Exposition of the Prophecy of Daniel, Part 1

Exposition of the Prophecy of Daniel · Part 1

p. 7The text of the 11. Chapter of Daniel from verſ. 36. to the end.

36 ANd the King ſhall doe according to his will, and he ſhall exalt himſelfe, and magnifie himſelfe above every god, and ſhall ſpeake marveilous things againſt the God of gods, and ſhall proſper till the indignation be accompliſhed: for that that is determined, ſhall be done.

37. Neither ſhall he regard the god of his fathers, nor the deſire of women, nor regard any god: for he ſhall magnifie himſelfe above all.

38. But in his eſtate ſhall hee honour the God of forces: and a God whom his fathers knew not, ſhall hee honour with gold, and ſilver, and with precious ſtones, and pleaſant things.

39. Thus ſhall hee doe in the most ſtrong holds with a ſtrange god, whom he ſhall acknowledge, and increaſe with glory: and hee ſhall cauſe them to rule ever many, and ſhall divide the land for gaine.

40. And at the time of the end ſhall the King of the South puſh at him, and the King of the North ſhall come against him like a whirlewinde, with charets and with horſemen, and with many ſhips, and he ſhall enter into the countreys, and ſhall overflow and paſſe over.

41. Hee ſhall enter alſo into the glorious land, and many countreys ſhall bee overthrowne: but theſe ſhall eſcape out of his hand, even Edom and Moab, and the chiefe of the children of Ammon.

p. 842. He ſhall ſtretch foorth his hand alſo vponupon the countreys, and the land of Egypt ſhall not eſcape.

43. But he ſhall have power over the treaſures of gold and ſilver and over all the precious things of Egypt: and the Libyans, and the Ethiopians ſhall be at his ſteppes.

44. But tidings out of the East, and out of the North ſhall trouble him: therefore hee ſhall goe forth with great fury to destroy, and vtterly to make away many.

45. And hee ſhall plant the tabernacles of his palace betweene the ſeas in the glorious holy mountaine, yet hee ſhall come to his end, and none ſhall helpe him.

Let the words of my mouth and the meditation of my heart be acceptable in thy ſight O Lord my rock and my Redeemer.

THE ANALYSIS or Reſolution.

DAniel recordeth things done in the firſt ſix chapters afterward in the reſt of the booke, viſions and revelations ſhewed to him: wherin is diſcloſed, what the people of the Iewes are to expect from that time to the very laſt end. Of the Revelations he firſt propoundeth the univerſall type of thinges to come in Chap: 7. in thoſe following he vſeth a larger declaration of the firſt, both as it did agree with the next times in regard either of the enemies chap. 8. or of the p. 9Meſſias in cha. 9. As alſo it did agree to all times by a continued order and ſucceſſion from his owne time to the full deliveraunce of his nation. Of this laſt and plentifull Prophecie the preparation is ſet downe in the tenth chapt. then afterward the thinge it ſelf in the two followinge chapters 11. and 12. From the beginning of the 11. chap. vntounto this place the matters of the Perſians and Grecians are ſo manifeſtly, particularly, and expreſſly foreſhewed, that in very deed, it may ſeeme rather a Hiſtorie then a prophecie. That which remaineth doth partly ſhewe the other oppreſſors of the people of the Iewes, in this Chap. partly that wiſhed end of all their troubles in the following.

There are three oppreſſors ſett downe, The firſt a certaine Kinge deſcribed, without anie addition of his dominion how farre it ſtretched, but ſummarily both of an unlimited power toward ſtrangers, moſt proude and proſperous till the appointed time verſ. 36. and alſo towards his owne, a contemner of his Countries and fathers religion, without naturall affections, and exalting himſelf above all, verſ. 37. After perticularly as he ſhould be famous for ſome ſpeciall acts, partly in the matter concerning Religion verſ. 38. and beginning of the next, and partly in politicke affaires, in the later part of verſ. 39. The ſecond is the King of the South verſ. 40. The third is the King of the North, who is happye in his preparation verſ. 40. in his proceeding p. 10verſ. 41. and largenes of his dominion ver. 42.43. but is unhappye in the feare of dolefull tidinges, in his wicked purpoſe and reſolution of minde, v. 44. and laſt of all in his going forth and end verſ. 45.

THE SCHOLIA or Expoſition.

Verſ. 36. And the King ſhall doe what him liſt, or according to his will.

WEe have often times made mention of Daniel in the Revelation and the Canticles, whoſe teſtimonie what force it hath to thoſe thinges for which we alledged, it, cannot be ſufficiently vnderſtood, except we repeate it from the beginning and take vponupon us the full handling of a very obſcure place of ſcripture, and much controverted amongſt learned men: which truly I doe the more willingly vndertake, becauſe being holpen by the light of former expoſitions, we hope we ſhalbe able to bring ſomthing by Gods aſſiſtaunce to cleere the truth and bring it to light. Neither doe I doubt but it will be very acceptable to the godlie and learned to ſee Daniels, conſent with the reſt, and the lovelie face of the truth to be brought vponupon the ſtage in open view, with whoſe bewtie the moſt heavenlie minded are eſpecially raviſhed, yea and which even the vulgar ſort of men, though vnſkilfull beholders and judges of beawtie are alſo aſtoniſhed therat. Every viſion hath difficultie in it, but he muſt have leiſure at will, that vndertaketh the whole work: but theſe laſt viſions being well vnderſtood, on which doth reſt the expoſition of the former, thoſe alſo that goe before may be eaſily conceived.

p. 11We begin the expoſition from the 36. verſe, becauſe there are not manie thinges in the former verſes need to ſtaie or hinder the Reader: but thoſe which followe are much doubted of, whether they belong to Antiochus Epiphanes, or to ſome other Kinge. Wel and rightly in my judgment doth Calvin avouch, That it can by no meanes be referred to Antiochus. Thoſe thinges that followe doe not anie wiſe agree: for how ſhould he doe what he liſt, by exalting himſelfe above all that is God, whom the ſhippes of Chittim limited and preſcribed verſ. 30. Neither did the Kings of Egypt, being younge, attempte anie thinge againſt Antiochus: Neither was there anie King of the North, by whom he ſuſteined anie wrong to ſpeak of. Or if we ſhall make Antiochus himſelf the King of the North, as ſome interpreters doe: Neither doth the King of the South provoke him as it foloweth verſ. 40. Neither did he returne into Egypte after he was commaunded to depart by the Romanes as verſ. 30. before.

The hiſtorie recordeth that he went twice into Egypt as, 2. Maca. 5.1. About the ſame time Antiochus vndertook his ſecond voyage into Egypt, wherin he doth admirably agree with Daniel; but of a third expedition not agry, or the leaſt mention in anie Authour that I could finde. The Authours of the books of the Macabees would have made ſome mentiō therof if there had bene anie. Neither wold Ioſephus have let it paſſe, who after the retturne of Antiochus out of Egypte by reaſon of the Romanes threatning denounced, doth mention nothing at all that was againe attempted againſt that Countrie before his death among the Perſians. Livie alſo, who ſheweth him to be reſtrained by Popilius the legate lib. 45. of his Epitomies abridgement, declareth him in the next book to be dead without doing anie other memorable exploite. Iuſtice alſo, after he had declared the tarnteſſe and p. 12rigour of Popilius, telleth us that Antiochus died aſſbone as he was returned into his Kingdome: was it poſſible ſuch a notable expedition could be taken in hand, wherin ſo manie nations were overthrowne and great alterations came to paſſe, as it followeth verſ. 40.41. In recording wherof all theſe Authors would not be faithfull and diligent, which yet notwitſtanding ſhould eſcape the truſt and diligence of all theſe Authours.

