe auctors cite the Iewes common opinion, Talmud in Megilah, Midras Megilah, Aben Ezra, Salomoh Iarchi, Ralbag, Maharam Garma. R. Eleazar: Salomoh Ben Elkabez, Iacob ben Nahum, Geon, Eliſai Galico, the large Chaldean paraphraſtes, all theſe vponupon Eſter: ſo Bochai vponupon Exod. 17. bringing Mardochai of Saul and Kis. None hauehave one ſyllable ſhewing that any of their nation euer doubted whether Mardochai were captiued.

It can not ſtand with modeſtie to refuſe the vniuerſall conſent of a nation, for iudgement in a narration in their owne language, & of their owne common weale: whereof yerely two thouſand yeeres they hauehave kept a remembrance and continuall meditation in their common place bookes and praier bookes.

Theſe tranſlaters in the Latine tongue the beſt in Ebrew skill, Munſter, Vatablus. Pagnin, with Montanus, Boderianies, Raphelengius: Tremelius the moſt exquiſit of anie, whom Iunius in the margent keepeth vnaltered: and commentaries all that I hauehave ſeene, ſauing the few aboue named: theſe cut of the doubt.

So do manie Chroniclers, though to their owne whole ouerthrow for the Perſians two hundred yeres or more: mans teſtimonie is ſtrongeſt againſt himſelfe. Take theſe Lucidus, Maſſaeus, Curio, Bucholcherus, Bunting, Bullinger, Chytreus, Funſchius, Vignier, Schubert. Codoman: all confeſse either in worde or ſo placing Mardochai, as with Iechonias he might be captiued. When ſo manie learned confeſse that wherby they fall: can one in their companie proue that they confeſse erroneouſly?

2 The returned built the temple. Ezra. 6. 14.

3 The children which had been in captiuitie, prieſts Leuites, and the reſt, celebrate the dedication. verſ. 16.

4 Zorobabel and Ioſuah are expreſsely named returners and builders: two in office together neuer were 107. yeares.

5 Aggei (2. 4.) by the iudgement of all commenters ſpake of man that had ſeene the former temple in age of diſcretion, 90. yeares aged they ſhoulde be by mine account. That I trow is enough, not 160. as for the obiection that his ſpech is a wiſh, none euer had ſuch a ſpeech in vre: as who of you: for O that one of you: a prouoker ſhould not go againſt the whole ſtreame of learned.

6 It can not ſtande with reaſon that God ſhoulde bring 50000. home in fauour and of 107. yeres tell them nothing of redemption, but delite in their ſonnes vnafflicted for his truth: while yet ſucceſſion of prophets was to continue. And the like breaking of was not ſince Adams time: to hauehave times vnrecorded and without anie action touching God.

7 No Iew nor Gentil brake of the ſucceſſion of prophets betwixt Samuel and Malachie: but from Daniel to Aggei 107. yeares ſhould breake it of.

8 The Ebrewes generally hold it but as 70. yeares from Sedekias fall to Aggai. Abenezra goeth foureteene yeares further as I doe. I neede not to regard Sadaias vponupon Dan. 9. iarring from all his owne nation. They be followed by Greekes, Theophilus, Theodoretus, and Clemens, daſhing therein the heathen accompts of Cyrus and Cambyſes, held onelyonly for a thing of toleration in talke to Heathen, not of exactnes.

9 S. Ierome alſo, and after him Latines full many, follow the Ebrewes.

10 He ſhould not pretend defence of antiquity, which hath it more againſt him then I am.

11 The whole tenor of Aggai argueth a ſpeech uttered to the returned, rather then to a new age: as their thinking that it was not time to build: and the famine while they intermitted, and all ſcarcity, and ſuch: without any one ſyllable betokening a new age.

12 It were ſtrange that Aggai ſhoulde in fiue prophecies four times record the day of the monethmonth: and one day twiſe, if 2. of Darius ſhould be ſtragling, & hauehave not any for to ioyne it to ſtory. But by the 20. making vp 50. from Cyrus it hath, a certaine ſumme: euen 32.

Many learned rightlie marke and Ebrewes generallie cited by Aben ezra vponupon Ezra. 6. 14. that Darius and Artaxaſt are the names of that king vnderunder whome Aggei prophecieth and Ezra returneth: and who ſo thinke otherwiſe will make a ſtraunge penning of Ezras ſtorie. That being ſo holden, the troupes of them that ioyne Artaxaſt his 20. to the 50. from Cyrus firſt, ſet his ſecond at 32. of which point more ſhall be ſpoken hereafter. And ſo Aggei conteineth as fit a ſpace both for the returned from Babylon to be yet of actiuitie about his temple, with their children alſo of iudgement and ſtrength: as the men of middle age at the ſtarres appearing when our Lord was borne, & with thē their children of his age, might together ſee the temple of his bodie, after two & thirtie yeres, raiſed vp. God chooſeth times reaſonable, likely, and like: for his dealings: and eaſie in ſtorie to be conſidered and remembred.

13 When they built an altar a prophet was to teache them from God:Talmud in Iebamoth. pag. 21. b. Abrabba neel flieth frō the Talmud to a fable of Ioſephus Ben Gorion: of fire hid and made like oyle: yet he diſdained to accomp…anie thing of the ſecond of the Machabees for his ſtrength vponupon Aggei. howe without fire from heauen they might ſacrifice, by ordinaire fire (I ſee no better opening of that action) but in any record none hauehave we amongſt them but Aggai and Zacharie, & Zacharie is called Naar, a luſtie man or young man, which for one much aboue fiftie would be a ſtrange ſpeech: ſo he ſhoulde be about twentie at his comming home.

14 Zacharie telleth of their fathers conſumed: which to the returned may be ſpoken but not of the returned.

15 Alſo the faſting for Ieruſalems deſtruction, and the naming of the famous anger for the ſeauentie yeres, that will admit none other ſenſe but the ſeauenty of captiuitie: famous to be knowne by that generall name, which if ſeauentie more had beene paſt, it had beene an vnfit ſpeech: that was miſtaken by antiquitie to be ſeauentie from Sedekias, and all circumſtances might agree well with the eighteene yeeres ſince Cyrus, as Ebrewes, Greekes and Latines gueſſed, but that a flat Scripture calleth for thirtie two yeres: eighteene more making vp fiftie.

16 The people were generally ſo tractable vnderunder Aggai and zacharie as neuer any ſuch number: and ſuch as captiuitie might well be thought to tame.

17 As Laertius noteth that Epimenides was fiftie & ſeauen yeeres a ſleepe. So here all Iuda ſhall be longer a ſleepe, without any one ſillable in record, what any one doth all the while: by the hundreth and ſeauen yeres.

18 Nehemias demaunded in what caſe they were at Ieruſalem which were the remnant of the captiuitye: in the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes. wherfore the ſpace thence to Cyrus was ſuch as mans age from the captiuity might yet fuffer ſome good ſort aliue.

19 If Ieruſalem had bin vnwalled aboue 120. yeares, Nehemias would not, as he did, take a ſodaine griefe, for ſo ſtale a matter. But for ſeauen ſeauens now ending, and touched by Gabriel for the building of Ieruſalem, he might by iuſt lykelihoode take a griefe.

It was neuer found in anie auctour, that an whole being laid downe, partes ſhoulde be ioyned to in quantitie iuſtly making vp the whole: and yet ſhoulde not belong to that matter, but to an other. Wherefore the Angels partition of ſeuen ſeuens, ſixtie two, & one: from the going foorth of the word vntounto building of Ieruſalem, and thence vntounto our Lordes healtie paſſion, muſt not onelie make vp the whole, but muſt hauehave ſome cleere reaſon for the firſt and laſt part: otherwiſe the partition had bin without iudgement. But for the laſt part: a defender in common conſent is needleſſe: wherefore the troubler of the firſt part ſhould ſeeme troubleſome, againſt art.

20 That Nehemias had relation to Gabriel for building of Ieruſalem (for which worke ſeauen ſeauens are ſet a parte Dan. 9.) the whole imitation of Daniels prayer which Nehemias followeth, more then euer Virgil followed Homer, or Tully Demoſthenes, that imitation maketh plaine, that to Daniels Chronicle he had relation.

21 No other reaſon can be rendred, why 49. yeares ſhould be ſpoken of alone Dan. 9. but for the time of the chiefe worke for building Ieruſalem: and ſo much is grā ted by many, as by Maiſter Scaliger himſelfe, who yet can not ſee howe from that partition to make vp the whole ſumme of Daniels foure hundred and ninetie yeeres.

22 The 46. yeares Ioh. 2. for building the temple, which was begon in the firſt, and hindered in the third of Cyrus▪ fitly agreeth with this accompte. For Nehemias finiſhed great workes about the temple: and it is doubtles that the rancorous Iewes which for a four yeres continued worke, bring 46. to cauſe our Lord his ſpeech hatefull, woulde omitte no whit that touched the Temple,

23 Aben Fzra vponupon Dan. 9. he the deadlieſt enemy for Chriſte ſo caſteth the time: and ſaith that he had record of Perſians for that time.

24 Ioſephus likewiſe in Euſebius Demon. 8. hath the like time: whom Clemens following, againſt his account for the ſeconde of Darius, giueth 49. yeeres to the laſt building of the temple. Cedrenus alſo muſt ſo be conſtrued: or to ſpeake nothing.

Clemens can not otherwiſe make theſe words reaſonable: That in ſeauen ſeauens the Temple was built, it is manifest: for that is written in Ezra. Nowe what Oedipus coulde euer gather that from Ezra, but by referring Nehemias ſadnes to Daniels ſeauen ſeauens: and thereby gathering the chronicle of Ezra? And it appeareth by him that this was a common opinion in his age: otherwiſe no man can ſee by anie particulars in him howe to bring that about.

25 Moreouer Cedrenus citing Ioſephus for 480. yeres thence to the ruine of the temple, ſheweth how in loſeſephus daies this account was receaued.

Obiections.

Why admit I not Ioſephus for further times: agreeing with heathen?

Anſwer.

Becauſe when hee writeth in Greeke he will often ſpeake as common prophane Greeks record: yet cloſely in certeine places will ſhew what he meant: but if Ioſephus teſtimonie may ſerue, the cauſe is ended. For he maketh Nehemiah to be of the captiued.

Obiection againſt Cedrenus. He is of as great authoritie as Legenda aurea. Anſwer.

The ſimpler the man is and in a matter of difficultie agreeth with Scripture againſt him ſelfe for other places, the more it appeareth that others better learned left vntounto his handes a tried account, or ſheweth how the angels wordes brought that about, which otherwiſe mans vncertainty woulde hardly hauehave found out: and I dare beleeue Cedrenus and Ioſephus, if Daniel and Gabriel be their ſurety before 185000. Chaldeans or Olympiques, of whoſe vanitie we will ſpeake anone.

That none ſhuld thinke it aboue the ſpace of a Iubilie from Cyrus firſt to Nehemias gouernment: twelue men of twentie two returned with Zorobabel liuing to Nehemias gouernement, will bring a reaſonable proofe. Theſe be the men, chiefe men in the ſacrificers courſes. Firſt Seraiah. Seconde Amariah. Third Malluc. Fourth Chattaſh. Fifth Shebania. Sixth Charim. Seaueth Meremoth. Eighth Ginnethon. Ninth Abia. Tenth Miamin. Eleuēth Bilgai. Twelfth Shemaiah. By a iury of ſuch twelue men ſoone might it be tried, whether it could well be aboue fiftie yeeres that Iuda ſhoulde be at home hindered without the poſſeſſion of a walled citie. Their ſonnes & more continuing in their office thence vntounto Darius the laſt, and luſtie Sanballat hauing a daughter a matche for Iaddues brother, theſe may make all agree with Maiſter Scaliger: and M. Iunius my aduerſaries: now my partners for the reſt of the Perſians times, that it can not be anie longer than I make it. Hereby it appereth that not the third part of 107. are frō Babels fal to the erection of the temple: nor aboue one Iubelie to Nehemias gouernment 18. yeres later.

And thus much for arguments out of Scripture, ſome I brought touching Heathen, as Anaxandrides, Polycrates, Epimenides and other ſucceſſions of liues. Them I wil cleere more brightly. Alſo I ſpake againſt the credit of the prophane Greeks, & Olympiades, & Chaldeans, & therein of Chronicle from Romes antiquity, which hereafter I will purſue: and confute ſome others alſo.

Of Anaxandrides and Leonidas.

In Sparta Anaxandrides is of Croeſus age: his couragious ſonne Leonidas fighteth againſt Xerxes, examine the diſtance, and firſt ſtories. Thales Alyattes, Laby-net or Nabu (cad) net are of one age. Croeſus Anaxandrides and Ariſton alſo in Sparta ſetled in the kingdome. Therefore ſome thirtie yeares might well be ſpent betwixt that & Babels fall. Now at Xerxes wars, Demaretus ſonne of Ariſton was yet ſo young that he could trauell to Perſia, and Leonid as a luſtie ſouldier.

Obiection.

They might beget them in their olde age, and they might alſo be old.

Anſwer.

Strange ſhifts for ordinarie examples are needeleſſe.

Of Polycrates.

Polycrates wealth he was Amaſis frende in Socrates old age, was granted Iſmenias. Plat.

Obiection.

That Polycrates was a Theban by Suidas, not of Samos: nor the man familiar with Amaſis.

Anſwer.

If Suidas fragmentes may ſerue in Anacreon, the Samian Polycrates flouriſheth 108. yeeres after Cyrus beginning. Wherefore Cyrus muſt ſpende muche of his time before Baltaſars death: and ſo by Suidas the concluſion ſhall come to the ſame paſſe, by Polycrates the Samian, whether plato meant, it may be doubted.

Of Epimenides in Laertius.

Epimenides antiquitie matcheth Solons, which may by great argument touch Nabucadnezars. If his olde age reach vntounto Nicias of Niceratus, who was kild in the Peloponneſian waries: the ſpace from Babels fall to Nicias can hardly be more than I caſt it.

Obiection.

It may be Laertius was deceaued.

Anſwer.

For the record he ſhould hardly be, ſeeing for it as famous Theopompus is cited not only by him, but alſo by Plinie, by Phlegon, and by Lucian. Moreouer Gnoſij giuing him three hundred yeares of life, confirme the other opinion. I grant him one hundred and fiftie by my limites, by the ſame limites the prophane account will make him drawe toward three hundred: ſo this ſheweth that Theopompus ſeemed to ſpeake vponupon ſome great report.

Other ſucceſſions of liues.

From Dropides brother to Solon of Ioſias time are deſcentes: Critias, Calaeſchrus, Critias one of the thirtie tyrantes after the end of Peloponneſian warres. Without great reaſon we can not giuegive aboue two and twenty yeres or thereabouts to a ſucceſſion, as ſhewes Euſebius by common courſe of Examples. Therefore this example of Platoes kinred may pacifie the ſtrife. The verie ſame which my learned aduerſarie brought againſt me.

Of Apryes, Amaſis, Pythagoras, Lyſis, and Epaminondas.

Apryes (Chophra in Ier. 44.) reigned in the eight of Nabucadnezar. Clem. 1. ſtrom, and Marianus Scotus. Amaſis ſucceedeth him, with whome Pythagoras was familiar. Lyſis was Pythagoras ſcholler, and he taught Epammondas: in youth fellowe with Philip of Macedon. who died but ſeauen and fortie yeeres olde. Iuſt. 9. he that would hauehave aboue two hundred yeeres for fiue ſucceſſions, whereof three ſeeme almoſt equalles, muſt ſeeke for ſtrange corners to picke ſome colourable matter.

From the ſame Apryes we may gather how, much of Cyrus times were ſpent vnderunder the Babylonians. For Cambyſes married Apryes daughter Herod. 2. ſhe would hauehave been a verie ſtale maide for a Perſian Monarch, about ſeauentie yeeres after her fathers reigne. Adde vntounto this, that in Herod. 1. Darius Hyſtaſpis was ſome twentie yeeres aged when Cyrus went into Tomyris warres. betwixt which and Babels fal Herodotus and others place not much time. he liued in all but fortie and three yeeres Creſ. Therefore after the taking of Babell about three and twentie yeeres, would ende Cyrus, Cambyſes, and Darius Hyſtaſpis reigne. where ſome hauehave ninetie and three: for Cyrus, thirty & eight as Theophilus: for Cambyſes, nineteene as Clemens 1. ſtrom. thirtie and ſix for Darius, as Herodotus. And we differ but this much.

Of Cyrus.

If this ſerue not reaſonably, ſee whether Cyrus age onelyonly will not ende the controuerſie by the teſtimonies of Greekes. Cyrus liued yeeres one hundred by writers Aſſyriake, Perſike, Oneſicritus, Lucian in Macrob. About ſeauen and twentie he was made General: as Xenophon doth teach, vsus to gather. 1. paed. he liued but three yeeres after Babels fall. Seder Olam. Scaliger, Iunius, Schubert, and Chytreus giueth him no ſole gouernment ouer Iuda. So ſome ſeauentie yeres he ſhould ſpend in conquering Eaſt and Weſt countries, whereof Cteſias recordeth manie Eaſt, Herodotus manie Weſt. And as Daniel and he died much neere in time, ſo ful wel they might be borne neere in time. And this is agreeable to Gods comfort: that ſendeth a medicine before the ſore: as Mardochai prepared for Haman: ſo Cyrus, a comfort againſt Babel. Medes & Perſians help Babel, as ſomwhat inferiors: & at the laſt being victors plead that they were neuer vnderunder thē ▪ Wherby for the monarchs the ancient Greek writers before Alexanders time count not Babylonians anie of power but Aſſyrians: and Medes foure ages or leſſe: and next the Perſians.Dionyſ. Halicar. 1. antiq. Now the Perſians reigned litle aboue two hundred yeeres ſince ſubduing of the Medes, which was in Cyrus firſt dealinges. Wherefore about ſeauentie yeeres of two hundred for Perſians gouernment ouer the Iewes may be ſubducted: and then our number of one hundred and thirtie will pleaſe heathen.

Lilius Giraldus, in treating of Poets: liues and placing Darius Hyſtaſpis in Olympiad 80. ſheweth alſo muche of the Perſian ſway, and the Babylonians to be ſoent together: whereby heathen that ſkant heard of the Babylonians, as I ſhewed, might well giuegive that time of Empire to the Medes. in Strabo Nauocodroſor is likened to Hercules▪ for conqueſt euen to Spaine: Geogr. 15▪ which thing might well be done when thirteene yeeres his ſhips beſieged Tyrns: that then Spaine rude and unarmed might be ſomewhat viſited by his campes, yet Nabu… nezar as a winged Lion▪ ſoone came vp: and by his ſeuen yeres madnes was in ſuch diſgrace: that Greekes the babes (as plato recordeth in Timmo) hauing not at home in Solons age anie ſtorie of a graye heade, ſcant coulde heare of anie great Empire Eaſtward of his. And Cteſias who pleadeth Perſian court-rolles for his monumēts doth paſſe ouer the Babylonians as vnheard of. This beeing duely conſidered the Greekes will be frendes to me, for old acquaintance: who of a childe was more acquainted with them than with Latines: and will confeſſe that they neuer meant to trouble me for the Perſians rule ouer the Iewes: but to ſhewe what the Perſians in their glorie claime, ſince Cyrus youth, and firſt ſucceſſe in warres. If they will not ſtand with me thus: I will bewray them, and ſhewe the worlde that commonly they deſerue but ſuche credit as Epimenides their prophet and Paule our Apoſtle giueth to the Cretes, that: Cretes are aey lyars.

Of Greekes nullitie.

I might diſgrace their ſkil for antiquity in their great diuerſitie, for Homers age, who hauing written fortie and eight books with mention of moſt townes in Grece: yet hath halfe a ſcore of auncient writers differring ſome foure hundred yeeres from others when he ſhoulde liue, by gathering his diſtance from the warres of Troy, which, Greeke diuines as Tatianus, Clemens Africanus, Euſebius, ioine to Salomons times. But I will combat with them touching matter moſt litigious in my caſe: for their diuerſitie after Alexander ſonne to Amyntas of Darius Hyſtaſpis age: which Alexander kild Darius Ambaſſadours and was with Mardonius Xerxes Generall. Him Perdiccas did ſucceede: of whom Thucidides writeth that he died in the third yere of the Peloponneſian warres. That Perdiccas reigned yeres by Nicomedes fortie and one, by Theopompus thirtie and fiue, by Anaximenes fortie, by Hieronymus eight and twentie, by Marſias and Philochorus but three and twentie. This difference citeth Athenaeus mentioned in a moſt learned aſſemblie of men moſt ſkilfull in Greeke auctours. As was Maſurius a Lawier, Monius a Poet, famous Plutarch, Leonides Eleus, Aemylianus Mauruſius, and Zoilus a moſt fine Grammarian. Alſo philoſophers manie: Pontianus, Democritus and Philadelphus: Oratours manie, with Vulpian that woulde not admit one worde without authoritie. If theſe heathen Greekes of all countries and profeſſions knewe no certeintie nor regarde Grekes for their owne age: ſhould we to diſturbance of all diuines reuiue their fame? Neuer by my conſent.

An obiection from Thucidides.

Thucidides an Athenian being aliue in the Peloponneſian warres maketh it fall out fiftie after Xerxes wars: he for ſo late times might ſee the truth. Thuc. bell. 1.

Anſwer.

M. Ioſeph Scaliger noteth that ſomtime writers ſpeake againſt their owne knowledge touching times.In emend temp. Conceits beſt knowne to them ſelues moue them. And Thucidides might hope that his citie of Athens might in time be thought a long ruler of Greece: and thereupon woulde not ſticke to ſpare ſome vntruths. Or otherwiſe as men buſied ſlippe muche in plaine matter, he might likewiſe. And if all were granted him: yet from other partes ſo much maie be ſubducted as we neede. But I will bring an inſtance from the tripping of a greater man, for times neere him. Plato is the man: euen the ſtatelieſt of all Greeke prophane auctours.

Athenaeus bringeth in one that checketh Plato for mentioning, of Pericles death as paſt a litle tine while ago: & of a matter in the ſame ſpeech done the laſt yeere afore the telling, which yet was foure and twentie yeres after Pericles death. If Piato was knowne to be ſo negligēt in marking times, Thucidides alone hath no great authoritie: againſt whome I will hauehave more, if I ſee occaſion to examine by partes, Eratoſthenes account.

Thucidides condemnation of Greekes.

He blameth the Athenians as groſſe for report of late and moſt famous matters of Athens: as not knowing & miſtaking which of Piſiſtratus ſons was kild by Harmodius and Ariſtogiton: yet they were kings in Athens. Likewiſe he blames other Grecians for manie famous preſent thinges, and not forgotten by reaſon of time: in which (as touching kinges of Lacedemon) writers extreamelie miſſed. There he laieth downe this ſentence: That the moſt parte take no paines in ſeeking the truth: And blameth euen hiſtoriques for fauouring acceptation of the hearers more than the truth: amongſt whom, his commēter noteth that he nipped Herodotus. We might as well thinke him touched with the errours of his times.

Pauſanias testimonie.

He blameth them no whit leſſe. For this report he affoordeth them: that Greeke recordes for the moſt part differ one from an other: and for the moſt thinges Greekes hauehave ſundrie opinions, in Arcad. pag. 280. and Boeot. pag. 294. and Meſſen. pag. 112. of the Greeke printed in 1584.

Plutarchs testimonie.

Plutarch in Solon ſheweth that Greeke Chroniclers thought by reaſon of times difference that Solon coulde neuer be with Creſus: whome he anſwereth that their chronicall cannons coulde neuer be brought to agreement (by anie thing commonly acknowledged) for all the paines beſtowed in the kind.

And in Numa he ſheweth that times gathered from Olympionicae deſerue no credit.

Continuall diſagreements.

The differences betwixt Phaneas, Ephorus, Timeus, Clitarchus, Eratoſthenes and Duris in Clemens Alexandrinus from Trois fall that is from Salomons reigne vntounto Alexanders voiage, is tedious to be repeated. By Duris it is one thouſande yeeres, whereof by Scripture about 410. are paſt by Nabucadnetzars reigne: and ſo by a conſequent the Perſians ſhould reigne not one hundred and thirtie yeeres, but aboue fiue hundred. So Greekes hauehave from Adam to the flood in him two thouſande two hundred fortie and eight, for one thouſande ſix hundred fiftie and ſix, from Sem to Abraham one thouſande two hundred and fiftie for foure hundred & fiftie, from Iſaak to the partition of the land yeres ſix hundred & ſixteene for foure hundred fiftie & two. Thence to Samuel foure hundred ſixtie and three for three hundred & fiftie, and for the kings, fiue hundred ſeauentie and two (that came ſomewhat neere. About fiue hundred and tenne it was) and for the Perſians one hundred thirtie & fiue. If when Scripture directeth to a moſt exact ſumme, men miſſe ſo much: we ſhould hold only the plainenes of Gods word as in the Ebrewe text it was moſt purely kept, and not mans opinion, our ſquare. Neither ſhould we maruell at heathen miſſing for the Perſians, as we expounde them: when Greeke Chriſtians who hauehave ſcripture to direct them giuegive the iudges foure hundred ſixtie and three, whereas from the Lambe vntounto the temple all is but foure hundred and foure ſcore. 1. Kinges. 6. 1. whence muſt be ſubducted fortie for the wildernes; ſeauen for conqueſt, fortie for Samuel and Saul, fortie for Dauid, and three for Salomon.

A kinde of helpe.

But as diuines hauehave bin deceaued for the Iudges, reckoning the oppreſſors yeeres ſeuerall from theirs, which were within theirs in deede, and ſhoulde nothing hauehave augmented the ſumme: euen ſo were prophane Greekes, as we vnderſtande them. both for reckoning Paras firſt times ſeuerall from the Babylonians, which yet fell out together: and afterwardes fellow rulers as ſeuerall. And the curing is not hard, with tractable iudges. Iudge what I ſay.Cteſ. conferred with Herodot. Darius Hyſtaſpis liued about ſixe and twentie yeeres while Iaddue was vnderunder Perſia. After his death two breethren hauehave the famous gentle ſtrife. Iuſt. Xerxes in warres reigneth, Artaxerxes at home, the ſame time: otherwiſe Themiſtocles coulde not flie to them both. Artaxerxes reigning one and fortie yeeres, dieth in the ſeauenth of the Peloponneſian warres. Thucid. & Diod. Thereby Thucidides is contrould for making the Peloponneſian warres fiftie yeeres after that of Xerxes: wherein Ariſticles the iuſt bare ſwaye: whoſe daughter Socrates married (Suid. in Socrates) and he was but ſeauentie at ſeauen and twentie yeres after that warres when he died.Laertius. Though by a ſhift one ſay that he might beget that daughter in his olde age, at the warres end: yet ſhe ſhoulde be ſeauen yeeres elder than Socrates. without anie reaſon of likelihoode. Nowe to this Artaxerxes Ioſeph Scaliger will no… ſticke to ioyne preſently Artaxerxes Mnemon with Darius Nothus, which Mnemon commeth within nine yeeres (in Clemens) of Alexanders monarchie, and reigneth yeres but fortie and two. Thus ſcantly wil that be made vp which might make the reſt vnderunder Greekes and Romanes three hundred and ſixtie to agree with Gabriels foure hundred and ninetie yeeres. Therefore Plutarch to fill vp the common ſumme giueth him ſixtie and two yeeres of reigne and ninetie foure of life. not knowing Daniels viſion againſt the Perſians at ſharpe ſwift Tigris: not bookes opened before the firie throne iudging the Perſian beare: nor comparing Leuites a ſcore Neh. 12.Thucid. bok. 2. with the Perſians: nor yet Amyntas king in Macedon the thirde of the Peloponneſian warres: whoſe ſonne Philip reigned but twentie yeeres. Athen. and Alexander but ſix before his monarchie.

Moreouer Amyntas him ſelfe reigned but few yeeres, two of his elder ſonnes not long: Philip died at ſeauen and fortie, who was brought vp in Epaminondas fathers houſe. Thus the Perſians by Greekes will not exceede.

Against Eratosthenes account.

This ſtanding thus: howe can Eratoſthenes ſay true, whom in Clemens pag. 126. (though Clemens reiecteth him as deceaued) yet ſome great men greatly follow? He hath theſe diſtances. From Xerxes voiage to Archidamus warres eight and fortie yeeres. That ended at ſeauen and twentie. There Athens loſt the ſuperiority of Grecia and Lacedemon, by Lyſander gate it. which they loſt at Leuctra, where Epaminondas the Theban victor died after 34. yeeres. And thence to Philips death, who died 47. yeeres old, he reckoneth yeres 35. But how could he be a fit companion for Epaminondas: or yet ſonne to Amyntas: reigning young and but a little while. Polybius granteth the Lacedemonians but twelue yeeres of quiet ſuperioritie pag. 1. & Iuſtine abridging Trogus Pompeius maketh Amyntas ſon to Menelaus brother to Alexander who reigned in Darius Hyſtaſpis daies. whereby it appereth how little credit old Latines or ſome Greekes gaue the other Greekes for theſe times▪ and how Plutarch had iuſt occaſion to condemne the Greeke Chronicles.

Of Olympiades, Romes antiquitie and Chaldeans.

This threefold thred was ſpunne againſt me: though I had cut the knottineſſe of them: as Alexander did the Gordian knot. For Olympiades Phlegon is the moſt famous auctour whom Chriſtians cite: ioyning his Olympiade two hundred and two in the fourth yeere to our Lord his death. If I grant anie thing good in this account I muſt bring Cyrus reigne ouer Iuda vntounto Olympiade the eightith. For the vſe of ſtudentes I will affoord Phlegons whole treatiſe: that young men may ſee what ſtuffe men bring againſt proprietie of Scripture: afterwards I will ſhew further their nullitie: & how the citers of them by their owne auctours are condemned. I will abridge and tranſlate anone ſo muche as I neede. The Grecian may take all.

He ſhall finde their antiquitie not greatly farre from Hercules: whoſe ſonne Tlepolemus was Agamemnons ſouldier. whereby Cyrus may well be caſt to Olympiad eightie or yeere three hundred & twentie after their beginning, which thing will finiſh this combat. Yet I loth that helpe, where Apollo is the counſeller of the games: a peſtilence ioined to their beginning: a ſpiders webbe couering of their garlande: and Choraebus the firſt man (in Pauſanias) whence the accoūt is fetched. And I maruell at my aduerſarie who counted my doctrine againſt Choraebus and him, to be Chorebus harnes. The defence of this Olympike ſtuffe beſt deſerued that name. But now looke to Phlegon.