But thou wilt ſaie, Though the Hiſtorie be ſilente, yet divine Oracle without all exception, makes the matter playne and manifeſt, for ſo Daniel ſpeaketh before, verſ. 29. At the time appointed he ſhall againe invade the South, but it ſhall not be as the firſt expedition, or as the laſt, but by the leave of learned men, no ſuch thing is here intended, if we doe rightly expound or trāſlate the word, which runneth thus, But the ſet time ſhall returne and he ſhall com into the South, and it ſhall not be as the former, ſo alſo the later, for there is nothing more frequent then for the later doubled Caph, to anſwere the former, and to be the reddition or anſwere therunto: in which ſenſe the particle Ita, ſo, doth anſwere the word. Sicut or ut, as: And it ſhall be as the prieſt, ſo the people, &c. Iſa. 24.2. And it ſhall as the righteous ſo the wicked. Gen. 18.25. you ſhall heare, as the ſmal, ſo the great. Deut. 1.17. and very manie of the like ſort; wherfore the tranſlation of Tremelius is to be corrected, But it ſhall not be as the firſt expedition or as …he later: for the Copulative particle rendred diſiunctively, and the note of the ſimilitude being taken propoſitively and not reſponſively or redditively as it ought, doth plainely ſhew of three voyages, againſt the truth (if I be not deceived) of all hiſtories, and againſt the minde and meaninge of the prophet himſelfe. For is it anie waie likely, that Antiochus for feare of the people of Rome had caried away his whole armie out of Egypte, the Romanes after that ſhould either leave off the care of that Kingdome, or that he ſhould dare p. 13againe to enterpriſe warre againſt the good liking of the Senate? Moreover That litle help ſpoken of verſe 34. proceeded farre beyond the tyrannie of Antiochus whom Iudas Macabeus and his other brethren did overlive. To what end therfore ſhould the Prophet, when he had farre paſſed thoſe broyles, come ſayling back againe that waie he had formerly overpaſſed with a certaine inextricable confounding of thinges? Finally ſhall we think or imagine, that the Iewes calamities did ſo continue in Antiochus alone, as that it ſhould be altogether needles to ſpeak a word of their conſequent troubles afterward? Neither doe theſe wordes anie better agree to his ſonnes, who never did atteine unto the greatneſſe of their Father. The Kingdome of Syria did more and more decaie, until at length not long after it was utterly waſted. This King therefore is not Antiochus, but ſome other farre ſurmounting him, one of thoſe foure cheife ones ſpoken of before ch. 7.17. and therfore the prefixed article hath his emphaſis or expreſſe force of ſignification, diſtinguiſhing him from Antiochus, of whom he ſpoke in the wordes next and immediately going before, who was but ſmal and meane in compariſon of theſe foure cheife, and this King is the laſt of theſe foure: for the Lion, the Kingdome of the Aſſyrians, was aboliſhed and gone before this v…ſion was ſhewed to Daniel, as before ch. 10.1. Of the beare and leopard, the Perſians and the Grecians, there hath bene enough ſpoken in the former part of this chap. The terrible beaſt then onelyonly remaineth, that variable wylde beaſt and of manie faſhions, which is this Kinge. For it is neceſſarie that the expoſition (of which kinde this laſt propheſie is) ſhould bring no new matter, as farre as it concerneth the generall heads, nor anie whi…t depart from the generall type. By which it is alſo manifeſt that the fourth beaſt ch. 7. is not the Kingdome of the Seleucidans and Lagidans, p. 14as ſome learned men have thought, ſeing this Kinge, that very beaſt, neither is Antiochus nor anie part of the Grecian Monarchie, which had no ſucceſſour after Antiochus greater then hee. But of this matter more heerafter. So as by thoſe neceſſarie arguments thus laid down, we are ledde by the hand to the Romanes, who tooke the lampe from the Grecians, and whom the Iewes afterward found and felt the muſt cruel revengers of their wickednes. For it is the intent of the ſpirit in a breife Synopſis or abridgement to our view, to deliver what the eſtate of the Iewes ſhould be, not onelyonly to the firſt cōming of Chriſt, which yet notwithſtandinge Antiochus never atteined to, but alſo to all ages ſucceding, till at lenght they ſhal bee gathered into one fould, & be made together with us Citizens of the ſame Kingdome.

Other prophecies have made this manifeſt unto us & the ſingular agreemēt of this prophecie will marveilouſly confirme the ſame. The Angel doth note or ſignifie, the Romane Monarchie by the name of one kinge, as if it were of ſome ſingular perſon after his manner; and then he addeth certaine properties, by which as in a glaſſe wee may behould his lively face. Firſt of all therfore, where ſhall we finde a greater power to doe what hee liſt then in this empire? eſpecially from ſuch time as Antiochus the great by their meanes was deprived of all commande beyond the mountaine Taurus, and was commanded to conteine himſelf within the narrowe bonndes of Syria. For a litle before having van quiſhed Hanibal and triumphed over Perſeus the Macedonian, & having ſlaine the Cymbrians or Danes, and all feare laid aſide farre and wyde round about, what ſhould reſtreine ſuch an extreame licentiouſnes of all things, and ſuch an unbridled appetite both of covetinge anie thinge, and of obteininge anie thing he coveted according to his will. The bridle of feare was caſt upon all other Kinges: p. 15onelyonly the Romanes, whoſe power exceeded, did bite the bridle, & would not be curbed by thoſe whom they had overcome in battell. Ptolomie felt of their tyrannicall power, whoſe Iſland Cyprus, although he were a kinge and their fellow and confederate, was proſcribed and ranſackt, not for anie offence and injurie, but onelyonly for their deſire to enjoye ſo great a wealth, wherwith the Iſland was reported to abound. And whereas no fitt nor feigned coulour could be pretended, then Cato that great patrone of Iuſtice, as he was called, was made a publick robber of the wealth ſo ungodly coveted, that ſo, as I think, the groſſe diſhoneſtie of the facte might in ſome ſort be hid and concealed by the authoritie of the man. The Egiptian could not brook the wronge, but at the report of the matter poyſoned himſelf, Florus lib. 3. ch. 9.

The warre againſt Creete if we will take knowledge of the truth, we alſo made, ſaith the ſame Florus, onelyonly through a deſire to vanquish that noble Iſland. But this licentiouſnes was nothing to the outragiouſnes of the Emperours. It would be over tedious to enter in the particulars, neither is it needfull in a matter ſo well knowne to all. Aſſuredly that which Daniel once ſpake of Nebucadnezar, agreeth very fitly to this Kinge, and for the Majeſtie that God gave him, all nations, people, and languages trembled, & feared before him; he put to death whom hee would, he ſmote whom he woulde, whom he would he ſett up, whom he woulde hee put downe Dan. 5.19. Theſe are the large boundes of an unlimited deſire proper to ſupreme authority. Let us not ſeek for them either in Antiochus, or in anie other ſervile prince, but onelyonly in the higheſt empire. This is therefore his firſt marke, His unlimited power out of all controule. His pride foloweth, hee ſhall exalt himſelfe & magnifie himſelfe above all that is called God. p. 16Interpreters do uſe to carry theſe wordes to the impietie of this Kinge, which indeed is noted in the next wordes And hee ſhall ſpeak marveilous thinges, and wordes againſt the God of Gods. Thoſe former wordes therefore doe belonge to men: for pride is here ſett out by a twofold ſubject about the which it is exerciſed, partly men whom it contemneth and deſpiſeth as their underlings; partly God himſelf, of whom it doth both think and ſpeake unreverently. We know that men placed in higher degrees of dignitie, are in manie places in the Scripture called Gods, eſpecially ſuch as have anie government and commaund of thinges: this King ſhould make no accounte of all theſe in compariſon of himſelf, as it is evident in the people of Rome. For how ſhould not hee lift up himſelf above all, whom allmoſt through the whole worlde, hee held as his vaſſals and coppy-holders: who could obteine a Kingdome but by the helpe of his authoritie? or who could keepe one but with his goodwill? The Ptolemies Kings do flie to him as to the beſtower of Kingedomes, that Antiochus at his commaund might he made to lay downe his victorious weapons, and depart out of Egypt which hee had ſubdued, and ſo to let goe his ſweet morſell out of his mouth againe: And without delay commeth Popilins flying into Egypt, and ſhowed by his doings how litle a legate of Rome did eſteem of anie kinge, he ſcornfully refuſeth the hand and embracements, hee bids leave-off his complements and friendlie ſalutations and making a circle, ſtrictly enioynes him a ſpeedie anſwere before he went out of that ſpace. Neither durſt the great King mutter a word againſt it, but remembring he had to doe with his Lord and Maiſter, quietly ſuffred hee the prey to be taken from him, and giving warning for the readines of al his carriage he departed out of Egypt. This Epimanes did more wiſely then Perſeus p. 17the Macedonian, who wageing battaile with the Romane, learned at the lēgth to his great dāmage by folowing the triumphing chariot of Aemilius, what a dangerous matter it was to contend or fight with a ſuperiour, or one more then his match. Fooliſhly alſo did Gentius King of Illiricum, who would not ſubmitt to this tyrannicall prince before he was ſent priſoner to Rome together with his wife and children and kinsfolks by Ammius the Pretor. O Romane thou waſt indeed above every God, all Kings did ſubmitt their necks and yeeld under thy yoke Pruſias therfore the King of Bythinia, though not according to princelie dignitie, yet very cōmodiouſly, to make ſhew of the Romane eminencye, commanded his ſonne Nicomedes as an orphan or ward to the Senate, and acknowledged himſelf a free man of the people of Rome.