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Here Lycurgus is the tenth from Hercules: he vvith Jphitus reſtored Olympikes. Koroebus is the firſt gameſter though not expreſſely. Apollo gave counſell: at the firſt they neglected the game. A famine follovved. For that vanitie ſay I that it vvas at all begun: for contempt of it, ſaid Apollo: Of vvhome ſundry counſels they tooke: of vvhichwhich this vvas one, that they ſhoulde not make the garland or crovvne of a fruitfull tree, but of a vvild olive, beſet vvith cobvvebs: of vvhichwhich kinde one among many vvas found in a vvood there: and was vvalled about for to be kept ſtill.When the Printer had ſet thus much, which onelyonly was in my purpoſe to abbridge and tranſlate: I was further mooved by the request of a learned friend, to make Phlegon … of the heathen fol.

OF THE OLYMPIA, by Phlegon, freeman of Adrianus Caeſar.

I Thinke it behooveable to tel the cauſe why the Olympia chanſed to be ſet up. And this was it. After Piſus, and Pelops, and alſo Hercules, the firſt erecters of the ſolemnitie & game in Olympiades, the Peloponneſians left off theaThe prophane were as carefully bent to this vanitie, as to a thing divinely commanded. Wherin wisdom would that Chriſtian ſhould let their memory periſh, and not intangle the bible with ſuch toyes. religion a certain time, for which are numbred 28 Olympiades unto Iphitus & Choroebus Eleus. When they had thus neglected the game, a ſedition aroſe in Peloponneſus. Then Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian the ſonne of Prytaneus, of Europus, of Soſus, of Procleus, of Ariſtodemus, of Ariſtomachus, of Cleodaeus, of Hyllus, of Hercules and Deianira: And Iphitus ſonne of Aemon; or (by ſome) of Praxonides, a man of Elis, of Hercules lineage, & Cleoſthenes ſonne of Cleonicus a man of Piſa, willing to reſtore the people to amity & peace, derermined to renue the Olympique ſolemnitie, & to keep the gymnike game. Then ſome are ſent unto Delphos to conſult with Apollo, whether he alſo adviſed to doe thus. Apollo ſaid, it was beſt to doe it: & commanded to proclaime truce for the cities that would be partakers of the game. After which proclamation paſſing through Hellas or Grecia, a table was written for thebHere he differeth frō Pauſanias in whom Iphitus himſelfe the game, and Ox…tu… houſe: and not Hellanodica dica of a long time. Pauſonias I will … hereafter. Hellanodicae, according to which they ſhould keep the Olympia. When the Peloponneſians had no great minde to the game, but were unwilling; a peſtilence fell, and a corruption of fruit plagued them. Then theycThe Greeke copie seemeth to have foreign corrupt for foreign though Xylander followe the copie in his Latine tranſlation. ſend Lycurgus againe to ſeeke ſome end and truce. Then the Pythia uttered theſe wordes.

O dwellers in Pelopeis, the noble caſtle for all the earth, thedElis gate a name frō Eliſa the eldeſt ſonne of Iavan: of whome alſo all Grecia in Greeke beareth the nam… Hellas, and the people Hellenes. Iaon and Ladon old named. Rivers (is) in Di…niſ. de … Peloponneſus ſeeme to remembrance Java… gen. 10. and Lud. … Strab… calleth Elis foreign the foundation of Graecia, it ſeemeth that there Iavans hou…s;e in Elita: & fame of Lud firſt ſetled their ſeates. eldeſt of all mortall wightes, and the beſt conſider from me the oracle of Apollo, which I wil ſpeake.

Iupiter is angrie vvith you for the ceremonie: and executeth vvrath

Becauſe you diſhonour the Olympia, among the people of the King

IupitereIupiter Ol…mpius was the god of theſe gameſters. Tull Tuſc. 2. Pauſanias recordeth his tē ple in Achaia. His Image at Olympia in Eliac. and in Attic. and ſundry other places. That Idols Image Antiochus Em…ma…ies erected in the temple of Jeruſalem. Mach. & Ioſ. Bengeorion. Again, that might warne in left we pollute our holy Prophetes with honouring Iupiter Olympius monuments. The honour of vvhichwhich first Piſus ordeined and ſet up.

Afterwardes Pelops making Hellas popular, ſet up a myndey and maſtrie for dead Oenomaus. Third among theſe, the boy of Amphytrio Hercules made a myndey and game for his uncle Pelops Tantalides: which ſince that timeaI geſſè that the corrupt Greeke muſt ſo be amended. ye leave: even the Ceremonie, for which he (Iuppiter) angred to the heart, rayſed famine and peſtilence: which you may ſtay reviving the feſtivitie a-newe againe.

This being heard was tolde unto the Peloponneſians. They miſtruſting the oracle, ſende againe by a common decree, to aske more diligently of Apollo concerning the oracles. The Pythia ſpeaketh thus:

O Peloponneſus dwellers, goe about your altars,

Sacrifice and obey all your Mantes commandements:

I meane the freers of Elis, keepers of the fathers custome.

After theſe Oracles, the Peloponneſians ſuffred the men of Elis to diſpoſe the Olympia, and to proclaime a truce to the cities. And when afterwardes the Eleans would have holpen the Lacedemonians beſiegingbA ſea towne of the Lacedemonians. Hom. odyſſ. 2. & Pauſin Laconic. Helos, they ſent to Delphos to aske counſell: and the Pythia thus anſwered.

Save their countrey: but refraine from warre.

(Teaching the Hellenes a common friendſhippe)

Vntill the amiable twelve-monethmonth coms echcThe Olympiades kept everie fift yeere, have full foure yeres betwixt them. So it is called of Ovid Quinquennis Olympia. five yeeres returning.

After theſe oracles they ſure ceaſed from warre: and looked to the Olympikes, and for five Olympiades no man was crowned. In the ſixt, they thought good to aske the oracle whether the victories ſhould be crowned: and they ſend King Iphitus to that Chappell. Then ſhee looſed her mouth into theſe wordes.

Iphite bestowe not an apple-tree like grouth on the victorie.

But bestowe what a wilde Olive beareth abundantly:

which nowe is covered with the fine webbe of the ſpider.

He thereupon comming into the Olympia ground: among many wilde olives being in a wood, he founde one beſet with cobwebbes: about which he made a wall;… Strabe his ancient (for Strabo wrote in Auguſtus and Tiberius time) be ſayeth that untill the 26. Olympiad none more crowned. and of it a crowne was given to the winners. Daicles Meſſenius was the firſt that was crowned, who in the ſeventh Olympiade wanne the ſtadion: if the authoritie of this fragment prevaileth.

uayleth. 1 Thus by Phlegon, Iphitus Olympiades can hardly be aboue 300.For Iphitus is the tenth from Hercules. Now by Herodotus and Clemens, three generations wyll not go aboue 100. yeeres. yeeres after Troyes fall: or rather hardly ſo much. Conferre with Phlegon Eratoſthenes, who placeth Lycurgus at 300. after Priamus warres, and then you may ſee how he differeth from Phlegon one hundreth yeere in foure: whereby alſo Cyrus is caſt a hundreth yeeres further off Alexander, that is ſo much more afore hym then Phlegons accompt woulde place hym, and equally the Perſians gouernement ſtretched 100. yeeres.

2 This euident caſe moued me to accuſe Olympiades of ſo great deceyte, whereby Chriſtians hauehave been conuicted to make for the very ſame age neare double ſo many yeeres for Grecia, when they reckon by prophane Greekes, as they do for Iudah, when vponupon particulers they ſhew theyr minde vponupon Ezra, Eſter, Nehemias, Aggai, Zachary, yea and ſomewhat of the *As for Saraias father to Ezra, 2. king. 25. and 1. Chro for Ioſuahs family & others.Kinges and Chronicles.

3 Poetes in Phaetons guyding of the Sunne out of his courſe, to the burnyng of Mountaynes, and drying of Riuers, neuer imagined more ſtrangenes, then our wordes in deede draw: when the ſame Sunne for Sion maketh one hundred of yeeres: and in the ſelfe ſame tyme and ſpace for Olympia Piſa, or Elis 200.

4 VnderUnder Ioſuah and Ezekias, the ſtaying and turnyng backe, was not for Chanaan onelyonly, but alſo for the whole worlde. The fables of the nyght made longer for Herculus byrth, and Egyptians recordes in Herodotus of Senacharib, ſhewe that Heathen kept a remembraunce of it. Our dealing maketh Iewes to reiect all Chriſtianitie. Theyr wrytinges teſtifie that, vponupon Daniel. cha. 9.

My Aduerſary herein was to be commended, who ſaw that eyther the vniuerſall iudgement of Diuines, Ebrewes, Greekes, and Barbarians, vponupon the last Prophetes must be altered: or the Heathen muſt be reiected.

But his choyſe I cannot commende: who had rather bryng to writers ancient, in phraſes open to all eyen, a new meanyng, which former ages neuer did, and reaſon neuer can admit: then he woulde relinquiſh one accompt of Olympiades, which he thought vniforme. Marke ſundry opinions di…gracing one an other.

6 Plutarch in Homers lyfe doth ſhewe, that theyr accompt was taken from 100. yeeres after the Troik fyghtes. In Romulus he foloweth an accompt farre vnlyke: in Numa, he condemneth all gatheryng of tymes from Olympiades, as I touched. Where let any Logician iudge whether he muſt meane Olympiades or not, by the tymes gathered from Olympionicae? Mine aduerſarie wold hane Olympionicas not Olympiades vncertayne. I louelove not many wordes, to defende agaynſt Anaxagoras, that ſnow is white.

7 Conſider Phlegons difference from Plutarches, and that of Eratoſthenes from his: both mentioned aboue: and thinke that Agamemnon neuer ſawe his Nobles ſo ſtandyng amazed lyke ſtagges, as a carefull reader wylbe amazed, that men of rare learnyng ſhoulde ſo forget them ſelues, as with ſuch reedes to fyght: not as Pigmeanes with Cranes, but as Poulydamas with that which no handes can reſiſt.

8 Suidas woulde make Phlegon diſgrace him ſelfe.Hom. 2. lib. 3. Pauſ. in Eliac. For in him Phlegon placeth famous … hales in Olympiade the ſeauenth. He myght as well place Solon or Iakim king of Iudah in the ſame Olympiade. And Plutarch toucheth this, where he bryngeth gatheringes from Solons antiquity, whereby many artificiall Chroniclers iudged, that Solon reached not to Croeſus tymes.

9 To fortifie Suidas and Phlegon, burnyng all theſe recordes, take Diuines agaynſt them ſelues, euen thoſe Diuines who hauehave brought firſt this learnyng to the Church: not of an yll intent, but as then the tymes gaue occaſion to deale with Heathen: …atianus, Africanus, Clemens Fuſebius, Theophilus, all from troupes of ancient Greekes proue that Meneiaus came to Chanaan in Hyrams tyme, or Salomons. Now Olympiades beginne 405. yeeres after that, by theyr owne accompt: and by Scripture Babylons captiuitie 408. after Salomons Temples foundation. So full well Suidas myght place Thales in Olympiade the ſeauenth.

10 Somewhat neare this commeth that accompt of Suidas in Anacreon, where Cyrus and Cambyſes are in the Olympiade the 25. But by Phegon he cannot be Monarch, before the 80. Olympiade. And that woulde I wyllyngly admit: and for this much Ellanodicae woulde geue ſentence with me, that euen my Aduerſaries teſtimonies marre theyr pley.

11 Apollodorus placing Anaximenes byrth in Olympiade 63. by collection placeth Cyrus as Ido: Laertius writeth that: in whom Chilon the ſage, by Pamphila being Ephorus Olympiade the ſixt, by Soſigenes fifty ſixt (a full 200. difference) proueth a great diuerſitie receiued in theſe accomptes, which being graunted, all this worke of Olympiade reckoninges, by fyre of iudgement wylbe conſumed as ſtraw.

12 Africanus twiſe ſtriketh hym ſelfe, For he beginneth Olympiades 1020. from Moſes. In Euſ…b prae… and in Dem. 8. geueth the Macedonians 370. yeeres of geuernement. VVith ſuche thornes do they pricke theyr eyen, who mary Scriptures to prophane Heathen, and marre the lyght of our happy Redemption.

13 Thus it appeareth what the teſtimony is worth which ſo certaynely placeth Cyrus reigne in Olympiade 55. which is fortified by the names of Phlegon, Thallus, Caſtor, Diodorus, and all that handle Olympiades. Euſeb. praep. 10.Cyrus by Phlegon & Lucian might be borne neere Olympia 53. and take Babylon at Olympiad 80.

14 By ſome Heathen who make hym lyue 100. yeres, the matter commeth neare ſome famous reckonyngs for his fyrſt princehood, but not for his laſt yeeres: VVhere olde Diuines cite Heathen agaynſt theyr meanyng. For Heathen place Cyrus fyrſt tymes in Olympiade 55. and not his Monarchy, as doth Euſebius. And ſtoryes make hym reigne 70. afore that, as I hauehave touched afore: But I wyll more fully handle Cyrus, with Olympike confuſion, after I hauehave once briefly gon through vntounto Alexanders tymes.

Of Darius Hyſtaſpis.

Darius Hyſtaſpis reigne by Lilius Gyraldus, toucheth Olympiade 80. whereby Cyrus (after Phlegon) commyng to the ſame tyme, it myght ſeeme by this, as by other argumentes, that Cyrus and Cambyſes laſt yeeres were at Babylons fall. And they alſo be holden true, who thynke that Darius Madai is no other then he whom Greekes call Darius the fyrſt. And reaſon would gather that his warres agaynſt Scythia in reuenge of Cyrus death, and agaynſt Athens vponupon his returne, ſhoulde be ſoone after: of whiche the later was tenne yeeres afore Xerxes voyage into Grece. And that wyll ſomewhat agree with Cteſias and Horod. conferd for Darius tyme, and it may drawe Xerxes warres within leſſe then 30. yeeres of Babels fall.

Of the Olympiade 75. ioyned to Xerxes warre.

1 By the former it may appeare that Xerxes warre falleth not in any agreement ſtablyſhed, on Olympiade 75. for which tyme Pauſanias hath a ſinguler example of vnposſibility in this kinde. For Oebotas an Olympionike, wan the race in Olympiade the ſixt, and fought agaynſt Mardonius in the 75. that is neare 280. yeeres after. Pauſanias demaundeth: And howe can that be? and telleth, that he muſt recorde as he findeth, but muſt not beleeue all. Thus the recorder of them woundeth them, with as great a blow as euer Lygdamis or Poulydamas gaue in them.

2 Pindarus ſcholiaſt maketh hym 40. yeere olde at Xerxes warre: to lyue in all 55. yeeres, to dye when Bion, or Abion was Maior at Athens in Olympiad 86. And this commeth ſomewhat neare the 80. yeere for Cyrus and Darius.

3 Suidas placeth Iſocrates byrth in Olympiade 86. and after the Peloponneſian warres: whereby the confuſion of Greekes appeareth. But I had rather place Iſocrates birth nigh Xerxes warres: and that by an other collection I can proue. He lyued by his owne reckonyng neare 100. yeeres, and Plutarch maketh hym to ſpeake that apopthegim to Sophocles, the praiſe whereof Tully gaue to Pericles:1. Offie. That a Senator muſt as wel bridle his eyen as his handes: which fitnes of age woulde not ſuffer well done, vnleſſe he were borne about Xerxes warre.

4 The ſame Suidas placeth Socrates byrth at the Peloponneſian ſtyrres, who was borne neare Xerxes, and lyued 60. yeeres at the leaſt: his death is knowen: vnderunder the 30. Tyrantes: the next yeere after Lyſander at Helleſpontus Aegoſpotamos, and Attens ouercome the nation. Socrates byrth by Suidas was in Olympiade 77. VVhat can we make of ſuch Greeke recordes, whiche care not what they vtter? Yet this much may be gathered hence, that Xerxes and Archidamus Peloponneſian troubles, were nothyng neare 50. yeeres, as I hucidides woulde hauehave it, whom Demoſthenes agaynſt Neaera foloweth. VVhat they meant, or cared for trueth I wyll tell hereafter.

5 Lyſias byrth by Plutarch is in Olympiade 82. the ſeconde yeere, when Philocles was Maior: whoſe maioralty falleth out 8. yeeres ſooner by Diodorus.

6 Pliny booke 35. Cha. 9. blameth ſome who place the paynter Xeuxis opening of his trade in Olympiad 89. whiche he woulde hauehave to be in the fourth yeere of the 95. marueylyng at 24. yeeres difference. But he myght marke that 24. or rather 30. yeeres be added more betwixt Lyſander in Olympiede 94. and Philip Macedon, then euer the fyery maſſe of the Sunne lyghtened.

7 So in Pliny hymſelfe Mauſolus whom Demoſthenes commenter maketh alyue when that Rhetor accuſed Timocrates in Philip Macedons dayes: Pliny placeth his death in Olympiad 100. the ſecond yeere.

8 In the ſame ſort Suidas placeth Philips agones, or triumphs in Olympiade 100. which by Athenaeus accompt (in whom Philip reigneth but 20. yeres before Alexander, whoſe reigne began the 111. Olympiade) ſhoulde be Olympiade 106. So in Zeuxis, Mauſolus and Philip, the theeuyſhe Olympiades fallyng out, bryng trueth to lyght.

This ſpeciall matter I would aſke, yf Antiochus Epiphanes dyed in the 154. Olympiade, and Alexander in the 114. the fyrſt yeere? How coulde Antiochus in the ſixt yeere of his reigne ſet vponupon Ptolomy Philometor, made king 143. after Alexanders death, by the Mathematician Ptolemy lib. 6. cap. 4. Philometor ſhoulde be king 6. yeere afore Antiochus?

In the ſame errour is the beginnyng of the Greekes Kingdome from the 14. yeere after Alexanders death. For in the ſeauenth yeere of his kingdome. Mach. 1. in 143. of the Greekes he ſetteth vppon Egypt: Seeing the ſame is the number from Alexanders death to Philometors reygne, the ſame begynnyng alſo muſt the date of the ſame number hauehave: and preſently from Alexanders death muſt beginne the date of the Greekes kingdome, as Codoman ryghtly prooueth. And here moſt hauehave lymp…ades deceyued our beſt learned, the late and aucient.

Alſo here Liuies copies would Codoman hauehave amended that for 488. the yeere afore the firſt Punik warre he woulde naue 476. put in all copies, that the famous Eclipſe which was at Aemylius victory ouer Perſeus recorded when it was, might hauehave agreement of Antiochus ſixt yeere which is ioyned to Aemylius victory. So all copies muſt be amended, and iudgementes reformed, and playne made rough, or Olympiades muſt be holden but games.

Cyrus, in particularitie ſpecially conferred with Olympiades, diſagreeing extreamely.

I Wyll returne to ioyne ſome of theſe former tymes which I hauehave touched, with others extreamly ſtriuing, at ancient Cyrus tymes: whereupon a great part of our debate ſtandeth: that not onelyonly by a particuler vew of all the Greeke times ſome lytle in each, but in the chiefe, vnſpeakable diſcorde may appeare euen by theyr teſtimony who hauehave been the principall folowers of them. Afterwardes I wyll ſhew ſome further ſtore of abſurdities bred by them in other matters: But chiefly muſt his age be examined.

For the moſt vſe of diuerſitie diſanullyng Olympiades, wylbe about Cyrus: for thoſe whole troupes that hauehave been thought to agree, that he reigned in Olympiade 55. Thallus, Caſtor, Phlegon, Polybius, Diodorus, and all that handle Olympiades. Africanus in Euſebius is authour. Now marke their diuerſitie.

1 Africanus placeth Cyrus dimisſion of Iudah in the ſame tyme, as I mentioned aboue.

2 The rare man M. Ioſeph Scaliger ſomewhat correcteth it. He would hauehave Cyrus to reigne 27. yeeres of his 30. before Zorobabels gouernement.

3 And I ſhewed my mynde, that prophane wryters regarded his fyrſt reigne, not his Monarchy, who heard not before Alexanders tyme the name of any Babylonians, who reigned ouer Iudah: but otherwyſe then Scripture doth recorde them, and farre in an other number.

4 By Euſebius admittyng Menelaus to be of Salomons tymes, and Olympiades about Nabuchadnezars, (ſo I proued that the accompt of Diodorus doth caſt them) Cyrus being after Olympiades 220. yeeres in the 55. Olympiade he ſhould be as late as Alexander. Clemens and Africanus be in Euſebius blame alſo.

5 Africanus former counters twiſe marre his ſummes. And whereas he fortifieth hym ſelfe, by makyng Ogygos and Phoroneus of Moſes tymes, and all three 1020. yeeres afore any Olympiade, by his owne collection, & by Acouſilaus, Hellanicus, Philochorus, by Caſtor and Thallus, by Diodorus and Alexander Polyhiſtor: this fortification of his, maketh Cyrus to be as lately as Iudas Machabaeus.

6. Moreouer, yf Africanus former number of the Macedonians 370. yeeres be not corrupt for 270. whyle he geueth Perſians 230. By deſcendyng from Tiberius, and by the Romanes 60.60. 230. 370. 660. That ſhoulde be the 20. yere of Ezekias. Sanacharibs fall was 666. before the reſurrection of our Lord. Africanus ſhoulde place Cyrus reigne where Eſay doth name Cyrus. yeeres of empire, by the Macedonians 370. and by the Perſians 230. he wyll caſt Cyrus to Ezekias dayes, in their eyes which admit Daniels ſeauens properly ſpoken, as he doth, and by myne aduerſaries graunt, of certayntie in the limittes. Ad thus the Greekes helpe for tymes count, beyng layde in a ballance, wylbe lyghter then vanity it ſelfe.

7 Or yf we ſay that Africanus number of 370. be for 270. of the Macedonians, whiche from Alexanders death Ptolemy maketh to be 294. he doth ſhorten it 24. yeeres. And more then the Iewes in Seder Olamdoe: And ſo Cyrus ſhoulde take Babylon in Olympiade 61. by collection from hym.

8 Neare that accompt commeth*Theophil. 3. Theophilus, who placeth Cyrus death in Olympiade 62. where Diodorus lib. 2. placeth Cambyſes reigne.

9 Alſo neare that accompt commeth Clemens by a conſequent: in whom as (for an other purpoſe hereafter I wyll ſhew) Iechonias captiuity is in Olympiade 48.This Olympiade 48. ſhall ſerue hereafter for diuerſe purpoſes. ſixty two yeeres more wyll make more then other 15. Olympiades, and all 63. Olympiades. Herodotus bringeth Croeſus fall to that tyme. For Gyges is king in Olympiad 18. by Clemens, Olympiad 23. by Tatianus: After 170. yeeres, by Herodotus or 42. Olympiades Croeſus becommeth poore Irus: when Cyrus had taken him.

10 The reader may remember how Suidas placeth Cyrus with Cambyſes at leſſe then‡At the. 25. halfe 55. Olympiades, and Polycrates at 52. and agayne Cyrus taking of Sardis at Olympiade 55. whiche dealynges myght well be in Nebucadnezars dayes. And whereas Lilius Gyraldus in Anacreon blameth Suidas copy: and ſo doth my aduerſary, and VVolphius to, though all printes agree: and yf they were faulty, Suidas muſt be amended not onelyonly for Cyrus, but for Polycrates, and for Thales alſo: Here it may be ſeene what force theſe games hauehave in theſe ſaddeſt wittes, that for them all the courſe of writers muſt be altered: but where they beſt agree with Scripture, as Phlegons 100. difference from Diodorus, caſteth Cyrus fitly for Daniel. I coulde wyſhe that Satans teſtimony ſhoulde ſtande onelyonly when he is forced to ſpeake for the Sunne of God: and not when all trueth and ſtory by it is troubled.

… Laſtly yf Solon was borne (by Suidas) in Olympiade fifty ſixe, and was doubtles farre ancienter then Cyrus Monarchy, how ſhould Cyrus reigne in Olympiade 55?

The concluſion touching Cyrus.

And thu…, I turne for that testimony, thought vnuincible, of Thallus, Caſtor, Phlegon, Diodorus, Africanus, Euſebius, and all: I turne Thallus agaynſt Thallus, Caſtor agaynst Caſtor, Phlegon agaynſt Phlegon: to ſet them all on flame: and all, agayn them ſelues all. And the grounde of this I layde in my firſt Booke after the yeere of the worlde 3000. vnderunder Salomons reigne, hereby well myght I deſpiſe Olympike numbryng of the Sunnes iourneys, damned by the approuers of it.

And yf I woulde deſcant vponupon Cyrus name, fitly myght I compare the name of Cyrus with this. For Greekes expounde his name to ſignifie the Sunne. It falleth out, that men myght as well deny the Sunnes courſe, as deny the proprietie of Daniel… Seauens, for the courſe of the Sonne of Iuſtice, to ſhyne to all ſoules: euen from Cyrus firſt yeere vntounto the Redemption. And as nothing is more enemious to ſaluation, then gameſtery: ſo experience teacheth, that nothyng hath hurted the prophecies more, then a gamelyke and negligent accompt of prophecies tryall, from gameſters accomptes of Olympian Belial-like playes.

Aratus the Greeke Poet, prayſeth God diuinely, for his workes of the Creation, and placing the Starres for a fit vſe of humane lyfe: for ploughing and digging, for ſowing and planting: and therein holdeth God a ioyfull father, a great helpe for men.

To Athenianes S. Paule citeth Aratus, euen in a cauſe wherein by their wicked lawes he was gilty of moſt hygh puniſhment. For they helde it death to ſpeake agaynſt their Goddes: and Socrates felt that, though afterwardes they mourned for killying of him. Now Athenians onelyonly of Grece to accompt of diſturbe (though they diſturbe them ſelues alſo) yet they disturbe our accomptes. To whom I will oppoſe the witt of the plougher and ditcher, who folow the playne experience of that, that by nature is planted in them. The ſame iudgement for propriety of ſpeech in Daniel alwayes holden, ſhoulde preuayle: that he who neuer deceyued the ploughmen or ditchers in courſe of the yeere, ſhoulde not deceyue them, that from Gabriel and Daniel tolde when the Figge tree ſhoulde b…dde, and the voyce of the Turtle ſhoulde be hearde on mountaynes. I muſt depart from theſe ioyfull ſpeeches, to the lothſome errours of Olympiades, whereby our youthes hauehave a mynde to pleaſe them ſelues, rather then to lyue by Moſes and the Prophetes: whyle they deeme of ſome deepe ſkill in prophane writers: wherein I trow it wyll not fall out that they can be thought able to alter lew and Gentile from the meanyng which bytherto they hauehave had, for the laſt Prophetes, or the ordinary courſe of lyneall ſuccesſion of Abiud and Rheſa. For whom I am ſory that my aduerſary tearmed them,A digreſſion to a collaterall matter, of our Lordes family. Autoris (Concentus) obſcura ſy…era. Where the age of Irus▪ or Therſites would ſerue, if their lyne were in recorde for poſterity. The ſonnes of Dauides kingdom, of whom all the worlde is, and was alwayes*Some ful badly hauehave taught, that S. Paule condemneth Genealogies of Scripture. That woulde make the holy Apoſtle a blaſphemer, & a ſpeaker agaynſt God, and a ſhaker of the ſtars in holy writ. He meant no ſuche matter: but to checke the Talmudiſts feigning genealogies: wherewith they flow full foolyſhly. bound to take notiſe▪ they may not be holden obſcure▪ but to ſhyne as the Moone among the Starres on nyght: and they do diſgrace ſo many erroneous authours, that all copyes of thoſe which hauehave been written or printed, myght be thought enough to fyll Paules church all from the floore to the roofe. Such glory and ſuch vſe the wyſedome of Christ hath contriued into the lyne of his kinred: euen for profe of that prophecy which ſo directly calleth vsus to a moſt certayne yeere of his death, and reprofe of all Heathen tyme-rolles: and ſpecially the Olympike paſtymes. But I hauehave more plentifully, then briefe aſſertions ſuffer, enlarged this blame of that witnes, whiche woulde bryng Cyrus and the Sonne out of his courſe, and make Phaeton ruler of the Chariot. Now I wyll purſue other wandringes, and come to others, of whom Heathen hauehave ſtore: which lyue before their elders were borne, or dye themſelues afore euer they ſaw the ey-liddes of the mornyng.

A Cataloge of further impoſſibilities in Olympike reckonynges.

1 By this variety of accomptes Clemens Alexandrinus maketh Aggai Zachary and Malachy to prophecy afore Ezekiel. For he placeth Iechonias captiuity in Olympiade 48. (Ezekiel prophecied not vntyll fyue yeeres after that. Ezek. 1.) and Aggai, Zachary and Malachy, doth he alſo of reſolute purpoſe place in Olympiade 48. makyng them elder then Pythagoras, though his familiarity with Amaſis myght hauehave warned him better. Yea Thales alſo is hereby made their puny. Theſe be the wonderful wordes of Clemens. It is cleere, that they who prophecyed vnderunder Darius Hyſtaſpis in the ſeconde yeere of his kingdome Aggai, Zachari, and he who amongest the twelue is called Angel (Malachi he meaneth) in the firſt yeere of the 48. Olympiade, are elder then Pythagoras, which was in the 62. Olympiade, and elder then I hales, which was in the 52. Clemens runneth into this blame, no leſſe culpable then yfa man ſhoulde place queene Mary afore king Richarde the thyrde: or (to ſpe ke prouerbially) all the Cartes in London before their Horſes. But Clemens muſt be ſpared. Come to Heathen recordes.

2. Parmenides floryſhed in Olympiade 29. But his ancient Anaximenes ſaw not the Sunnes lyght vntyl the Olympiade 63. nor Pittacus the olde ſage, vntyll the 54. nor Thales vntyll the 56. though by other he dyed afore he is borne, by ſome. Laert. Solon alſo by Laertius floriſheth when by Suidas he is yet vnborne. Dracon alſo by …atianus being in Olympiad the 30. the olde law-maker ſhoulde be as late as Parmenides. So the Poet Sophocles farre elder then Plato, ſhoulde floryſhe with Eudorus Platoes ſcholer at the 73. Olympiade Laertius and Suidas.

3 Zenon was a boy, and Socrates a young man, when Parmenides was very aged, that is 65. yeres olde, and at the ſolemnity called Panathenaea, they diſpute, in Platoes Parmenides. Yet Socrates is borne in the 77. Olympiade (as before I touched from Suidas) & Zeno the younger in the 70. by Laertius.

4 But Plutarch hath no fellowe for this purpoſe: for in one mans lyfe of a tyme well knowen, and courſe of lyfe, differyng twyſe, from common reckonyng.