But we are to obſerue notwithſtanding that this King ſhould exalt and magnifie himſelfe by wreſting principalitie by force and armes, and not by voluntarie ſubjection to him. Pruſias indeed willingly ſeemed to profeſſe himſelf their ſervant, but his profeſſion was but a baſe flatterie, which feare extorted, but he did not ingenuouſly nor willingly deſire it. What ſhould I make mention of Eumenes King of Pergamus, of Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, of Mithidathes King of Pontus, of Diatarus King of Salatia, who all of them and all others in all places ſubmitted themſelves to this King, either of their owne accorde or of compulſion. We ſee therfore that this agreeth to the Romane alone to whoſe will and pleaſure all other did reforme. Antiochus neither durſt nor was able to arrogate anie ſuch matter. But if wee interprete theſe Gods to bee the celeſtiall and divine powers, then is there leſſe likelihood in it, that hee ſhould preferre himſelfe before the heavenlie, which knew ſo wel he had a maiſter on earth. But theſe Gods heere p. 18ſpoken of are not heavenlie but earthlie ones: That even as Antichriſt, who was afterward to ſucceed in this very ſeate, ſhould exalt himſelfe above all that is called God or is worſhipped, 2. Theſ. 2.4. by aſſuming to himſelfe a dominion over all the kings of the earth: ſo this king here ſhould goe before him in the ſame ſteppes, to make to his heire the more eaſie path and paſſage to the top of his axecrable pride to be abhorred of all men: ſuch is his arrogant haughtineſſe over men, but hee will not be conteyned within theſe boundes: hee wil uſe reproachfull wordes againſt the God of Gods, ſaith the text, But ſo did the Aſſyrian king alſo of olde, Hath anie of the Gods of the nations delivered his Land out of the hands of the King of Aſhur. 2. King. 18.33. And it is ſaid of Antiochus alſo, that hee ſlue manie men and ſpake very proudly. 1. Maca. 1, 25. This therfore ſeemeth to be a common note of great ſoveraigntie, which uſually breakes out into great blaſphemie againſt God himſelfe: yet there is reaſon in this place, wherfore it ſhould be proper and peculiar to the Romane, for the Aſſytian hath no part at all in this viſion, neither can it be referred to Antiochus, whoſe horrible miſchiefes are formerly recorded, that he ſhould pollute the holie place or ſanctuarie, and ſhould take awaie the daily ſacr…fice, and ſet up the abominable deſolation verſe 31. He had now alreadie paſſed and proceeded beyond thoſe wordes, why ſhould he now be reprooved for incōſiderate end uncivill language after ſuch heynous miſcheifes? we doe not uſe to accuſe a mā whom we have prooved to have thruſt his neighbour through wit a ſword and after to laye to his charge that he prickt him with a pin or a needle alſo. This therfore is not Antiochus his blaſphemie but the Romanes, who though they came behind him in wicked deedes againſt the God of Gods, yet they refrained not themſelves from wicked wordes. Although it bee not neceſſarie that theſe p. 19wordes ſhould bee of the mouth, when as the foole hath ſaid in his heart there is no God: and it is certaine although they uſed no wordes, and brake not out into termes, yet the Romanes after they grewe into acquaintance with the nation of the Iewes, did in their private thoughtes attribute more to their Iupiter of the capitoll, then to the great creatour of the worlde. But yet words are not wantinge, which are as witneſſes of notorious blaſphemie. Cicero, with the applauſe and approbation of his nation, doth not vouchſafe the true and ſincere religion of God anie other name then a barbarous ſuperſtition; neither ſo contented, his ungracious tongue goeth forward in determining thoſe ſacred things of divine inſtitution to bee both unworthie of the nobleneſſe and ſplendor of the Romane Empire, the gravitie and greatnes of their name, the inſtitutions of their anceſtours, and alſo to be odious and hatefull to the immortall Gods, becauſe the nation whoſe they were, was vanquiſhed, remooved, preſecuted: for ſo hee playeth and maketh a flouriſh and oſtentation of his eloquence againſt the God of heaven in his oration for Flaccus.

That was but a light matter that Auguſtus commended his nephew Caius for contemning the religion of the Iewes. Tiberius did perſecute them with ſo greate hatred, that hee compelled all their worſhippers or Louers to burne all their holy garments with all their furniture; who alſo appointed and diſtributed the Iewes youth by a kind of oath, into the provinces of a corrupt ayre, and hee baniſhed the reſt of that nation & their followers under a penaltie of perpetuall ſlaverie & ſervitude, if they were not obedient, as Suetonius in his Tiberius witneſſeth ca: 36. yet notwithſtanding he would afterward have had Chriſt regiſtred among the Gods, if the authoritie of the Senate had not hindred it, whoſo auncient decree it was, that no God ſhould be cōſecrated by the Emperor, unleſſe it were approved by the Senate. p. 20O the notorious blaſphemie of this King, with whom the divinitie is weighed and eſteemed according to mans arbitrement and judgment, except God doe pleaſe men, hee ſhal not be God: man muſt now be propitious and favourable to God as Tertullian ſpeaketh in his Apologeticus.

Verie great proſperitie goeth with their intolerable pride, which hath bene in no kingdome greater then heere. With what proſperous enterpriſes from the firſt foundations hath every thing bene begunne, continued and perfected? One warre hath alwaies drawne on another, and new occaſions did incontinently followe ech other, ſo commodious, fit and ſeaſonable, as that the Romane armies might ſeeme not ſo much to have ſought principalitie as to be called therunto.

VponUpon juſte cauſe did Servius Tullius one of the firſt Kinges ſeeme to have familiar compaine with Fortune, which proſperitie was no whit leſſened in ſucceeding ages and generations. thoſe eſpecially after the ſubduing of Syria: whence it came that Rome had ſo manie eminent, renowmed and ſtately temples of fortune, but none of wiſdome, temperance, patience, fortitude and magnanimitie: doubtles the Romane people did more increaſe by fortune,Ceſars motto was, Veni, vidi, vici. then by proweſſe. Surely that title or motto of theire wordes, which Ceaſar in his pompous pageant, bare before him in his triumph of Pontus, I came, I ſaw, I overcame, might have bene common to the whole empire.

Plutarch his litle book of the fortune of the Romanes, may afoard an ample and large diſcourſe of this their felicitie to him that deſireth more. But leaſt anie weake minde ſhould be too much diſcouraged with theſe their proſperous affaires, there is added a comfort of an appointed and ſet time. Till he hath accompliſhed his wrath, ſaith he, what wrath? not his owne, which cannot be p. 21ſatisfyed, but Gods, who was angrie for the ſinnes of the people, who ordeineth the tyrants for judgement, & eſtabliſheth the ſpoylers for correction Hab. 1.12. The reaſon which followeth is doubtfull, for it maie be rendered: bicauſe ſeueritie is to be exerciſed: and ſo it belongeth unto the Iewes, as if it were determined with God to correcte and puniſh the refractarie, by giving to this Kinge, the people of Rome a great ſovereigntie, as the Apoſtle interpreteth a like place in Iſaie, for that which the Prophet ſaith, The conſumption decreed ſhal flow with righteouſnes, for the Lord God of hoaſts ſhal make the conſumption & deciſion in the midſt of the Land. ch. 10.22. Paul rendreth it, For he wil make his account & gather it into a ſhort ſumme with righteouſnes: for the Lord will make a ſhort worde and count in the earth Rom. 8.29. by which teſtimonie he prooveth that the Iewes are to be rejected and but a few of that nation to be ſaved, which ſeveritie be afterward calleth foreign Rom. 11.22 by a word anſwering to the hebrewe foreign deciſion. The Grecians turne this place of Iſaie. It is brought to an end and perfection with haſt, in the very ſame with Paul, His ſhort work, for the thinge determined doth come to his end with a kinde of haſtening.

The other interpretation concerneth the Romanes themſelves becauſe the determination is made, that is to ſay, the boundes are ſet & fixed, beyond which, the madneſſe of the wicked King ſhal not paſſe, whom the bridle of divine providence ſhall moderate even in the leaſt and ſmalleſt mattrers; for that doth deciſion or determination ſignifie, which doth not conſider the matter in ſumme and generall, but ſeverally by every member diſtributed into his parts: a matter of ſingular comfort againſt diſtruſt, as though God did not by his providence reach over particular matters: both meanings are p. 22very good, but which is the more apt and fit in this place let the reader judge.

37. Neither ſhall he regard the God of his fathers. Now he informeth us what maner of one this King… ſhould be towards his owne, wherunto he propoundeth a threefold proprietie, The contempt of his fathers Gods, No regard to the deſire of women, and the magnifying of himſelfe above all▪ what is therfore that contēpte of the Goddes? Interpreters doe referre it to the diſregard of all Religiō, which yet notwithſtanding the Romans we knowe, have too ſuperſtitiouſly obſerved, as is evidēt to bee ſeene by manie examples & in Valerius Maximus lib. 1.1. Neither ſhall we fynde their poſteritie anie whit to relinquiſh the inſtitutions of their Aunceſtours in this matter. Their Children after the Grecian Monarchie went on in the ſame Courſe of ſuperſtition, wherin their auncient fathers had gone before them: Theſe things therfore doe rather belong to Civill policie, which this new King ſhould innovate and bring in, altogether differinge from that which his aunceſtours had obſerved. For the civill Magiſtrate is called God, as we ſhewed before, and therfore his not regardinge the Gods of his fathers is nothing elſe, but his light eſteme of the Magiſtrates, which his fathers uſed in times paſt: and not long after the Romanes had ſubdued Iudea, the government of this people became a Monarchie, which was before an Ariſtocratie or at leaſt mixt of the people and the nobles. Their firſt government of olde in former ages was by Kinges, but they were at length expelled, and the name grew ſo odions as that Tarquinius the Conſull could no longer be tolerated, becauſe be affected the name of a King. And from thence forward the ſame hatred▪ was derived to all their poſteritie as manie examples doe make manifeſt, and that decree of the Senate, wherin there was order taken that no Kinges ſhould enter into the Citie.

p. 23But it was fatall and ominous at that time to be ſo baſie about excluding of Kinges, when by and by after a king was to riſe up amongſt themſelves. In the time of Cicero the ſoothſayer or interpreter of the Sibills, earneſtly contended in the Senate, that he whom they accounted as a Kinge ſhould be alſo called a Kinge, if they would liue in ſafetie.