5 Lyſias by Plutarch is borne in Olympiade 82. the ſeconde yeere, when Philocles was Archon at Athens. The Olympiades by Diodorus were 80. vnderunder Philocles. In Plutarch the ſame Lyſias after 63. yeeres, is in the 90. Olympiade. 40 yeeres woulde hauehave brought hym from the 82. vntounto the 92. He lytle cared for that accompt, that ſo doth ſpeake. Neyther may the print be blamed, vnleſſe the Baſil and Stephens in the lyfe of Lyſias be blamed at once. A Chaos of confuſions hauehave Greekes in this kinde, that Apollo the wicked ſpirite myght well be counted witty, in appoynting a Tree beſet all with Spiders nettes, for a garlande of theſe games. For the houſe of a Spider wilbe their confidence, which entangle Diuinitie and humanitie with theſe toyes.

6 A great deale of foule play about Alexander the great hath this gameſtery wrought in ſad wryters. Our countrey man Florentius VVigorienſis burieth Alexander in Olymprade 110. By Diodorus at 111. he entreth Aſia: and by 114. the firſt yeere, by Arrianus he dieth, And hereupon belyke Duris placeth his death (in Clem. 1. Str.) where others place his voyage fyrſt.

7 And vponupon this confuſion alſo it may be ſayde, that ſome make Alexanders reigne after the Perſians to be of 18.Ptolemy hath 294. yere from Alexanders death to the laſt Cleopatars and Clemens alſo elswhere: but by …06. he muſt gieue Alexander 18. yeeres. yeeres, where Clemens maketh the whole Macedonians vntounto Cleopatras fall to be 306. Ouides Iupiter was neuer ſo frighted with Phaetons running of the Sunne out of his courſe, leaſt all ſhoulde be brought by flames into the olde Chaos: as the courſe of the holy ſtory is diſturbed by ſeeking helpe at theſe forlorne Olympike recordes. But I muſt haſte to ende this Olympike differing abſurdities. Yet Pindarus the harping Poet, who wrote of the Olympian gameſters, and his commenters, they may not be omitted: He, as he thought, no Starre bryghter then the Sunne on the day tyme: ſo he thought no gameſtery better then the Olympike.

1 Fyrſt for Pindarus, if in his§Herodotus alſo mentioneth many nobles, Olympionicas, but not hauing any number of a certen Olympiade. time any accompt had been knowen of theyr number, the Poet ſo witty, and ſo farre fetchyng antiquities, woulde hardly hauehave omitted that.

2 The commenters vppon hym bryng a reckoned number of the Olympiades vppon two gameſters: Xenophon and Pſaumis: Xenophon Corinthius wan the ſtadion, by Triclinius in Olympiade 79. yet the ſame Xenophon Corinthius in Pauſanias wan the ſtadion in Olympiade the 29. when Archimedes was Archon, not Archidemides, whom Diodorus bringeth. And yet the ſame Pauſanias for the 29. Olympiade (whiche he maketh to be ſoone after Gyges reigne, when Ardys graundfather to Croeſus reigned) maketh Miltiaden to be Archon. But the print may not be blamed. For Pauſanias hym ſelfe bryngyng vnreconcileable word…s of Olympiades, telleth what he muſt recorde: but muſt not beleeue. Beſides the Latine tranſlater in both places fo…oweth the Greeke, as lytle caryng for the authoritie of the games. Thus for Xenophon the commenter & Pauſanias diſagree.

3 For Pſaumis the gameſter two commenters, more fall out. Pindarus doth commende him, of his towne Camarina: which towne he tearmed the New-towne. Thereupon thus doth the commenter ſpeake. Camarina was buylt in Olympiade 45. deſtroyed in the 57. buylt agayne in the 85. lately before Pſaumis gam…ſtery. This the ſame ſpeaketh alſo: Camarina was buylt of Gelo in the 42. Olympiade as Timaeus wryteth. But Philiſtus ſayth, that in the thirde Olympiade Gelo buylt it. So Gelo ſhoulde be about 160. yeeres differing from hym ſelfe. Trichinus ſayth thus: Camarina was buylt firſt in the 45. Olympiade, and was ou…rthrowen in the 57. and was buylt in the 82. Olympiade at Pſaumis victories. Now the former commenter ioyneth the taking of it to the tyme of Darius us Hyſtaſpis warres. And how coulde that be agreeable to Cyrus 55. Olympiade, or to Xerxes warres in 75. which was but tenne yeeres later then the former of Darius? Cornelius Agrippa myght fitly hauehave brought olympike recordes into the vanity of ſciences. For nothyng can be ſo vayne.

The cauſes of differing by Olympiades, ſundry games, and ſundry game-rulers

1 Pauſanias in Eliacis doth ſhew, that a full doſen of ſeuerall games were ſet vp, at ſeuerall tymes farre diſtant: and yet he omitteth ſome that others hauehave.

2 The Stadion or foote race was the firſt: whence of late men tooke their accompt.

3 But the moſt ancient reckon from other gameſters. Thucidides declareth that: the moſt ancient to my remembraunce that taketh any note of tyme from them. Thus he noteth the fourth Sommer of the Peloponneſian warres. It was the Sommer in which Dorieus Rhodius the ſeconde tyme wanne. VVhat game they wanne Pauſanias teacheth, who ſayth, that Diagoridae, the ſonnes of Diagoras, whereof Dorieus was one, practiſed Championry. Now this family of Diagoras was moſt famous: whence two ſonnes in one day wan games, whereby Diagoras thir father was counted an happy man. Tully recordeth it, and Pauſanias: yet none of this family practiſed runnyng.Tuſc. lib. 1. Eliac. lib. 2.

4 Lykewyſe he marketh the Sommer of the twelfe yeere thus: It was the Sommer in whiche Androſthenes Arcas the first tyme wanne the Pancration. Pauſanias of late, not of olde, hath a number kept of it.

5 The Race was the baſeſt, and fit for poore men: others were of more eſtimation: wherefore the Race being an obſcure play no reaſon mooued the moſt ancient to keepe accompt of it.

6 Iſocrates commending Alcibiades▪ Iſocrates de Bigis.ſheweth that he and Alcmeon his mothers great anceſtour wanne the game of the two * Horſes, and helde that worthieſt for Nobility. Neyther doth Iſocrates any where bryng any number of that▪ or mention of the foot… race: yet his argument woulde well enough hauehave ſuffered hyme. And I thinke y… an accompt had ben kept and knowen, it woulde hauehave holpen the glory of his client, Alcibiades the younger, to hauehave Alcmeo… in ſuch certayne recorde.

7 So Au…us Gellius record…th from ſome Chronicles,Gell lib. 15. cap. 16. An Olympiad… 18. from ſtadion, called the firſt. See Pauſ. Eliac. 1. where Euribatus, not Milo is victor. that Milo Crotonienſis the wreſtler, was crowned in the firſt Olympiade. Now the firſt Olympiade for wreſtlyng, as of late accomptes goe is 18. Olympiades about 7… yeeres after the Stadion. And thus dyuers pleyes ma…re the Chronique pleyers:

Of ſundry game: rulers.

1 And other cauſe of the diuerſitie is, that the rulers were much altered. Pausanias alſo recordeth that. And in the very recordes accomp… … vntunable confuſion. His letters do ſpeake thus.

2 The order of the Game-rulers which was at the first, continued not vnchanged, vntounto our age. But Iphitu… alone did rule the Game: likewyſe after …

3 In the fyftieth Olympiade; two choſen … of Elis did rule: and ſo for along lyme the number of two Game-rulers continued.

Nor marke the cart before the horſe in… Pauſanias reckonyng.

4 In the 25. Olympiade … ruled. The … Olympiade after that, a tenth was added. Here the 25. …an not be vnderſtoode, but from a new beginnyng after the fiftieth. So Pauſanias holdeth on.

5 The 103. Olympiade, twelue of the ſeuerall twelue tribes of Elis ruled. But when ſoone they were oppreſſed by the Arcadianes, and loſt part of their grounde, they were diminiſhed, of ſo many tribes, as dwelt in that loſt grounde.

6 And in the 104. Olympiade, their tribes being brought into eight: the Ellanodicae were eight, out of them.

7 In the 108. Olympiade, they returned againe vntounto the number of ten…e: and that continued vntyll our tymes. Thus Pauſanias writeth. He, and Phlegon, both lyued vnderunder Emperour Adrianus: in which age Pauſanias had as ſuer recordes of number in Olympiades, as Ouid had of Actaeones houndes: or the Chaldeans for monumentes of foure hundreth thouſande yeeres, or 70000. more by Diodorus and Tully. Or the Egyptians in Laertius for the tyme betwixt Vulcane their Philoſopher, and Alexander Macedon, of yeeres 48063. Or Arrianus and Pliny for the Indianes 153. kinges (betwixt Dioniſius and one*Pliny hath the ſame number of kings & yeeres from Bacchus, or Dionyſius to Alexander the great, & three monethes forſooth. lib. 6. cap. 17. Androcotus) and their yeeres 6042. Men acquainted with deceyuing, can put in …ummes odde, to make babes chinke that they hauehave caſt it ſo exactly, and hauehave ſure teſtimony for all.

Pauſanias vtterly ouerthrowen by himſelfe.

1 By Eratoſthenes Lycurgus floryſhed 300. yeres after Hector. By Pauſanias no leſſe then by Phlegon Iphitus, and Lycurgus were both of one age, in Eliac. lib. 1. Yet Pauſanias foloweth Eratoſthenes, who maketh Iphitus later by an hundreth yeres. Strom. 1. Dionyſius alſo and Diodorus agree with Eratoſthenes, whom Pauſanias folowyng, differeth an hundreth of yeeres from him ſelfe.

2 Alſo Pauſanias bryngeth a monument of a ſonne of Iphitus, ſaf returned from Ilion, buried at home. Schedius his other ſonne dyed at Troy. Pauſ. in Ph…. As posſibly as they coulde be buried 300. yeeres afore they were borne, by the former teſtimony: ſo eaſely can Olympiades be brought to a certaynty, and agreement in Pauſanias.

3 And yf the teſtimony of two can ſerue agaynſt their owne trade, Pauſanias and Phlegon diſanull Eratoſthenes, Dioniſius, and Diodorus, and proue them more differyng from them two, them myne aduerſary doth from mee. And Pauſanias no leſſe then Phlegon caſteth Cyrus to Olympiade 80. whereby fitly the Olympiade 202. may ende 400. yeres for our Lordes redemption. And ſo Pauſanias diſgraceth all this olympian doctrine, no leſſe, or rather much more apparantly, then Plutarches teſtimony in Solon doth caſt off all Grecke Chronikes: And yet Pauſanias is the ſpeciall man that plentifully writeth of Olympiades. But of thoſe famous Olympionikes whom Herodotus handleth (without any number from the firſt game) he I trow, hath none but Cliſthens of Sycion, in, or neare Olympiade 48. in Phoc. 223. But let vsus come to the fyrſt recorder of them, to Hippias Eleus, of them, and hym, Plutarch in Numa thus wryteth.

Plutarch of Hippias.

They ſay that Pythagoras Spartiates, winnyng the Olympian game the Stadion in the ſixteenth Olympiade (in the thyrde yere whereof Numa reigned) came to Italy, was acquainted with Numa, and holpe hym for the orderyng of his Kingdome. And a lytle after. It is a hard thyng to bryng the tymes exactly, and ſpecially them which are gathered from the game winners Olympi…ike: the table whereof (they ſay) was but a late inuention of Hippias Eieus, grounded vponupon no argument that might forte credite vntounto it. That Plutarch, by tymes gathered from the Olympionicae, meaneth Olympiades, it is cleere by hym ſelfe: which calleth that, the ſixteenth Olymprade, which he gathereth from Pythagoras victory. Of Hippias worthyneſſe Plato hath prety floutes.

How Plato ſetteth out Hippias.

Socrates in Plato diſputyng with Hippias, telleth hym, that he heard hym boſt, how commyng to Olympia he tolde, that he made with his owne handes all that he had about his body: his Ring he had engraued, his Shooes he had ſowed, his Coate and Shirt he had wouen, yea and platted his Girdle Perſianlike for brauery, and had workes poeticall, tragoedies and dithyrambes, and proſe of all cunnyng. This Hippias may as well be thouht to hauehave Olympiade accomptes of his owne making: as Plutarch recorded. And yf he were alyue now, to anſwere agayne to all demaundes he ſhoulde be aſked: not as he was by Socrates, whether Achilles or Vliſſes were the better, but what authority he had for his Olympian table? And not Plato onelyonly for hym ſhoulde make a Diologe of lying, but others alſo, vnleſſe he gaue a better anſwere, then the matter ſeemeth to ſuffer.

Of the authoritie of others of Elis, citizens to Hippias.

Pindarus commendeth gameſters from their townes fame. So can I commende Hippias authority from his towneſmen. This of them Pauſanias reporteth. Elei worſhyp Bachus most of all the Goddes, and for him keepe a feaſt called Thyia, Outrage, and ſay, that their God commeth to their feast. Into a chamber they put three empty pannes; … the preſence of ſuch as wyll beholde: they ſeal… the doores: on the morrow they finde the pannes full of Wine, the ſeales being whole: and this they ſweare to be true. So true do I holde their reckonyng of Olympiades.

Obiection.

But Xenophon reckoneth by a certen number.

Anſwere to Xenophons Olympiade 93.

1 Xenophon in deede ſeemeth to countenaunce Hippias Eleus a litle. For he reckoneth Ellanic. 1. the Olympiade nynty three. But with a great number of other notes: and by the game of two Horſes coched, fyrſt ſet vp for a game: and called Xynoris.

2 The next Olympiade after, he forſaketh all numbryng, & barely by the gameſter Crocmas Theſſalus, deſcribeth it.

3 His number eyther was not of olde in his copyes, or of ſmall eſtimation: yf Suidas folowed authours of accompt, by whom Philips triumphes fall to Olympiade 100. or, rather Philip was nygh the ſuppoſed 93. Olympiade, how ſo euer to others it can truely be ioyned, and both, for ſo much, may well ſtande the 93. and the 100. Olympiade, to ſhewe the meane time, to be but lytle aboue 24. yeeres.

4 Timaeus and Philiſtus for tymes not long afore, whom for Camarina I cited, lytle regarded olympian ſummes, after Xenophons reckonyng. Neyther can later§As Dionyſ. Diod. Plut. Athen. Laert. Gell. &c. men bryng any authority for them, when Hippias neuer founde two of his age embracers of his Olympian table.

Of Solons age, and Philip Macedons, to be of the lyke diſtaunce by Heathen, as Iakim and Iaddue are caſt from ſcripture to be.

A Gaynſt ſuche as lyke of Olympiades.Solons lawgeuing, and Nebuc. 1. I may bryng them, and that well for Solons age, whom Tatianus placeth in Olympiade 40. Now in the 48. Clemens doth place Nebuchadnezars 8. yeere, and captiuity of Iechonias. VVherefore Solon ſhould be of Ioſias tyme.

Laertius placeth Solons Lawgeuing in Olympiade 46. that is, about Iakims reigne. Let vsus holde on then to Athens fall, in theſe iourneys.

Piſiſtratidae ruled Athens 40.Piſiſt. of Sedekias tyme. Iſocrat…de biga.

About Euilmerodachs twelfth yeere they myght be▪ caſt out, and Miltiades made by them ruler of Cherſonelus, myght be then ſome 40. yeeres olde.

Marathon fielde 20.Marathon fielde about the 13. of Zorob. and Xerxes war was about 23. of Zorob. or not much more. yeres after that, when Mardonius was there: ſoone after for enuy Miltiades baniſhment of ten yeres ſeemes to folow. That Andocides mentioneth.

Xerxes warre was ten yeeres after that. There the principality of Athens grew: whiche I woulde reckon▪ from Xerxes praeparation, when Grecia conſulted of defence, and knew that which way Athens tooke, all would fall.

Miltiades in his ten yeeres banyſhment,§Andocid. de pace. is a meane of truce betwixt Athens and Spart. And this can hardly be 7. yeeres after: but graunt ſeauen.

*Thuc. 1. Helen. 2. Andocides of Piſiſtratides times ſpake for it, the grandfather to the oratour.Thence the truce kept of 13. yeeres enſued. Then ſone after a peace of 30. kept, 14. by Thucidedes, 15. by Xenophon: yet Aeſchines and Andocides ſpeake, that Athens kept that peace 30. yeres, but Thucidedes & Xenophon expound their meaning. And they expound Thucidedes and Demoſthenes, who make 50. yeeres betwixt Xerxes warres, and Archidamus: which in propriety was little more then halfe ſo much: and Iſocrates giueth all Athens principallity but 65.Iſocr. in Panath. which principallity ended not vntill Lyſander of Lacedaemon tooke Athens, after 28. yeeres warre.

In that warre,That was in y^e 1. of Pelop. war. Thuc. 1. Atrometus father to Aeſchines the oratour, loſt his wealth belike through Archidamus, when Attica was ouer-run. So he might well be borne at Xerxes warres, & yet he was but 94. when his ſonne pleaded for his life againſt Demoſthenes. Aeſchines alſo ſerued vnderunder Alcibiades. Socrates and Alcibiades were killed neare that warres ende. Aeſchines by the iudgement of *As Demetrius and others in Apollonius.ſome, heard Socrates. He ſhould be as Pamphilus in Terence paſt minoritie that heard Philoſophers. Graunt him ſome twentie fiue yeares of age then. He died after Alexander, about 75. So Philip ſhould dye after Alcibiades about 40. yeares:Alcibiades & Socrates died nere together after Liſanders victorie, ouer Athens. then was the father of Aeſchines aliue and his mother, who had fled at Lyſanders victorie: his elder brother was aliue, his yonger, his Children were yet but yong, & then Demoſthenes reckeneth but 240. yeares from that time a little afore Philips death vntounto Solon: who by the way ſticked*Againſt Neaeram. not to take 50. for litle more then halfe fiftie.

To Solons laſt times, about 200. by Scripture compared in Iakim and Iaddue, with Solon and Demoſthenes, may well be graunted, and the whole 240. vntounto Solons firſt yeares.

Yea the generall ſpeach of Grece in Socrates time maketh Solon very ancient: whereby he might well match Pharao Nechoes antiquity. Yet the*The Greek terme I keep: not hauing another certaine. hulkes of Nechoes ſhippes made by his authoritie, abode vntounto Herodotus dayes: which argueth ſomewhat the ſhortnes of the time, to be not aboue a mans olde age of 150. yeares, when Henodotus might write that.

So by Olympiades, the beſt that they affoord, beſt agrees with Scripture. Otherwiſe they appeare to be nothing worth: and I may iuſtly blame my aduerſarie, for defending that they are not moſt v…certaine.

Of Romes Chronicle noted in latine A. V. C. anni vrbis conditae: the yeares ſince the Citie was built.

ROmes antiquitie alſo is as one thred of the three: which can not ſoone be broken. But Clotho the daughter of Night in Heſiod, ſeemeth to be the firſt ſpinner of it. Or as Penelope twiſted & vntwiſted her thred, to keepe aloofe*Homer in Odiſſ. her louers: ſo is the antiquitie of Rome ſpun: What one twindeth another vntwindeth, and for any purpoſe ſome thing hence may be brought:Dionyſ. 1. antiqui. The oldeſt Romane writer being about 500. yeares later then Romulus is, ſuppoſed and recorded builder of Rome: and extreame diſagreement ariſing herein.

Onuphrius wondreth at the varietie of opinions, by whom and when Rome ſhould be built: and citeth a full tedious ſort. To him I referre yong ſtudents.

Ennius in his time, from ſince Romulus built Rome, holdeth it about 700. yeares.

Varro in Tullies age beginneth a new accompt, and maketh it then ſcant 700. yeares olde.

For compariſon, after Troy and afore Alexander: and by ſubduction with Cyrus take this.

Gellius by Cornelius Nepos and Caſſius, maketh it built about 300. yeares after the Troyan horſe, and 400. afore Alexanders birth. Nowe Trogus in Iornandes maketh Cyrus to be in Tomyris warre 630. after Priamu… death. Wherefore Cyrus ſhoulde be aboute the 300. A. V. C. and about 100. afore Alexanders birth: and that ſhould I graunt. Thus Rome helpes nothing.

So we may compare the Romane kinges with Iakim king of Iudah, and with Cyrus. For by 300. yeeres from Priamus to Romulus, and*Commonly noted vponupon Liuy. 244. from Romulus to Tarquinius and Brutus death: Romes kinges ſhall be founde to ende afore Iudahs, whereby Cyrus ſhal be nothyng further from Alexander then I place hym.

Iornandes is holpen by Democritus in Laertius, who was borne in Olympiade the 80. and when he wrote Micron Diacoſmon reckoneth it after the Troikes 730. yeeres. How true it is, I wyll not diſpute. By the ſame accompt I made Zeno Iumor to Socrates, though§In Parm… nide. by Plato he were elder: and for to daſh here agayne humane authority lyfted agaynſt God, I may cite Democritus, no leſſe helpyng me then Iornandes.

Ephorus Cumaeus helpeth more, who maketh 750. from Heracliae, returnyng vntounto his tyme: later a lytle then Democritus. So Iornandes hath a dooble helpe. Now Heraclidae came to Peloponneſus the 80. year… after the Troikes by Thuci… lib. 1. and by Eratoſthe…in … ſtrom. 1. Apollodoms, and Diodorus▪ lib. 1.

Iſocrates geuing Lacedemon 700.Confer Panegyric & Panathenaic. yeres …, ſince Heraclidae there ſeated, of whom they… kinges came, runneth in the ſame way with the other Greekes, to place Cyrus no ancienter then I place hym, by Iornandes accomptes.

Extremities in ſhortnes.

1 Vergil the Poet, the glory not onelyonly of Mantu…, but of Rome alſo, he commyng after M. Varro, whoſe accompt (I thinke) myne aduerſary foloweth, controlleth hym,aeneid. 1. and Chytre… Chron. and maketh Rome younger then Hectors ende, not 430. yeeres but 360. as Chytraeus noteth: whereby Iornandes placing Cyrus in 630. and Gel…ius placing Alexanders by … 400. V. C. 70. not 100. ſhalbe left betwixt Cyrus ende & Alexanders byrth. So Vergils accompt ſhoulde fauour the Iewes.

2 Iulian the Emperour, though prophane, yet learned, and compelled to honour Chriſte, euen in his deſtruction, he alſo daſheth all Heathen honour.

In his Saturnalib.Iulians Caeſars. Romulus maketh a feaſt for the Romane Emperours, and ſome others. All theyr notable ſaultes he ſetteth foorth in that diſcourſe. And in ſpeeches of the Emperours, Iulius hath a principall place. He commendeth hymſelfe of his citie Rome: that it beginning of 3000. men within leſſe then 600. yeeres came by conqueſt to the earthes ende: he meaneth his owne conqueſtes.

Now if we graunt Alexander to be A. V. C. 400. the ſpace thence to Iulius wilbe far les then the very Iewes in the other extremity of ſhortnes do affirme.

3 Hector Pintus▪ who boldly defendeth Daniel in plaine propriety,Hector Pintus vponupon Dan. & for that ſhorteneth the Grekes, where he thought that the Perſians could not be ſhortened, he may hauehave lulian agaynſt his will to fight for Daniel.

4 The ſame Hector deſerueth this commendation: that where Heathen neyther deſerued nor ſought glory of ſkil in times before Daniel, he would graunt them none, where God in letters to be ſeene layeth a certayne number of yeeres, with a moſt heauenly preparation diuidyng and ſubdiuidyng the whole ſum. VVho ſo herein wyll not lyke of him, neuer coulde reuerence Scripture.

For, although he knew not wherein to croſſe Heathen by heathens beſt conſent, yet in caſtyng of all authority of Heathen, who neuer agreed for two kinges togeather in all this tyme: he did that whiche true learnyng commaundeth and ſheweth Gods word to be aboue humane controlment.

5 I am ſory that I muſt ſo much blame myne owne friende, one of my olde familiarity, who calleth Daniel to tryal of his trueth before Heathen writers: of whom that may be ſpoken commonly that Aeſchines ſpeaketh of Demoſthenes, that they can not ſpeake true, neither vnwares nor by compulſion. And when wold he thinke to make our ploughmen ſkilfull in particulers ſo many▪ & yet vnknowen to prophane Heathen? Shal we, as Iſrael loathed Manna ready for them, loath Gods worde for tellyng playnely the trueth?

6 Quintus Fabius Labeo in Tully off. 1. being vmpire betweene Neapolitanes and Nolanes for limittes of grounde, leaueth that which was in the myddle for Rome. The arbiterment there was not for a meane betweene two extremities. He…e not Labeo, but iuſt vmpires woulde goe ſafeſt in, the middle: neyther with the oldeſt, nor lateſt age of Rome: but as olde Casſius with Nepos and Virgil caſt it, hauyng extremities on both ſydes.

Of Iakim, Solon Piſiſtratus, Tarquinius ſuperbus, and Cyrus chyldhood, touching the ſame tymes.

MY aduerſary helpeth me in all diſtreſſe, not onelyonly for beginnyng and endyng ryghtly Daniels ſeauens, whereby my cauſe hath enough by any Logicianes iudgment: but alſo in particulars, where he moſt fyghteth, he moſt caſteth downe hym ſelfe. Thus he compareth ages in Mardochai. Iechonias, Cyrus, Kis: Salathiel, Cambyſes, Semei: Pedaiah, Darius Iair: Zorobabel (by him Prouepos Iechoniae) Xerxes, and Mardochai. And this fitneſſe he compareth with Archimedes meaſures. Thus any may ſee that he maketh Cyrus firſt yeeres match Iechonias, and Zorobabels with Mardochais, full ſoone to ſee Xerxes fall.Aeſchylus… Perfis. For Aeſchylus tolde him and mee, that Xerxes was young in his warres of that great ouerthrow And what needed he to broche a new opinion for Mardochai, which Greekes, Hebrewes, Englyſh neuer knew: when by hym ſelfe he concludeth for mee. For ſoone after Xerxes fall, the Temple aroſe. And that muſt be in Zorobabels yeeres, or Mardochaies few after the returne, Xerxes theyr ſuppoſed equall yet being young.

Now Tarquinius Superbus being later then Solon, and as ancient as Pythagoras, familiar to Amaſis, equal in Clemens to Iechonias: the ende of Superbus, and Cyrus firſt tymes, fall out moſt fytly to ſerue Daniel. So when Heathen ſtudies be throughly tryed, they as Gybeonites, are glad to ſerue the Temple.

A digresſion vponupon occasion of the aduerſaries phraſe.

VVhereas I folowed, in makeing a Concent of Scripture, not onelyonly trueth, but alſo famous agreement of Iew and Gentile: myne aduerſary continually croſſyng mee, is founde alſo to croſſe trueth lykewyſe, and common agreement:The prouoker fayleth in all his gaineſayingès. to omit other poyntes, where in all differynges from mee I holde hym deceyued: for Zorobab… one phraſe did flee through the hedge of his teeth, which myght marre all Religion. This was the ſpeeche. Fuit (Zorobabel) vt audiuiſtis Pronepos Iechoniae. Iechonias was great Grandfather to Zorobabel. Leaſt his hearers hereby appeare enemies to their owne fayth, I wyll largely cleere the cauſe: and myne aduerſary, by his expoſition. I was greeued to ſee Zorobabel made of Iechonias blood, for theſe cauſes.

1 God ſware that none of Iechoniahs ſeede ſhoulde ſyt vponupon the throne of Dauid. Ier. 22.

2 S. Luke bringeth Zorobabel to Nathan, not to Salomon: whereby yf he were of Iechoniahs, S. Luke miſſed in brynging CHRIST from Dauid: and his Goſpel ſhoulde peryſh.

3 Moreouer, it is the deadlieſt poynt for ſtory of al Iudaiſme. For the Iewes make this an article of fayth, that the king (Meſſiah) muſt come of Salomon: and that, who ſo deny that, deny Gods word. Talmud San. art. 12.

4 Beſides,S. Mathew hath ben commonly myſtaken: by not regarding a terme: whiche he was to vſe as commonly it was ſpoken, and to mean… as his nation did. it hath been our common errour, and crept into our notes: which I redreſſed, not onelyonly by ſkill, but by publique approbation. For I wrote particularly of that to the chiefeſt of Subiectes, dealer in this kinde, that vponupon full aduiſement, the correcting of the errour came forth: not as one thing ſhuffled amongſt many, but examined carefully.

5 Hereupon I by meſſage demanded of mine aduerſary, what he ſhoulde meane to ſpeake ſo? who anſweared, that he meant ſucceſſion, not natural lineage: which he might‡I allowe not his phraſe, but take his yeeldyng, and fight not forwords. well do:§Quid Metan…. 15. As Auguſtus Caeſar is the progenie, the ſeede, the begotten of Iulius: though he be not of his line, but in ſucceſſion. Now leaſt his hearers ſhould by his manifold iniurious & erroneous controlments herein alſo folowe his wordes, and not his meanyng, I thought good to warne them, and wiſh them due care oftime, place, and perſon, in all narrations, leaſt they ſoone pull downe all theyr owne buylding. But now let vsus returne to our care ouer Rome, that it worke no harme in this behalfe to the Goſpel.

Cauſes why Romane teſtimonies ſhoulde be rather loathed, then honoured, to controll all antiquitie for holy prophetes.

Speciall cauſes ſhoulde moue to refuſe Romane late wryters, in this caſe.

1 They being neare our Lordes dayes in the fleſhe: (when Iewes noyſed ouer al the worlde, their expectation of the heauenly Monarch) they were to be geuen vp vntounto further errour, that would not louelove the light kindled: and enquire, as touching that king of glory.

2 When Tully proflac. & prouin conſ. mentionyng Ieruſalem, calleth the Iewes religion a barbarous ſuperſtitiō: and them a nation borne to bondage: he can not deny but he had herd of their religion, & of their long bondage. And he myght hauehave founde his paradoxe true: that the wyſe man euen in tormentes is happy, yf he would hauehave read the 70.*The Greeke tranſlation of the 70 matched the moſt ancient Latines, & might be read of the. and Eſay. 53. as he did Demoſthenes. His tongue‡Dion. Rom. hiſt. l…b. 47. was worthy to be prickt with needles, that ſo diſpitefully would ſpeake of the nation of our Lorde, who gaue him all his eloquence and worthily ſuffered he all that punyſhment, which in Plutarch befel him.

3 Vergil§Aegl. 4. the Poet, that heard of a chylde commyng from heauen to bring a golden worlde: ſinned againſt his conſcience, in drawyng that to Rome, which all rumors drew to Ieruſalem.

4 Auguſtus ieſting,Macrob. lib. 2. that Herodes hog was happier then his ſon: & knowing Herodes murthering: which was to preuent, the king looked for of the Iewes, coulde hardly be gyltles. And Carneades might hauehave taught him, yf not the Magi, to hauehave left the Iewes a King of their owne nation, and right family.