But this was taken in very ill part, in ſo much that the Oratour adviſeth them to deale firſt with their great ones, that they would bring forth anie thing out of the Sibils prophecies rather then a Kinge, whom neither Gods nor men would ſuffer anie longer at Rome. But thy prognoſtication fayled thee, O thou wittie Oratour. Thou ſaweſt with thine eies a litle after a King at Rome which thou didſt prophecie ſhould never come to paſſe. This contempt therfore of their fathers Gods is a new ordination of Emperous violating the law of their fathers, and bringing thoſe Magiſtrates into ſubjection, who were wont in their old Fathers time to have the cheife commaund. This chaunge of government was a remarkeable note for all men eaſily to diſtinguiſh between this King and others. And ſo doth Daniel admirably conſent with Iohns revelation, what time as Iohn did write theſe thinges, he telleth us five Kinges were fallen and the ſixt did then flouriſh. Daniel in theſe wordes doth as it were foretel the funerall of the fift Kinge,Rev. 17.10.Rev 17:10 and the birth or nativitie of the ſixt, which ſhould aſpire to the top and higheſt commaund, by the contempte of the auncient Gods, the old Magiſtrats to whom their fathers yeelded all obedience. As concerning the deſire of women, there is no leſſe difficultie about the righte meaninge. The interpreters take it paſſively for that deſire which men beare towards women, wherby it commeth to paſſe that ſome referre it to luſt, others to humanitie and coureſie, but the like conſtruction is active elſwhere, as the p. 24deſire of all nations, that is to ſay, which all nations doe deſire, Hag. 2.8. So the deſire of women, is that which women doe deſire, which were very unequall and unfitte to referre unto luſt. What is it then that women doe moſt of all deſire and affect? To have their children moſt honourable. Bathſheba ſeemeth heerupon to requeſt an oath of David, that her Sonne, if ſhe had one by him, ſhould ſucceed him in the Kingdome, which happily ſhe wreſted from him before ſhee did yeelde unto his luſt. Aſſuredly, The deſire of women brought the mother of Zebedeus children to ſhewe her outragious ambition in aſking the cheife ſeates in Chriſts kingdome for her two ſonnes. Wherfore this kinge ſhould have no regard to this deſire, becauſe he would be nothinge carefull for his naturall ſucceſſion, otherwiſe then in all other kingdomes. For if we caſt our eves vponupon anie other government; what doe the fathers more earneſtly, being kings, affect, then to leave their children, a quiet, ſtable and ſtedfaſt kingdome? But this care nothinge troubleth this kinge Octavius therfore ſucceedeth I. Ceaſar, Tiberius his ſonne in lawe Octavius; Caligula Tyberius and ſo afterward: yea for the moſt part in degrees much further of, the ſucceſſour no way allyed vntounto him that wēt before eſpecially, when as the higheſt empire was at the pleaſure or at the beſtowing of fierce and Cruel ſoldiers, not of the Senate gathered together of lawfull aſſemblies. Sometimes indeed in ſucceeding ages one or two ſonnes now and thē have enioyed their fathers kingdome by inheritaunce, but that was rather by the choice and affectiō of ſoldiers, thē by the advice of their fathers, who perceyving how greatly force and violence had prevayled did not mind the care of ſucceſſion, which they ſaw to be in other mens power. Such therfore ſhould the government bee, as ſhould more reſpect the honouring of all eſtates with great authoritie, then the deſire of women to p. 25inrich or ennoble their Sonnes with anie ſingular preheminence above the reſt, and it were indeed a marveilous matter if the wiſedome of God had not forewarned us of it longe before, that the emperours having the cheife commaund of all matters, there ſhould be ſo few found in ſo great a number to have their lawfull iſſue to ſucceed them.

This is therfore the ſecond, cleare, famous, and dom… ſticall note, wherby this empire ſhould be knowne. The third is his magnifiing himſelfe above all; where there commeth againe a new contempte of the Gods, nor Regard anie God ſaith he. To what purpoſe is this? was not this impietie ſufficiently reprooved before in the former verſe? He wil magnifie himſelfe above all Gods, and now alſo in the beginning of this, and he ſhall not regard the God of his fathers. This repetition is not in vayne, but a new degree of the like pride. The contempt of the Gods in the former verſe was of all forreine Magiſtrates amonge all nations whatſoever. The contempt of the Gods in the beginning of this verſe, was of their owne domeſticall but auncient and inſtituted of old. The contempt of the Gods in this place is of the preſent Conſuls, Pretours and Tribunes, and the reſt now in being, whoſe names as yet remayned, but all the power and authoritie was inveſted in this cheife Magiſtrate alone. Tacitus in the firſt entraunce of his hiſtorie ſhewing how Auguſtus by litle and litle drew the right of all offices to himſelf alone: Firſt he ſet vponupon the Conſulſhip like an enemie by force as Suetonius declareth in Auguſtus cap. 27. the reſt were offred him at his pleaſure: he was perpetuall Tribune or protectour of the Commons, and had perpetuall government alſo of lawes and manners.

Therfore the other Magiſtrates were but titular onelyonly, and a vaine ſhew and ſemblaunce of authoritie, appointed onelyonly to eaſe the Prince of trouble in their Kingdomes, and p. 26not to exerciſe anie abſolute authoritie. No marvell therefore if he exalt himſelfe above all theſe, whom he vſed as his vaſſals and baſe flatterers. All Kinges in their territories have cheife commaund, neither doe they reſpect anie other inferiour God or Magiſtrate, whom themſelves created of their owne ſubjects, but on the contrary ſide are honoured of all men. But this eſpecially ſhould bee remarkable in this empire, becauſe the beginning of innovations are moſt of all obſerved, we finde therfore this third note moſt conſpicuous and manifeſt in this Kinge, which is not at all obſerved in others by reaſon of long cuſtome.

38. But in his place ſhall he honour the God of forces. Hitherto have bene more common notes, now he ſetteth vponupon more ſpeciall ones, and more proper to certaine places, and firſt of all how he ſhould behave himſelfe towards the true God. For the better vnderſtanding wherof the wordes are firſt to be diſcuſſed, which are diverſly rendred by interpreters.

The learned Tremelius and Iunius doe tranſlate them abſolutely: And as concerning the God of great ſtrength he ſhall honour him in his place, I ſay, He ſhal honour the God which his fathers knew not &c. but this conſtructiō doth require a nominative caſe, this God of forces, &c. as Pſ. 11.4. & 18.31. Apoca. 2.26. & 3.12.21. as we have there obſerved vponupon the place. In ſuch like conſtructions the prepoſition is wanting indeed, but the want therof is ſo frequent in this kinde, that I think it is no where fully expreſſed. Moreover this tranſlation doth give the whole honour to the God whom his fathers knew not, wheras yet the Angel expreſſly leaveth ſome honour to the God of forces: for thoſe wordes. (He ſhall honour the God) in the former part of the verſe, muſt have the like ſignification with the ſame wordes in the ſecond part therof. Furthermore except the words p. 27(He ſhall honour) were to be joyned with thoſe in the beginning of the verſe the God of forces, the accent athnach in foreign ſhall honour ſhould be altogether in vayne, and the compulation of the next word, yea and alſo the whole word (God) next repeated.

The ſecond word (Mauzim, of forces) hath no leſſe difficultie. The ſignification is agreed vponupon, but the purpoſe of it is divers waies applied. Some doe reteine the hebrew word it ſelf, and think it added to ſignifie an Idol, and that in very deed not unprobably: for he that a litle before was called a contemner of the Gods, how ſhall hee preſently in the next wordes be accounted a worſhipper of the true God? But if I be not deceived, the hiſtorye will remove this block, and refute the interpretation. Tremelius doth expound it of the true God, whoſe judgmēt I approove of, for ſo is the word taken before in v. 31. and by and by againe in v. 39. eſpecially being ioyned with mibiſaijm foreign, which word is alſo ſpoken of the holie place in verſ. 24. Thirdly foreign gnalcanno, vponupon his place, or in his place, to wit, of this Kinge, as learned Calvin doth expound it: as if this Kinge wold acknowledge no other God but ſuch as ſhould be faſtened to his place, ſhoulde come after the word jecabed, he ſhall honour: which being otherwiſe, it cannot, as I think, be referred to anie thing elſe, but to that which went before, namely, to the true God in whoſe place this honour was to be done.

The double ſenſe therfore of the wordes evinceth that the true God of great ſtrength is to be honoured in his owne place by this Kinge; which to be done, the hiſtorie alſo beareth witneſſe. For Pompey havinge ſurprized Ieruſalem and entred the temple, when as within it the table and candleſtick, and the cuppes were all of gold, and great abundaunce of ſweet incenſe, and beſide about two thouſand talents of ſacred monies in the treaſurie, p. 28yet made conſcience of touching anie thing at all, but heerin alſo was like himſelfe and did nothing vnworthie of his other vertues. Ioſephus in lib. 14. of Antiquities and cha. 8. He did not indeed forſake his old idolatries, neither did he acknowledge the true God by repētaunce, but yet he caried him ſelfe more temperately and moderately then the wicked Antiochus had formerly done. In reſpect of whoſe outragiouſnes, was not this admirable abſtinence, great pietie and reverence towards God? But over and beſides the next day folowing he commaunded the keepers of the temple to purge it, to have the ſacrifices appointed by the lawe reſtored againe, and gave the preiſthood to whom it was due.

There is added to this humanitie, which is honourable to the true God, the decrees of Caeſar and of the enſuing Emperours for libertie graunted to the Iewes to live after their owne lawes, as Ioſephus hath it in his 14. book of Antiquities in his ſixteenth and ſeventeenth chapters.

The true God is greatly honoured, when libertie is graunted to his people to worſhip him according to his owne appointment. And although the Romane Preſidents did make their reſidence at Ieruſalem yet notwithſtanding they diminiſhed nothing of that graunte. Iuſtly therfore maie this Kinge be ſaid to honour the God of forces in this place, whoſe deputies for the preſent did preſerve the libertie of the holie people to liue after their owne lawe. This is then a ſpeciall note wherby this King is diſtinguiſht from all others. Manie have brought Ieruſalem, into their ſubjection at ſundrie times, but none of them all have governed the Citie by Preſidents, and in the mean time graunted the Iewes to enjoy their owne religion and worſhip.

p. 29But althoug this honour be of ſome certaine place, it is yet but generally propounded the diſtinct and ſeverall kindes therof are declared in that which foloweth: And the God, ſaith he, Whom his fathers knew not, ſhal he honour with golde &c. what God is this? A forged one indeed, as ſome have thought, who referre theſe thinges to Antiochus Epiphanes, who ſet up Iupiter Olympius in the temple. But we have ſhewed already that theſe things can no waies agree to Antiochus. And how could Iupiter Olympius be unknowne to his aunceſtours, whom theſe fathers eſpecially, worſhipped? The Gentiles knew well enough the whole rout of Gods, but the onelyonly true Iehovah, when both they & their fathers were ignorant of this God; whom alone it concerned them to knowe after the Romanes had to doe with the Iewes, they got ſomthing of him by hearing. Whence it is that we read of ſome holie centurious in the Goſpell, who in the time of their governements in Iu…ea, have learned and atteyned the ſaving knowledge of God.