5 After open mention to Tiberius of our Lord his reſurrection,Euſeb. Ioſeph. Cedrenus. Tacitus Su…tonius. & a plaine prophecy, by which al the eaſt, at that time, looked for a king, and after, of the name of Chriſte, kilde vnderunder Pontius Pilate, all dealinges of Romane writers were much to be ſuſpected: either as more forlorn of God: to croſſe vnawares that prophecy famous eueryevery where: or of malice fortifiying with a conſpiring rancor ſuch Grekes as might wholly diſturbe y^t prophecy of the time of the general monarch.

6 Yf they dealt not maliciouſly, how could they being late men, agree in the ſame ſyllables, for the times betwixt Xerxes and Alexander,In Panathaen▪ contra Leocrat preciſely: though Iſocrates & Lycurgus, men of that age, differ 25. yeeres: where they make the whole but 48. and others after the Peloponneſian wars differ about halfe in halfe?

How the common table of Archontes, though forged, yet was exquiſitely honored of the Antichriſtian Philoſophers, not without ſuſpition of malice.

The late Greekes vnderunder the Romane Emperours, Pauſanias, Plutarch, Phlegon, Laertius, for the yeerely Archontes or Maiors of Athens: and vnderunder which of them famous men were borne or dyed: do ſo agree, as though they had lyued in their olde tymes, and had ben recorders of purpoſe: yet olde writers hauehave (as I thinke) not twenty of thoſe 140. Archontes, but full many others in theyr roomes: as Demoſthenes in one‡De corona. oration hath 8. Maiores of his owne towne: whereof the table which the Emperours ſcholers would fortify, hath not one. Lyſias hath ſome of his tyme likewyſe there not found. And Grekes, Chriſtians, as Suidas and other commenters, vtterly diſgrace them. I finde in Thucidides two: Pythodorus, beginnyng the warres and Alcaeus: Xenophon hath a Pythodorus ending it: and Lyſias the ſame. Alſo Euctemon is in Xenophon, Euclides in Lyſias, in Demoſthenes about §Socratides, Aſtias Polyzelus, Cephiſodorus Chion, Timocrates, Chariclides, Euander, and Charondas: but no two of theſe can be certaine for our purpoſe. Tully ſeemeth to ſettle Charon. 4. 7. afore Philips death.9. two*Themiſtocles and Theophraſtus. I finde in Aeſchines: other may hauehave ſome, or they ſome more. Therefore in late men this agreement can hardly be voyde of ſuſpicion of malice.

1 Thoſe open enimies are more openly gylty, in admitting thinges by them ſelues vnposſible. For Plutarch caſting Lyſias borne vnderunder Philocles, and to lyue 72. yeeres, and admittyng his oration for Iphicrates when Elpinicus was Maior 103. off: that ſhal deſerue true credite when 72. can be 103. This might then tell that about 30. Maiors and yeeres are forged: and malice, not dulnes, hath authoriſed theſe recordes.

2 VVhen Ptolomy mentioneth Eclipſes vnderunder Phanoſtratus,Lib. 4. cap. 11. & the next yere vnderunder Euander: here their conſpiracy fayleth.Diod. lib. 5. pag. 457. Dem. contra Timocr. ſee his commenter For in Diodorus, Menāder is, not Euander at all. Euander is a Maior in Demoſthenes, but as, neare the time of Timocrates affayres, & a late Maior. Beſides, al Greekes know that Euander and Menander be too far off in force, to take the one for the other.

3 Touching Apſeudes in Ptolemyes Eclipſes,lib. 3. cap. 2. I trow, ſauing from Diodorus table, neuer no man was ſo called. As neuer no Englyſh man was called Vn-lying, and the name myght tell, that the autour ieſted.

4 VVho woulde not ſuſpect forgery, ſeeing thoſe three Maiors together, Lyſi-ſtratus, Lyſ-anias, Lyſi-theus: and nere, Lyſi-crates, Lyſimachides, and Lyſ-anias againe. Or theſe, vpō A, halfe a doſen together, Amynias Alc…us, Ariſton, Aristophylus, Archias, Antipho, and next ſaue one, Aristomneſtus. Any may thinke that an open forger, turning to ſome Alphabete table bred theſe.

5 Like are theſe in the termination rare in ides. Theagenides, Archidemides, Phaſiclides, Timarchides, Lyſimachides, Myrichides, Glaucides: and all theſe neare togeather. Where both Iſocrates & Lycurgus differ ſo much: and I ſhew the time ſhorter by the one halfe, or there about, then the forged tables accompt. VVherefore Gellius, Plutarch, and ſuch, who by Gods curſe, cannot ſpeake the trueth (as Aeſchines taunteth Demoſthenes) no not vnwilling,Enemies of Chriſt ſhoulde not be cited againſt hym. that is vnwitting, or do of malice repreſſe it: let them packe. But their malicious forgery wyll moſt notably appeare, for kinges which are feigned to lyue with the kinges of Iudah, from autours neuer heard of tyll the Romane Emperours kilde the holy Martyrs. They are the thirde thred. I wyll put the ſimple reader in minde agaynſt them, what holy prophecy is wounded for them.

Of the Chaldeans.

CFrtayne reportes of ſuppoſed Chaldeans in our age firſt hauehave been of eſtimation, to teach men how to expounde Daniel, touching that text wherevpon we are tearmed Chriſtians. For in Daniel firſt and onelyonly of the olde Teſtament, the tearme Chriſt is meere proper: in other places 32. the ſkilfull in Adams tongue know the tearme to be appellatiue. For to vnderſtande Daniel the better, ſome late woulde ſeeke helpe from men whom they thinke to be Chaldeans. And by an accompt from them, my aduerſary woulde make me beleeue, that Gabriel appoynting 70. ſeuens of yeres for al the world to loke for Chriſt his death, meant not 70. but 80. ſeuens. His dealyng is ſtrange: ſtrangeneſſe yet herein made ſome men boyſterous: But the aged and learned knew before, how in the ende the matter would fall out. In London Prentiſes maruel at Vniuerſitie Scholers,Certayne of & in an vniuerſity reported to two of Innes of Court lately, that I was aſhmed of my cauſe, and relinquiſhed the defence of it. They knew not that they cōdemned our whole ſtate & religion, otherwyſe they would not willyngly nor could wittily hauehave done ſo. for thinking that Chaldeans might force them to an other meaning of bibles ſold in Paules, then euer was knowen eyther to Iewes who wrote the Prophetes, or to the Queene of Englande and Burgeſles of our Parliament: who thought that all myght and muſt aduenture their ſoules vponupon the proprietie of Gods worde, and thereby ſetled vsus lawes for Religion. VVe may not diſpute agaynſt our owne groundes, our owne frame, our owne pyllers, our owne whole buyldyng, for triall or brauery of ſkill, from colored old Aſtrologers.

This matter ſhalbe made ſo playne, that euen the ſimpleſt may ſee the weakeneſſe of that iudgement, which leaneth vponupon ſuch rotten reedes. Ptolomy was a man cunnyng in the courſe of the yeere: which men are taught to meaſure by the courſe of the Sunne. His dexteritie was late. For his dayes were about 130. yeeres after our Lord his redemption: yet to make his art honorable, he bryngeth to vsus recordes not heard of before his tyme of Chaldeans, commyng neare the antiquitie of a thouſande yeeres. For he nameth not Robbin-hood, but Nabonaſſar, yet one of Vtopia, or no place, matching in ancienty Ezekias king of Iudah. His firſt yeere of gouernement he placeth 424. yeeres before the death of Alexander Macedon. The ſame Ptolomy hath an accompt from Nabonaſſar to one Darius the firſt, whoſe yeere of reigne 31. he maketh to be 256. from Nabonaſſar, and by a conſequent 168. before the death of Alexander. Thus ſtandeth Ptolomyes teſtimony.

How an aduerſary doth cite this agaynst the proprietie of Scripture.

Thus the aduerſary doth reaſon.

IF from Darius that folowed Cyrus ſonne Cambyſes, who reigned 7. yeeres after Cyrus tooke Babylon vntounto Alexanders death yeeres be 168. it muſt needes be granted that the Perſians reigned aboue 130. yeeres ouer the Iewes: and ſeeing 360. thence are agreed vponupon to our Lordes death: and the limites of Daniels ſeuens agreed vponupon alſo, betwixt both parties: it muſt needes be that the Angell meant vncertenly.

Anſwere.

Many thinges for this teſtimony muſt be explaned. Simply this wyll ſtande: That neuer any Darius was beginnyng to reigne 7. yeeres after Cyrus tooke Babylon, whoſe reigne was 168. yeeres before Alexanders death. But for ſhewyng how the teſtimony is nothyng worth, theſe poyntes may be layde downe.

1 A teſtimony vnknowen or deſpiſed neare 1000. yeeres, and afterward deſpiſed more then 1000. yeeres, is more vayne then vanitie. Such is this of ſuppoſed Chaldeans.

2 Chriſtians may admit no teſtimony (where proprietie muſt beare ſway) agaynſt Scripture. For playne ought that to be, which playneth the rough. But by Daniel, Darius the firſt came none after Darius the Mede▪ who tooke Babylon. … who then was 62. yeeres olde. But his age … not … this accompt of 32. yeeres reigne ….

3 The Queene of Englande ſworne to the Goſpell,They who blame in mee nouelty, where all our Church was and is of the ſame mind, muſt be warned of groſſe daeling. is to ſatisfie her ſubiectes, and they in obedience to ſatisfie her by proprietie of Scripture. To regarde the moſt lying nation of Chaldeans (neuer before cited to croſſe proprietie of Scripture) it is no part of the learned and godly. This might hauehave warrented mee.

4 A Shypmans hoſe wyll not elegantly diſtinguyſhe and ſet foorth the legges. But this Chaldean teſtimony is ſuch. For of Nabonaſſar, and Nabopollaſar Scal. 1584. condemneth al former opinions. Chriſtmannus holdeth them forged names.In Alfrag. Genebrarde thinketh them forged or corrupt:In Chronal H. Wolphius learnedly damneth all ſuch helpe from Heathen for Scripture. A ſounde iudgement ſhoulde not trouble his Countrey with ſuch ſtuffe.

Obiection.

But Clemens 1. Strom. hath a Darius the firſt after Cambyſes: Therefore Chaldeans onelyonly are not to be blamed.

Anſwere.

1 The Grecians could not ſo well take notiſe of Chaldean kinges, as Chaldeans myght: For whom Daniel had penned his ſixt Chapter in the Chaldy tongue: but they meant the firſt Darius that they heard of.

2 That Darius Hyſtaſpis cannot be meant by Darius the firſt, Herodotus conferred with Cteſias wil proue. For Cteſias a Phyſician in the Perſian court, and hauing (as Diodorus writeth of hym) the court rolles for warrant, recordeth that Darius Hy…taſpis liued but fourty three yeeres, and reigned from his princehood at twelue yeeres of age but 31. yeeres. Now Herodotus in Clio maketh him about 20. yeeres olde when Cyrus preſently vppon Babels conqueſt prepareth Tomyris warres. And this vtterly ouerthroweth my Aduerſaries cauſe.

3 Maximinus Monachus ſomwhat folowyng Grekes,A Greke wryter, which I hauehave in written hand ſomwhat of him M Scaliger hath put foorth. yet more reuerencing the open phraſe of moſt holy Scripture, and lothing rediculous diſtinctions, where playneneſſe ought to be, he maketh Darius that foloweth Cambyſes to be Darius the Mede. But to differ from the Chaldeans, either forged autours or forgers, geueth hym in all but twenty eyght yeeres.

4 Aben Ezra vppon Daniel the 9. teſtifieth, that he ſaw recordes for the Perſian kinges, by whiche he founde from the ſurpryſing of Babel vntounto the twentieth of Artaxerxes fourtie nyne yeeres. Theſe be his wordes: And beholde, Ninteene yeeres were of the reigne of Cyrus and Achaſhueroſh, and two of Darius, and he reigned twelue. And ſo it is written in a Booke of the Kinges of Paras, and … yeeres of Artaxasta the king: So beholde the whole is … ſeuens vntill Nehe…ias came, as it is written in the booke of Ezra. Thus teſtifieth Aben Ezra, who liued aboue 400. yeeres ago: a great Aſtronomer in Sebaſtian Munſters iudgement, whereby he coulde not be ignoraunt of Ptolomyes Chaldeans. A deadly enemy he was to Chriſt, and therefore deſerueth better credite, ſpeakyng for vsus agaynſt his owne purpoſe, then Chaldeans, more wicked and perpetuall haters of Daniel.

5 All they who make 49.The one spe…he of ſeuen ſeuens Dan. 9. graunted commonly the tyme ſeperated for buylding Ieruſalem (which muſt be the fyrſt part in the partition) forceth an yeelding to a plaine declaration of Gabriels Chronicle for our redemption. yeeres for the buylding of Ieruſalem, who are full manv, wyl be founde as well damners of theſe Chaldeans: whereof amongſt Romiſtes in Spayne Hector Pintus gaue the ſame reuerence to Daniels playnnes as dyd Iohn Calum in Geneuah, and careth not for humane credite, where Greekes thought them ſelues ſtrongeſt. And the Diuines in the laſt Frenche edition, hauehave deſpiſed this Chaldy dreame. Genebrard for the French, Romiſtes is no ſmall man (honored now as I heard at Rome) whom Adricomius folowed in the Chronicle ioyned to his Mappes. Henry VVolphius is a learned, godly, and zelous reuerencer of the Scriptures playnnes, who friendly controlleth M. Scaliger, and confirmeth Beroaldus, departyng euen from his owne Fathers iudgement for the holy trueth. Agaynſt all this muſt it be my particuler lot, in ſo many of myne opinion, to be onelyonly counted new?

6 Learned men by them hauehave gon too farre. For I. Sc. condemneth all the thouſandes of Diuines, who do thinke that Darius the Mede. Dan. 5. gate Babylon by conqueſt. A ſtrange thing. Such wryters ſhoulde be hated, who deceyue ſo learned men, as M. Scaliger is knowen to be of all Learned men.

Two more deceites from theſe Chaldeans, deceyuing him and an other Scholer wel deſeruing of learnyng, ſhould make vsus thinke no better of theſe ſta…e Chaldy forgery, then …iamus ſhoulde hauehave done of Epeus wordy Horſe, and hurtfull Sinons tale. Cateles Vcalegon his houſe, with others, was not more ouertaken thereby of Vul…anes flames, then our wrytinges ſhoulde be, yf thoſe Babylonians might beare ſway. Take fyrſt an example, of Ezekiel where he writeth in this manner, Ch …, 1. In the thirteth yeere I was in the Captiuitie. From whence he beginneth his reckonyng it may ſoone be diſcuſſed. For this was in the fift yeere of the Captiuitie of Ioachin, adde vntounto that all Iakims tyme, eleuen yeeres, ſo we hauehave 16. and of Ioſias 31. ſo many as wyll with 16. make 30. that is 14. then you climbe vp vntounto the 18. of Ioſias: that moſt famous yeere the middle of a Iubilee, hauing that noble Paſſeouer, and Moſes copy hid from Manaſſes, founde agayne and read before the king, by which it was knowen that captiuity was at haude: which when Iewes captiued woulde not beleeue, but that they might hauehave ſhunned it, Ezekiel hath relation to a famous denouncing of it 30. yeeres afore, and by that teſtimony woulde both calme the captiued, and aduiſe Zedekias not to reſiſt the Babylonian. And this of ancientie Iewes did ſee, Ionothan, Iarchi, Kimchi, Abrabbaniel. Olde father Ierome taught the ſame among Latines, and Theodoret among Greekes, yet M. Sc. thinketh that Ezekiel had relation to Nabopollaſar, whom his Chaldeans in Ptolomy hauehave. In defence of my ſelfe, whom ſome by him woulde diſgrace, this much I wyll ſay.