This is therfore the ſame true God which was formerly called the God of forces, who could ſcarce be better perceived then by that groſſe and palpable ignorance wherin the nations of old did formerly wallowe.

How then did this King conferre to the honour of this God, gold, ſilver and precious ſtones? Doubtles by a noble and coſtly repayring of the temple; for in the reigne of Auguſtus the temple of Ieruſalem was repaired, and reſtored, towards the which building what a huge maſſe of Gold, ſilver and precious ſtones, and other very coſtly things was layd out? A thouſand cariages were imployd in carying of ſtones, ten thouſand of the moſt ſkilfull artificers, and moreouer a thouſand preiſts who ſhould ſee to the framing of the inmoſt porches, from p. 30whence all the prophane and uncleane were debarred, neither was the building finiſhed in leſſe time then eight yeeres. Hence therfore maie a man more eaſily gueſſe then give in a juſt account of ſuch an infinite charges: eſpecially if he call to minde the goodly goldē vyneyards, and the other ornaments of ſuch an admirable work both mannels and materials ſo coſtly: Ioſephus Antiquities book. 15. 14. c. 14. Now then did God performe that which of old, he had foretold by his Prophet Haggai 2.8.Hag. 2.8.Hag 2:8 The ſilver is mine and the gold is mine, ſaith the Lord of hoſtes. Some of the Iewes that returned after the captivitie, which had ſeene the former houſe are ſaid to weep with a lowde voyce when the foundation was layde. Ezra. 3.12. But Haggai biddeth them be of good courage, for the glorie of the ſecond houſe ſhal be greater then the firſt and the deſire of all nations ſhall come unto it, yea whatſoever the ſecond houſe in the building begun was wanting of in ſplendour and magnificent ſtructure, God promiſeth to ſupplie, whoſe is all the gold and ſilver which accordingly he plentifully poureth out for the furniſhing and ornaments of the houſe. And now at this time they did religioſly and earneſtly endevour to bewtifie the Temple, to prepare it for our Lords comminge, who was ſhortly to come unto his owne houſe.

For ſoone after the temple was finiſhed our Lord Ieſus Chriſt was borne, who was greater then Salomons temple, for whom the houſe was worthily prepared, being ſo ſumptuoſly bewtified and adorned, as in token of that moſt glorious temple, which himſelfe was ſoone after to finiſh and make perfect, which was alſo ſhewed in ſome ſort to be cheifly amongſt the gentiles, ſeing they were now the cheife authours of the typicall ones reſtoringe, for this ſeemeth to be no ſleight preſage of the ſpirituall buildinge into the which they were ſhortly p. 31after to be brought and choſen, by that high and abſolute workman.

Thus ſhall he doe in the moſt ſtronge holdes with a ſtrange God.verſ. 39 He doth further proceed to make this king better knowne by other of his doinges: for theſe wordes are an anſwere to a ſecret objection wherby thoſe thinges formerly of the temples building, may ſeeme litle to agree with and to the Romanes: for we know that Herod beſtowed all that coſt of his owne. The Angel therfore meeteth with it, as if he ſhould ſay, I would not have you to think me to avouch, that the Romanes did or would undertake anie thing with their owne handes, coſt or meanes, but whatſoever he did in the holdes of the ſtrong God, be did it all at the charge and trauel of a ſtrange God, that is to ſaie, of a certaine inferiour magiſtrate, which held his place rather by force and tyrannie then by anie lawfull authoritie, whence he ſhall worthily be iudged a ſtranger, or ſtrange God. And who can be ignorant that Herod was ſuch a one, an Edomite by birth and a ſtranger, who had no right at all of lawfull authoritie over the Iewes? Wherfore the Romanes ſhould doe all by his meanes, which they conferred on the houldes of the ſtrong God: that is to ſay, which they beſtowed upon the reſtoring of the Temple: for theſe are the holdes of the God of forces, whence hee privily ſendeth ſuccour to his owne people, and yeeldeth help unto them in adverſitie, as the frequent and fervent prayers of the ſaincts doe manifeſt, wherby they labour all they can, that God would heart and helpe out of his temple Pſ. 18.7. to which purpoſe alſo is that of the Prophet Amos 1.2. The Lord roareth out of Sion and uttereth his voice from Ieruſalem. And it is manifeſt whatſoever was done in the building of the Temple, it was done by the authoritie of the Romane Emperour, but yet by the coſt and travel of Herod, a ſtrange God; p. 32that doth Herod himſelf acknowledge in an oration to the people concerning that matter.

Amongſt other opportunities and meanes of finiſhing ſo great a work, which was a terrour to manie mens mindes, he rekoneth the friendſhip of the Romans by the benefit wherof he ſpecially truſteth he ſhal be able and fitting to bring all the perfection which he had purpoſed and propounded to himſelf. Now ſaith he, ſeing by Gods providence I obteine a Kingdome and have leiſure, ready monie and great revenues comming in & that which is moſt of all, the friendſhip of the Romans, the Lords of the world. I will doe my endevour &c. Ioſep. Antiq. li. 15.14. See how he attributeth the greateſt part of his meanes to the friendſhip of the Romanes, wherof hee made more accounte then of his leaſure or ready monie at will, which yet he more evidently declareth, when as after the work finiſhed, he did dedicate a golden eagle of great waight upon the great dore of the temple, the armes of that King, by whoſe favour and authoritie, that ſtrange God had ſhewed himſelf ſo bountifull upon the holdes of the Almightie God. And hitherto of his works towards God. Now in ſpeciall what manner of one he ſhould be towards men, Whom, ſaith he▪ he ſhal aknowledge, he ſhal increaſe with glory, for all authoritie was in the handes of the Romanes from the firſt touch at that province. He by his legate Scaurus did preferre Ariſtobulus the younger brother both to the preieſthood and the Kingdome. He alſo by Pompey reſtored H…rcanus againe, he made Antipater the Edomite the governour of all Iudea, and appointed his ſonnes Phaſaelus and Herod to raigne, who but he confirmed Herods will and teſtament, and declared not Archilaus his ſonne for king, but graunting him a moytie of Herods jurisdiction, made him a ruler of the people?

That which of late belonged to one now by the appointment p. 33of this King, who might doe whatſoever him liſted, was divided amonge fowre, Philip and Antipas and Salome doe enioy equall portions with Archilaus. Ioſeph. Antiq. lib. 17. c. 13. ſo he devided the land for money and the hiſtorie makes it manifeſt, that this King made more account of talents then of reaſon and honeſtie, juſtice and equitie, whoſoever brought the greateſt weight of gold did ſpeed beſt in his ſuite. But that buying and ſelling is of all other the moſt memorable, when after the overthrow of Ieruſalem Veſpaſiā & Titus emperours had famouſly triumphed, Caeſar writes from Rome to Liberius Maximus, appointed governour, to make ſale of all the land of the Iewes: Ioſep: of the Iewes warre. lib. 7. c. 26. Hiher without doubt had the angel reſpect, giving us this for an infallible mark of this kinge, that no place may be left anie more to doubt of his perſon.

And at the time of the end ſhall the King of the ſouth puſh at him.verſ. 40.

Hitherto have we ſpoken of the firſt of the three oppreſſours as wee did diſtinguiſh them in the Analyſis or Reſolution. The ſecond and third doe folowe, the prophecie is but ſhort in the ſecond, very large in the third, becauſe it did more concerne the Saincts to be very well fortified againſt his tyrannie, as we ſhall ſee in the expoſition. Our learned Broughton doth ſeperate thoſe wordes from the former with a prefixed title, for the argument in a differing character to this purpoſe. The third expedition of Antiochus into Egypt againſt Ptolomeus Philometor. But we ſhewed in the 36. verſe before, that there was no ſuch third expedition, which is grounded upon a wrong interpretation of the 29 verſe of this chapter, neither is it confirmed by the conſent of anie hiſtorie: alſo theſe wordes are flatte againſt it: for the King of the South ſhal provoke this Kinge and p. 34fall upon him with his ſpightfull hornes: but the King of Eygpt attempted nothing at all againſt Antiochus from the time of his departure out of his country at the commaundement of the Romane legate. The Ptolomies thought themſ…lves happie men to be delivered frō ſuch a grievous enimie by the royall authoritie of the Romanes, ſo farre they were from provoking him to battaile. Beſides, this conflict ſhould be at the end of the Kinge: but Antiochus toward his end had all his warre againſt the Eymaitans or Perſians in the eaſt, not againſt Ptoleemie in the ſouth. In the hundred fortie & third yeere of the Kingdome of the Greekes hee left Egypt being therto compelled by the authoritie of the Senate, at which time in his returne he grievouſly tormented the Iewes, but two yeeres after he raged moſt cruelly, ſending Apollonius, to root out utterly the Iewiſh religion, if it were poſſible. At the beginning of the hundred fortie and ſeventh yeere, when he thought to break into Iudea, it ſodeinly came into his minde to commit this taſke to Lyſias, and himſelfe to go firſt into Perſia, from whence he never returned alive againe into Syria.