Chaldeans deſerue ſmall thankes for playing faſt and looſe, yf that which by playne reaſon for Scripture, Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines, hauehave hytherto helde faſt, now muſt be holden looſe.

Yf for the firſt verſe of Ezekiel all Diuines hauehave been bereft of iudgement, how great is our darknes? and who wyll euer regarde our skil? The regarding helpe from Aſſur hath wrough… vsus this diſgrace.

Whereas H. Wolphius his friende, the next yeere after he wrote, corrected that, & he ſemeth to like wel of it: He first ſhould defende his Chaldeans, and not his folowers, where he is ſilent.

For an other Learned man: M. F. Iunius is deceyued as much. Marke what he writeth vponupon thoſe textes. Ezra, 4. 5. & 24. They hyred counſellers agaynſt them, to diſſlolue theyr counſell all the dayes of Cyrus king of Paras, vntounto the reigne of Darius king of Paras. This Darius is (in the learned mans worke) Darius Hystaſpis, and him be maketh to reigne ten yeeres after Cyrus firſt yeere. Now for the verſe 34. of the ſame Chapter marke Ezra. Then was hindered the worke, and continued hindered vntyll the ſeconde yeere of the reigne of Darius king of Paras. Though it hath been doubtles with Iewes and Gentiles, that one and the ſame Darius is meant in both places, yet he maketh the later, an other, Darius Nothus, later by 98. yeeres. So theſe Chaldeans make vsus breede of one Kis two, of one Ezra two, of one Nehemias two, of one Darius the firſt two, of one other Darius § three: & for two yeres in him to make 100.D. Artaxerxes, D. Hyſtaſpis, and Darius Nothus.

The ſaw wherewith Manaſſes did cut Eſay the iuſt into peeces, had not worſe teeth then theſe Chaldeans, who make vsus rent with our teeth the holy worde, from that playnneſſe which is in Chriſt. The Troianes which did pull downe their owne Walles to receyue enimies to burne their Citie, are not ſimpler then they who wylbe triumphing agaynſt a defender of their owne nations Diuines, and wyll pull downe their owne Walles, made not by Neptune and Apollo, as Homers Pergama, but by Diuines of all learned languages. And this for Chaldeans, being not a dead Horſe, but in Scripture language, dead Dogges.

I could hauehave wyſhed that Learned men had not been brought agaynſt mee: whom I turne more enimies to my aduerſary, then I am, vponupon his grauntes, and turne them to be vponupon condemners of his iudgement. I woulde hauehave been loth to caſt any blot of their owne Incke vponupon their Papers, yf I myght hauehave been vnprouoked. This any may ſee, that M. Fr. Iunius vponupon Hoſea, differeth lytle from myne accompt, where he makes 680. yeeres from the ſixt of Ezekias vntounto our Lordes death. I make ſeuen leſſe then be, leſſe, becauſe I holde that the Captiuitie was but 70. yeeres, which begun from lech…nias by him ſhould be 77. but no ſillable of Prophet will warrant that. After I hauehave him with me against my aduerſary & him ſelfe alſo. Let them for that thanke the Chaideans.

He had neede of a bolde corage,Oppoſe this to al their rumors, who by theyr owne teſtimonie blame a cauſe whiche they know not. and many tongues to ſpeake for him, that woulde hauehave all the worlde to ſhrinke from an Angell and Daniels meanyng, for ſo vile, baſe, obſcure, tryflyng ragges of Vtopian Scriueners. And this for them, or nothing is enough.

This harme is not lytle, that our common people▪ to whom Bibles are propounded as playne vppon often readyng, muſt be caried to mistruſt the playne text. But herein I must not be vehemet agaynst my Aduerſary, who leſſe regarded Chaldeans then Olympiades. For staying of ſuch as wyll needes win hym avictory, against his hope I hauehave written, and must, more then I wyſhed.

Whereas ſome ſtumble at Diuinitie for diuerſitie of myndes in playne Stories,Papiſtes blame vsus for differing, though Bellarmin and Genebrard differ in the ſame rate, without particular blame of them. wherein the striuers knowe that any vppon paynes due, may ſee the trueth: Suche stumblers may ſoone finde their condemnation iust. It was alwayes vſual to try trueth by diſputyng. And as no man thinketh Arithmatique hard: nor law: For Merchauntes pleading vponupon accomptes, when ſummes with their authority are brought togeather: So none ſhould here thinke the Bible hard, when the ſummes of it are cleere, yf they wyll examyne Heathen, how their testimony is nothyng. The Christians that folow them deſerue report of humane readyng. But all wryters vponupon Scripture may not be diſgraced Proteſtantes Romistes, and Iewes, & euen they that*Who graunt ſome poyntes which ſubdue al their diſſention to the trueth. ſtriue, all may not be counted ſenſeleſſe, when Scripture is cleere, and vponupon Scripture they ſpeake. And Heathen ſhoulde not ouerrule Religion, when euen by other Heathen Scripture preuayleth:

THus I hauehave ſufficiently cleered the ſpeech of Gabriel: in defence of the late Diuines, of England wyth Scotland: of Spaine, Fraunce, Hiderbeg, Tigurin, Geneua: checking the old error of Greekes, making the Sunne go backe 100. yeres.

1 The matter hath been ſo poliſhed: that for the limites, the aduerſarie yeeldeth vntounto me: & for the parts to be greater then the whole: he fighteth not againſt me but againſt himſelfe, art, all men, and poſsibilitie.

2 Touching the reaſon that droue him into theſe ſtraits: the opinion that the Jewes were vnderunder Perſia 70. yeares more than Gabriels portion 130. of 490. vponupon examination that is found more vnlikely, than any thing in any count of time. For we both, and the two famous lerned M. Iunius and M. Scaliger, (the onelyonly in that on hys ſide) we all foure, graunt the exceſſe of yeres not to bee after the building of the Temple. Now, that it cannot be 107. afore, betwixt Cyrus and Aggeis Prophecie, but 32. onelyonly, whole ſtreames of reaſons I hauehave ſhewed: & Ebrewes, Greekes, Latines make it but the ſixt part of this time, that is, 17. or 18. yeres. Now, to blame another for not going ſixe fold beyond the common opinion, this dealing might be counted ſtrange.

3 This one argument amongſt whole troupes, this one alone might quiet all: that the returned, which were once 49000. built the Temple.

4 Touching the prophane, by particulers it was ſhewed, that from Cyrus Babilons warre to Xerxes, (euen by heathen) 30. was the moſt that likelihood would grant: that from Xerxes warre to Alexanders, of the ſuppoſed 140. by Grekes of that Age, in ſure and plaine reaſons 40. full clearly might, to the ſatisfaction of any heathen, bee quite cut off.

5 Touching heathen diſturbances, I turne them to ſerue the Church: in Olympiades, about Rome, and ſuch. Phlegon fighteth for vsus: whoſe whole fragment, becauſe few had it, I cauſed to be printed, for Scholers vſe.

6 Pauſanias likewiſe againſt himſelfe exactly for my ſumme: and the Greke Diuines I brought againſt theyr cited Olympiades: yea, Iulian and Lucian are brought to ſerue Daniel.

7 The table of Archontes, the malice of Philoſophers, the vanitie of the Chaldeans hauehave been detected.

8 Theſe points hee that holdeth not profitable for helping to ioyne Moſes, Daniel, Matthew, Paul, and all together: and ſpecially the Iubilees, beginning from the partition of the Land by Ieſus, vponupon driuing out the heathen, ending at the entring for vsus into heauen, by our Lord and Sauiour Ieſus, by texts cleare and plaine: hee that would deſpiſe this, hath courage not following, but running afore learning: and I thinke, with none well aduiſed can finde commendation.

Obiection.

But this ſhould not be put in print to the diſgrace of a learned man: priuate conference ſhould rather end the matter.

Anſwere.

This Obiection may be caſt off for manie cauſes.

1 Mine aduerſarie conferred priuately with me, before I wrote of the Scripture concent: and vponupon occaſion of ſome ſtrange points in his Author, whereby his accompt made yeres three-ſcore for bare three: he told me that he had not ſtudied theſe points: and requeſted me to write of them.

2 Preſently vponupon the comming forth of my Booke, he falleth a confuting it in open lectures, amongſt yong ſtudents vnable to iudge: who as Nero ſang the deſtruction of Troy, when he ſet his own Citie on fire: ſo thoſe yong ſtudents triumphed, when Daniel, and Gabriel were in confuting. If this partiality be tolerable in him: to ſpeak to yong men, & not to print that all may iudge: they wil grant me good leaue to defend that truth in print, which the Aduerſarie did requeſt me for to print at the firſt.

3 My learned frend told his Auditorie, that hee was bound to honor the truth, more than our frendſhip: and therefore would not ſpare, euen a follower of a vniuerſall opinion. He that will not thinke the ſame as lawfull for me, will ſeeme blinded with finiſter partialitie.

4 VponUpon a ſhort Epiſtle to one A. T. prouing Mardochai captiued, whoſe life would diſcuſſe our controuerſie: mine aduerſarie promiſed to take the blame on him, rather than I ſhould print more: yet ſoone after falleth on confuting it, with ſome dealings, that none indifferent would like off: & his admirers being called to their owne iudgement vponupon Eſter, ſaw that they were deceaued: and ſaid that the fame of the learned man carried them to conclude as he wold. Now, all ſuch as condemn all Ebrewes, Grekes, Engliſh and their owne hart, muſt bee warned to deale better: and other warning would they take none, till I came to this, manie did I ſend them.

5 Another D. of Diuinitie, who abridged Codoman, flowing with errours: yet condemning mine Aduerſarie in all our chiefe differences, & granting me full manie points, wherby mine Aduerſarie would tell him that he ouerthrew himſelfe: vponupon certain demands daſhing all his paines, tooke a right courſe: he confeſſed that he had no skill in theſe matters, and would yeeld vntounto him whom he prouoked. One Maſter Jackson a merchant, can teſtifie that to him it was ſpoken: and the Gentlemen of Grayes-Inne know reaſon why that was his beſt way. And this mention would I hauehave ſpared, but that one D. Ch. would hauehave him anſwered, as though he had wonne the ſpurres: the man himſelfe tooke the beſt way. I dare aſſure mine Aduerſarie that he ought to hauehave done ſo: if euer by reſiſtance he make his cauſe good: let the Reader thinke me of ſmall iudgement.

6 So many are infected with error vponupon his Lectures, to hold the Scripture vncertaine: that not onelyonly Printing muſt correct them, but alſo he muſt be moued to acknowledge his ouerſight.

7 It is great pitie that one ſo well deſeruing of the Church, ſhould be ſuffred by vnreaſonable reuerence to build vp Jericho: wheras in frendſhip iuſt reproofe bears great ſway, which muſt be giuen grauely, and taken patiently.

8 We tooke Vmperes, the Archbiſhop of Canterburie, and the Biſhop of London. By their arbitrement hee doth know or ſome may, that neither hee nor anie will ſoon foile any ioynt of that Scripture Concent, but for going about will take foyles manie. When after their cenſures yong men ſhall ſing as at Neroes flames, what man of courage with learning would abide it.

He that wrote of Scripture Concent to her Maieſtie, vnles for ioining Ebrew and Greke ſtudies he knew himſelf commonly holden inferior to none: he might be blamed of imprudencie, with taking away the firſt letter of Rhetorique: that which Tully ſaid, Demoſthenes could hardly pronounce, for the boldnes of his enterpriſe, taken before BB, and DD. as a Doctor of Cambridge anſwered for him: vponupon commending the weight of the matter, when one demanded, why then the BB. or the DD. meddeled not with it. He that in ſo weightie a cauſe would ſuffer rumors to quel the truth: and yeeld to men not acquainted with his ſtudies, ſhould not be thought of iudgment or louelove of the truth.

Thus I truſt the godly wilbe ſatisfied, the fame or infamie from the bad, ſhould moue none of iudgement.

FINIS.

An Apology in Brief Assertions, Exegesis 2

THAT THERE WAS NO cauſe why 560. yeares ſhould be imagined betwixt the deliuerance by Cyrus, and the death of our Sauiour.

For the whole time.

For the Perſians 130. yeres.

Obiection.

Anſwer.

An other obiection in Wolphius vponupon Nehemias.

Anſwer.

A third obiection.

Anſwer.

Of Ezra.

Obiection againſt that Eſra ſhould be properly ſonne to Saraias.

Anſwer.

Obiection.

Anſwer.

For the ſpace betwixt Cyrus and Aggai, prophecying: that it is nothing neere 107.

Obiections.

Anſwer.

Obiection againſt Cedrenus. He is of as great authoritie as Legenda aurea. Anſwer.

Of Anaxandrides and Leonidas.

Obiection.

Anſwer.

Of Polycrates.

Obiection.

Anſwer.

Of Epimenides in Laertius.

Obiection.

Anſwer.

Other ſucceſſions of liues.

Of Apryes, Amaſis, Pythagoras, Lyſis, and Epaminondas.

Of Cyrus.

Of Greekes nullitie.

An obiection from Thucidides.

Anſwer.

Thucidides condemnation of Greekes.

Pauſanias testimonie.

Plutarchs testimonie.

Continuall diſagreements.

A kinde of helpe.

Against Eratosthenes account.

Of Olympiades, Romes antiquitie and Chaldeans.

foreign.

OF THE OLYMPIA, by Phlegon, freeman of Adrianus Caeſar.

Of Darius Hyſtaſpis.

Of the Olympiade 75. ioyned to Xerxes warre.

Cyrus, in particularitie ſpecially conferred with Olympiades, diſagreeing extreamely.

A Cataloge of further impoſſibilities in Olympike reckonynges.

The cauſes of differing by Olympiades, ſundry games, and ſundry game-rulers

Of ſundry game: rulers.

Nor marke the cart before the horſe in… Pauſanias reckonyng.

Plutarch of Hippias.

How Plato ſetteth out Hippias.

Of the authoritie of others of Elis, citizens to Hippias.

Obiection.

Anſwere to Xenophons Olympiade 93.

Of Solons age, and Philip Macedons, to be of the lyke diſtaunce by Heathen, as Iakim and Iaddue are caſt from ſcripture to be.

Of Romes Chronicle noted in latine A. V. C. anni vrbis conditae: the yeares ſince the Citie was built.

Extremities in ſhortnes.

Of Iakim, Solon Piſiſtratus, Tarquinius ſuperbus, and Cyrus chyldhood, touching the ſame tymes.

A digresſion vponupon occasion of the aduerſaries phraſe.

Cauſes why Romane teſtimonies ſhoulde be rather loathed, then honoured, to controll all antiquitie for holy prophetes.

How the common table of Archontes, though forged, yet was exquiſitely honored of the Antichriſtian Philoſophers, not without ſuſpition of malice.

Of the Chaldeans.

How an aduerſary doth cite this agaynst the proprietie of Scripture.

Anſwere.

Obiection.

Anſwere.

Obiection.

Anſwere.