Shall wee thruſt up together ſo maine victories, and thoſe of ſo manie nations, which the angel attributeth to the King of the north, into ſuch narrow ſtreights of three yeeres and a few monthes more at the moſt, and in the meane time not think them worthie of one wordes celebration or praiſe, by the hiſtoriographers? Antiochus ſurely after the Romanes had reſtrayned him from making warre where he liſted, and that he muſt of neceſſitie lay downe his weapons, ſeemeth to give himſelf over to that monſtrous ryot, which Atheneus deſcribeth in the wordes of Polybius. He had monie enough for that wondrous pompe, after he had robd the temple of Ieruſalem of a thouſand eight hundred talents, in his returne p. 35out of Egypt, wherwithall in the pride & haughtineſſe of his heart he imagined, he could make the land navigable and the ſea paſſable on foote. 2. Macab. 5.21. And what elſe now ſhould ſuch a man doe, borne to no thriftines, but to wallow himſelfe in the myre & puddle of his owne filthie pleaſures, who had an injunction for ceſſation of armes? And ſo Polib. in Athen. Dipnoſeph. li. 5. All theſe thinges, ſaith he, were brought to paſſe, partly by thoſe thinges which he had ſcraped together out of Egypt, after he had deceived the young king Philomether with a feigned league, & partly by the help of his friendes, but he had pilled alſo very manie temples. But to make ſhort, All the noble acts which are herafter rehearſed of the king of the north, doe call us back to ſome other beſide Antioch: We are not to think that the Iewes calamities had an end in this one mās tyrānie, or that they needed no other caution againſt the enſuinge evils. The Angel ſweareth in the revelatiō that that ſhould be finiſhed which God had promiſed by his prophets in times paſt when the ſeventh Angel ſoundeth c. 10.7. & this ſōnd is the laſt period of time which ſhal put an end to all prophecies.Rev. 10.7.Rev 10:7 But among the Prophets there is not anie one, to whom God hath imparted at anie time more plentifull revelations, either of longer continaunce, or of more exact knowledge of all particular matters, then unto Daniel: neither is it likely that there ſhould be no remainder of comfort in the prophecies for the people of God, whom we know he hath determined at the length to joyne to his Church, when he hath gathered the remnants together. Theſe things doe I ſpeak to this end, becauſe I ſee other learned men to reſtreine thoſe things which followe within the boundes of Chriſts incarnation, howſoever they confeſſe ingenuouſly and confime by arguments, that they can no waies agree to Antiochus. But I trow it ſhall evidenly appeere to anie man embracing the truth without contention, that it is the purpoſe of the ſpirit in this place p. 36to compriſe in a ſhort abridgement the whole eſtate of the people of the Iewes in a continuall orderly ſucceſſion even to the ſecond comming of Chriſt. Let us come therfore to the wordes, The time of the end wherof mention is made in the firſt place, ſheweth manie middle matters to be overpaſſed, and that a paſſage is made to the laſt thinges; yet not to the laſt and vtter ruine of this King, the Romane Emperour, but to his ſliding glorie, and end of his vnbrideled power, wherby of late he did whatſoever he pleaſed. Neither did anie remarkable accident fall out beſides thoſe thinges already ſpoken of, after the defacing of the Citie and ſcattering of the nation by Adrian, which handled the remainders of this people in like maner as Veſpaſian, had their fathers not manie yeares before. Iuſtly therfore doth he paſſe with ſo ſwift a courſe from thoſe times to the weakened and decayed empire. A litle before the end therfore of the flouriſhing Romane empire, (the King of the ſouth) that is the Saracens ſhall encounter him, which with their Captaine Mahomet did firſt make an invaſion into the Romane Dominion out of Arabia and the ſoutherlie places neere adjoyninge.

The beginning of this hoſtile and violent aſſault was about the yeere ſix hundred and thirtie, which in ſhort time fel out ſo happily vntounto them, that within leſſe then thirty yeeres they got from the Romane empire Ieruſalem, all Syria, Africa and the greater Aſia. The Spirit doth fitly liken this nation to a beaſt that ſtriketh with his hornes jithbag,foreign ſaith he, He ſhall puſh at him, he ſhall ſo wantonly and proudly inſult, neyther with ill ſucceſſe nor with leſſe force then the wilde beaſts uſe to doe, whoſe ſtrength is all in their hornes. Great was the inſolencie of the Agarens, who hearing that Conſtance the Emperour had prepared a navie againſt them, ſtaid not till he ſhould purſue and invade them, but preſently p. 37came flyeing vponupon him into Phenice in Lycia, and overcame him in a great battayle by ſea: Zonar. Conſtanſ. Afterward for ſeven years together they vexed his ſonne Conſtantinus Pogonatus, and in their great pride bent all their forces againſt the royall Citie, which they moſt eagerly aſſaulted as manie years almoſt as the Grecians did Troy of old, as ſcorning the leſſer townes and judging the miſtriſſe alone worthy, to the which they might intend their journey with earneſt deſire. But thou wilt ſaie then, If the Spirit would fall downe into theſe times, why doth he paſſe over the Goths, Vandals, Scythians and the other northerne, rude and barbarous people, by whoſe invaſions this Romane King was weakned and wearied before theſe Saracens fel vponupon him.

Becauſe it was his purpoſe to touch thoſe oppreſſours onelyonly, which ſhould be troubleſome to the people of the Iewes, which ſuffred no great loſſe by this waſting of Europe, moſt of them remaining in Africa and Aſia. In which places being free from the Romane yoake, they ſerved a new ſlaverie by ſubmitting themſelves to the baſeſt Agarens. So the holie land in times paſt, the Iewes countrie, fel vnderunder their dominion at length. The Spirit therfore maketh mention eſpecially of theſe by whom the Iewes were to ſuffer moſt hardſhip. Neither doth he in this place detect the Iewes by ſuch wordes as he did before when he had to doe with Antiochus: for the legall worſhip being abrogate by the death of Chriſt, for which the Iewes to this day ſo eagerly ſtrive, it cannot be that they ſhould ſuffer anie thing for godlines ſake, for which cauſe the Spirit ſhould ſpeak of Religion oppreſſed, as it fel out vnderunder Antiochus, wherfore he vouchſafeth the Iewes no mention at all, onelyonly he rehearſeth theſe enemies whom they ſhould finde hurtfull and grievous. Such is therfore the King of the ſouth. The King of the north is deſcribed at large by his preparation after the maner of p. 38a whirlewynd, and by his warlike inſtruments of all ſorts then by his happie progreſſe in this verſe.

But who is this King of the north? Not Antiochus, as we have before declared ſufficiently, though the ſame title of the King of the north be given to the Kinges of Syria. The other notes will not ſuffer it as the inſuing expoſition will manifeſt. Neither is it the Romane defending himſelfe againſt the Agarens: for that (At the time of the end) did belong to the declining of the Romane Empire, but the King of the north doth grow into great authoritie from this beginninge, as the words folowing doe ſhew: which reaſon alſo enforreth that this bickering muſt of neceſſitie be referred to ſome other time then that which went before the comming of our Lord Chriſt: for the Romane Kinges did as yet flouriſh and grow more and more, neither at that time had atteined to his height and maturitie. But this warre fel out about the end of the flouriſhing of the Empire. It is not then to bee doubted but that the King of the north is the Empire of the Turckes. We know that the inward parts of the north did caſt out this baſe rabble into the world through the ſtraights of the Caſpian ſea, which at length looſing his reines for libertie, mightily aſſailed our continent on every ſide, and doth in theſe daies violently aſſault us as it were a whirlewinde. But who it is againſt whom the angell ſaith, He ſhall come againſt: the King of the ſouth or the Romane, it may be doubted of: As a whirle wind, ſaith he, ſhall he fall vponupon him.

He vanquiſhed indeed the Empire of the Saracens in Aſia, but the weight and force of his tyrannie did lye eſpecially againſt the Romane whom the angel makeththe common butt to both Kinges, both of the north and ſouth, to pearce him through with their darts and weapons, as the hiſtory ſheweth evidently. Havinge therfore p. 39found out the adverſaries, let us ſee in the ſeverall parts how the deſcription will agree. He ſhall invade, ſaith he, a whirlwinde and tempeſt ſuddeinly, ſpeedily and mightily ſhaking and waſtinge all thinges, whoſe force can ſcarſely be anie way avoyded but by flight, which indeed agreeth to none more fitly and truly then to the turkiſh tyrannie from the yeare one thouſand three hundred, when he began vtterly to overthrow Cities, Kingdomes, armies, layeng along and ſpoylinge all that come in his way.

The outragiouſnes of the Turks did as much exceed that of the Saracens, as a violent tempeſt ruſhing from above, exceedeth the fiercenes of a beaſt puſhnig with his horne. The violence of this beaſt may be avoyded by flight or reſiſtaunce, and our men have repreſſed at length the inſolencie of the Saracens, though with their great trouble and loſſe: but it is not in mans power to oppoſe the terriblenes and force of the whirlewindes, from which it is hard in anie corners or coverts to make an eſcape. Whence it came to paſſe that our warres have not ſo much put off the furie of the Turkes as provoked it: neither is anie better to be expected vntill his tyrannie be come to his appointed time. His warlike inſtruments are chariots, horſmen and ſhippes: the hooked iron chariots were in frequent uſe with the Auncients, as it is manifeſt both by ſacred and prophane hiſtorie: The Romanes firſt ſawe them in the warre of Antiochus, and after that againſt Mithridates: They ſtroke great terrour at the firſt, but afterward they were derided and ſcorned as Vegetius ſheweth, book. 3.

Wherfore the Romanes never vſed theſe chariots, and while they bore the ſwaie and vanquiſhed, others alſo caſt them off as vnprofitable on every ſide: Here therfore he doth rather allude, to the auncient Cuſtome, then ſtrictly determine that the Kinge of the North would vſe p. 40ſuch a kind of armes: vnles peradventure theſe chariots be wagons and other cariages appointed for the armies remoovals wherof the Turkes vſe abundaunce, though they have great plentie of camels. They may alſo be referred to thoſe great gunnes which are drawne vponupon wheeles, which doe reſemble a kind of chariots, ſpitting fire. The Turkes abound in horſemen, they bring more of them into the warres then almoſt all the Chriſtian princes joyned together.

They have alſo very great navies well furniſhed at their pleaſures: for they were not contented with the boundes of Aſia, but providing ſhipping they ſailed into Europe with a deſire to ſubdue and conquere our world alſo. He wanteth then no kind of preparation, wherwithall the Angel ſaid he ſhould be furniſhed. The ſucceſſe is ſummarily ſignified in the laſt wordes: And he ſhall enter into the Countryes and ſhall overflow and paſſe over, that is, They ſhall goe vp on the bredthe of the earth, as Iohn ſpeaketh Rev. 20.9.

The firſt wordes therof doe ſhewe the largenes of his tyrannie, for it ſhal not be conteined within the boundes of one Countrie, but he ſhall ſpread himſelfe into manie regions, The next wordes ſhew his eaſie victories, which ſhalbee as ſoone and as eaſily gotten, as a low ground is ſoone covered with an overflowinge of waters. The third ſheweth the ſafetie of his victories wherby he may freely goe hither and thither in his conquered Kingdomes, and in regard of his ſtrong holdes which he ſhall poſſeſſe he may goe, and come, paſſe and repaſſe, without anie feare of hoſtile invaſion or home rebellion, vnleſſe the word gnabar, paſſe over, doth ſignifie ſome declining or leſſening of his power, as if the Angel would affoarde ſome hope that his tyrannie ſhould not be perpetuall. But this comfort is added to verſ. 44. wherupon it ſeemeth the leſſe probable, to bee here intended, ſo as the former p. 41ſenſe is the likelieſt. wherfore when ſuch happie ſucceſſe is ſignified in theſe wordes, and how the event hath bene anſwerable, we perceive and feele by wofull experience, rather then need to be expreſſed by anie mans ſpeech: ſince the time that the floudgates taken up, this whirling raging gulfe was ſent into the worlde, overflowing and violently bearing all away with his multitudes.

And he ſhall enter into the glorious land & manie countreyes ſhalbe overthrow.Verſ. 41.

The largenes of his dominions is ſet out at large, and withall certaine boundes are ſet, at leaſt on ſome part, which by no meanes he ſhall overpaſſe. The firſt countrie made mention of is the land of the Roe or of delight and ornament, that is Iudea it ſelf, as Ezechiel ſheweth, calling it the land of the Roe or of glorie, which God ſware to give to the Iſraelites after their deliverie out of Egypt, and which he gave them to poſſeſſe after fortie years wandring in the wildernes. Ezec. 20.6.15.Erets hatſebi. Terra capreolae.

But it may happily be doubted, what ſhould be the reaſon of this appellation, whether it be ſo called from his inhabitaunts put to flight and driven into baniſhment, as, the Roe-bucks leavinge their wounted haunts doe runne hither and thither when the houndes and hunters doe purſue them in the mountaines. So Eſay ſpeakes of Babilon deſcribing her exiled Citizens caried away, for it ſhall be ſaith he, As the chaſed Roe and as the ſheepe that no man taketh up cha. 13.14. And Iudea, whether we reſpect the firſt Canaanites, whom the land ſpued out for their horrible wickednes, or the new dwellers the Iſraelites firſt caried away by the Aſſyrians and after driven out of their country by the Romanes, and ſcattered thorow the whole earth, may worthily be called a chaſed Roe. But Ezechi: in the place aforeſaid ſeemeth to bring another notation of this name: for he deſcribing Canaan from the abounding of milk and honie, as if it p. 42had borrowed, his name of this fruitfulnes, ſaith. It is the Roe o… glorie of all landes, as if all landes did hunt and ſeek eagerly after this land as after the Roe, becauſe of the felicitie therof, as if this were the glorie and delicious delighte of all landes, for ſo is tſebi often vſed. I think the Spirit did vſe this word of ſet purpoſe, therby to comprehend both, their expulſion and happines, leſt her citiſens ſhould deſpaire and be quite out of heart, but in the midſt of her ſorowfull exile they ſhould think themſelves to be Gods tſebi, darlings and delight. To this ſame purpoſe is that word Armageddon, vſed in the Apocali as we have ſhewed in that place. Seing then that this is the land wherof the Angel in this place ſayth, the King of the North ſhall come into it; and he ſpeaketh of his comming as of a new thinge: for to what purpoſe ſhould be declare it as a wondrous and ſtrange thinge which was vſuall and accuſtomed? This King therfore of the Noth is not Antiochus, for whom it was no newes to come into Iudea.

He had twice before grievouſly afflicted it, verſ. 28.30. His third comming might have bene terrible but not new, if he had come, which we have prooved formerly to be farre from the truth. By the ſame reaſon is the Romane excluded whom we have ſeene before bearinge rule in the land, and making ſale therof verſ. 39. or dividing it for gaine, but it moſt fitly and truly agreeth to the Turke, who at his firſt onſet was wholy taken up in ſubduinge of Europe and Aſia, on that ſide which is joyned to the borders of the Perſian Empire and came not in Iudea the glorious land before Zelimus, about the yeare one thouſand: five hundred and fourteen going into Egypt, took his journey this way and ſo by the way, won Ieruſalem by aſſaulte.

At the ſame time fell manie countries, Comogena of Syria, Antiochia, Damaſcus, alſo Tripolis, Berillus, Sidon p. 43and alſo Paleſtina, with all the region by the ſea coaſt even vntounto Egypt, which all now firſt came vnderunder the Turkiſh tyrannie. Yet it ſo came to paſſe by divine providence that he medled not with Edom, Moab or Ammon, for that is the cheife of the children of Ammon; as if he ſhould ſay, he was ſo farre from ſubduing theſe countries that he had no power over their uttermoſt coaſtes. We know theſe regions doe border upon Iudea, Edom to the South, Moab and Ammon toward the Eaſt, and by one common name are at this day called Arabia, the third part wherof the Turk vexed, not being content to open himſelfe a way into Egypt, through Syria, Iudea, Paleſtina. From the time of that expedition, Perſia and Europe eſpecially, did hold him tacke, ſo as his warres proceeded that way no further.

Here therfore reſteth the Turk on that part of the worlde, by which fixed boundes and journey, as it were drawne and laid out, the Spirit leadeth us as it were foote by foote, to finde out this Cruel beaſt. But theſe landes were not free from Antiochus, who had the tuition of them, as it is manifeſt by Hircanus the ſonne of Ioſephus, who attempting manie things againſt the Arabians, and fearing leaſt being brought vnderunder the power of Antiochus he ſhould pay for his evill deedes, layd violent handes upon himſelfe, Antiochus enjoyed all his poſſeſſions. Ioſeph. Antiquit. lib. 12.5.

Afterward the Romanes with their Captaine Scaurus pierced in even to the rock of Arabia, much more did they bring vnderunder their ſubjection thoſe countries bordering vponupon Iudea, Ioſeph. Antiq lib. 14.9. And againe Auguſtus Caeſar ſent Aelius Gallus into Arabia to Attempt thoſe nations and countries. Strabo lib. 16. in Arabia, but vnderunder Trajanus Arabie was made a province, as Sextus Ruff. Hiſtor. Antiquit. lib. 5. de Conſulibus. It could not be therfore ſaid that theſe nations ſhould eſcape out p. 44of the handes either of Antiochus or of the Romans, but onelyonly of the Turk himſelfe, who as a Channel hath theſe waſts to reſtreine his raging billowes with theſe Shoares.

Verſ. 42. verſ. 42.And he ſhall ſtetch forth his hand vponupon the countries and the land of Egypt ſhall not eſcape.

The Angel yet goeth forward to declare the greatnes of this tyrannie in certaine particular provinces amongſt which he ſpecially and by name expreſſeth Egypte firſt of all and ſome other regions of the Continent, as well becauſe the Iewes did there eſpecially live in exile, to whom this comfort was cheifly intended, as alſo becauſe the conqueſt of theſe countries ſhould, as it ſeemeth, be the laſt.

To ſtretch the hand then is to offer violence, to make warre and to vanquiſh and to bring into ſubjection againſt their wills, this rage and tempeſt was to ſpread it ſelfe into divers countries, and the Chriſtian world hath at this day wofull experience of the truth of this divine oracle.

Egypt was one among the reſt which ſhould bee vanquiſhed and ſubdued to this empire; which that ſame Zelimus, of whom we ſpake in the former verſe, brought vnderunder his ſubjection in the years 1515. He had indeed intended and prepared his voyage againſt the Perſian; But when Campſon Gaurius the Sultan of Egypt had taken Aladinus his nephew on the brothers ſide, and had ſent a proude anſwere to Zelimus, who deſired peace while he was occupyed in his Perſian warres, the Turk on the ſodaine turned all his forces againſt him. So having ſlaine himſelfe and ſcattered his armie, in the province of Comagena, he gave not over till he had pearced into Gaurius his Kingdome, of Egypt, through p. 45Syria and Iudea, and although it did valiauntly defend it ſelfe, he did vtterly overthrowe it and tread it vnderunder foote. Antiochus indeed attempted warre againſt Egypt; but he was conſtrained to depart without doing of any thinge, for all his attempts were reſtrained by one comminatorie warring of the Romans, ſo as he was fayne to relinquiſh that which he had gotten, as Ioſephus Antiq. lib. 12. 6.

How ſhall we then applie theſe things to Antiochus, who was farre ſhort of the ſucceſſe of this King of the North. The Romane did enjoy this Kingdome, yet not by ſtretching his hand upon Egypt as the Turk who overcame it by force and armes, but by right of league and confederacie as all hiſtorians report. Now to find out the true events, we muſt not onelyonly regard what was done, but after what maner and ſort alſo, wherin the prophecie is as certaine, as in fore ſhewinge the thinges themſelves, which are to be done.

Verſ. 43. Verſ. 43.And he ſhall have power over the treaſures of gold and ſilver and over all the precious thinges of Egypt.

Theſe wordes doe more fully ſhewe how Egypt ſhould not eſcape, that is to ſay, it ſhould be ſubject to his will in ſuch ſort as he may freely prey upon it, make havock and ſpoile of it, which we find this Zelimus did, when he had taken Tomumbeius Mamatucus, who had made himſelf King after Gaurius his death, he tried him with a tedious and ſharpe examination about his treaſures before he would put him to death.

What hidden treaſures will not he find out and carry away, which conſtreineth the King himſelfe by torments to bewray all? how cruelly did he rage againſt the common people, who had no regard of Majeſtie & honour? Of p. 46very good right did the Spirit make mention of the hidden treaſure, for the ſmellinge and finding out wherof ſuch a deale of crueltie was vſed.

And when there was no more gold, leaſt anie thing ſhould be wantinge which might further his deſires, he caried away more then five hundred families out of all Egypt, ſpecially out of the Citie Memphis of the moſt wealthie and noble ranke, beſides a great multitude of women and children of the Mamatukes, whom he commaunded to be ſlaine every one. A kinde of men indeed worthie to dye an evill death. No ſuche thinge was ever done by Antiochus. And allthough the Romans had power over the treaſures of Egypt, which they with greedines and crueltie extorted in all places by all the meanes they could, yet this power was not of the fadinge but of the flouriſhinge eſtate of the empire, whoſe time is now handled, as we have ſeene, in the beginning of the 40. verſ. Whatſoever thinges therfore are here mentioned, as ſome waies agreeing to the Romanes, wee ſhall fynde much differing in time, ſo as the diligent and attentive reader cannot deceived.

As concerning the Lybians and Ethiopians, who ſayth hee, ſhal bee at his ſteppes: therby is ſignified that theſe nations alſo ſhal ſerve the King of the Northe, whoſe ſtepps and goings they ſhal obſerve, and ſhould ioyne themſelves as companions in his expeditions. Lybia is a common name of the whole continent of the third part of the world which is now called Africa: & it is a ſpeciall name of a certaine part of the countrie, which againe is diſtinguiſhed into two other Lybiaes, ſo as in the whole it is three folde. It hath not his name of Lybia the wife of Epaphus, or anie ſuch like as the Grecians would have it, but of Lehabim by contraction Lubim, as the native wordes are uſually corrupted among forraine nations, for the countrie is ſo called for the p. 47flame and ſcorching heate of the ſunne wherwith it is alwaies ſchortched and burnt. And thoſe Lehabim tooke their originall of Mitzraim Gen. 10.33. Some referre Lubim to the root Lebab, and the forme of the nowne doth admitte this notation as the more fitt, neither is the ſignification diſagreeing; ſeing that the Lybi… goe before all other nations in craft and ſubtill pollicie.

But Daniel ſeemeth to uſe the word corrupted, rather by the cuſtome of nations then contracted after an uſuall and accuſtomed maner.

The Ethiopians heere or Cuſhim whoſe father was that ſonne of Cham Gen. 10.6. And although the Cuſhits did inhabite farre and wyde, in Aſia and Africa, yet they ſeem by a common and generall name, to be ſpecially pointed at which inhabite from the South of Egypt to the ſeaward. The Angel therfore ſaith that theſe nations ſhal folowe the turkiſh enſignes, or at leaſt the Turke with his ſteppes ſhall come unto them, that is to ſay, with his Emiſſaries, Baſſawes, Begoes and Agoes and other meſſengers, which he uſeth as ſteppes to overrunne farre diſtant places, and to bring them under his ſubjection. And wee know alſo that a great part of Africa, beſide Egypt: is now poſſeſſed of the Turk at this day. Arcademus Barbaroſſa the turkiſhe ambaſſadour did deprive Maleaſſes the King of Tunnis of his Kingdom, whom the Emperour Charles the firſt reſtored againe in the yeare 1535. who ſix yeares after had occaſion againe to ſaile to Argiers in Africa to keep the Turk buſied in farre diſtant places to bridle and reſtreine the inſolencie of his late victorie in Europe with ſome loſſes in Africa, if it might bee. But Caeſar now arrived not with the like happie ſucceſſe as he did before, for the third day there aroſe ſuch a tempeſt and violent fall of raine, that he loſt manie of his ſhippes, gunnes and all other proviſion, p. 48yea he wanted manie thouſand of his ſoldiers, wherby he was conſtrained to depart without doing anie thinge, and to leave that whole province to the Turkes. Yet not theſe alone are in his ſteppes, but Ezechiel ſetting downe the armie of Gog, whom in the Revelation we have manifeſtly proved to be the Turke, doth conioyne together the Ethiopians and them of Phut the furtheſt weſterne Lybians of the countrie Tingetana ch. 38.5. Now if theſe thinges be applied to Antiochus we ſhal ſee a wonderfull difference. He had no commaund over Egypt alone, much leſſeover the Lybians & Ethiopians whom he never came neere unto either by himſelf or by his meſſengers in anie warlike expedition.

The Romanes were of old the Lordes of all this countrie, but in their prime floriſh of their Kingdome, not at the time of the end, whither the Angel hath allready brought us as we ſaid before.

veaſ. 44.But tydings out of the Eaſt and out of the North ſhall trouble him.

Hitherto of the proſperous affaires of the King of the North, now folow the adverſe, and firſt by tydings. All the former paſſages have ſhewn us thinges paſt allready: for ſince Antiochus, the Romanes, Saracens and Turkes have playd their par…es, who with grievous calamities have waſted and at his time doe waſt the Iewes, partly while they reteyned the religion given them from God, and partly whilſt to this day they doe wickedly obſerve their ceremonies abrogated long agoe. But thoſe thinges which folow from hence unto the end, doe ſhew us alſo of thinges to come, as it will eaſily appeare by the particular expoſition. We have often times incountred that opinion which attributeth all theſe thinges to Antiochus, to that intent truly that it might appeare in everie particular, how much it wandreth from the truth, wee are yet to proceed in the ſame, that we ſuffer not our p. 49ſelves to be deceived by it, when we ſhall ſee the difference and diſagreement therof on everie ſide. I doe not therfore finde what tydings from the Eaſt ſhould trouble him, except happily that rich temple of Diana in Elanois did trouble the man: yet that meſſuage was more to provoke his luſt in coveting: then to ſtrike anie feare into him. And what need was there to goe thither with ſuch a cruel minde, utterly to deſtroy all, where gold and not bloud was ſought after.1. Mac. 6.2.1 Macc 6:2 Neither was there anie forcible attempt to anie private mans goods, but onelyonly to ſacred wealth, wherwith the Iewes often times, being more Iealouſly affected to their ſacred and holie thinges, then thoſe of Elanoies were, redeemed both their lives and libertie. And grannt him to be Antiochus Epiphanes, was hee ſo madde or beſide himſelfe that being affrighted with eaſterne & northern tydings,1. Mac. 3… 37.38.1 Macc 3:371 Macc 3:38 himſelf ſhould goe into the eaſt and ſend Lyſias into the South, and ſett no guard at all toward the North?

Our learned Broughton ſawe that theſe tydings were no way likely to trouble the man, and therfore hee taketh in the Parthian warre which Florus reporteth to be betweene Pharates and Antiochus the King of Syria, in the Abridgement of Livius 59. but the learned man was decived in the name, and referreth that to Epiphanes, which was proper to Sedetes many yeares after, Liv. li. 46. ſheweth Epiphanes to be dead, but that which he mentioneth of Antioch. l. 59. belongeth to Sedetes, as it is manifeſt out of Iuſtin alſo, who ſheweth Antiochus to have departed, who had to doe with Popilius the Romane legate in Egypt, at the end of the 34. booke: but the Parthian warre was of another Antiochus much younger, the brother of Demetrius that was living and taken by the Parthians, of which warre hee entreateth in his 38. book. That is therfore a vayne Parthian warre, at no hand to bee referred to thoſe tydinges. p. 50Calvin doth expound theſe thinges of Craſſus, who being overcome at Carras in a great battaile not farre from Babilon, the Romane whom he maketh this King of the North, was terrified with the report of this ſlaughter.

It could not indeed otherwiſe bee, but very grievous to th… Romane to heare of the death of ſo great a Captaine and of ſo great and well furniſhed an armie, but where are the tydings from the North? Caeſar in the mean time did ſubdue the french men, neither were there anie other northerne tumults. Where was this Cruel expedition to deſtroy and vtterly to make away manie? The Romanes did not much ſtriue in the revenge of that overthrowe, onelyonly Antonie added more unto it, by the overthrow alſo of his owne forces. For whereas the Parthians brought the eagles of Auguſtus, which they had taken away at the death of Craſſus, they did it voluntarily and not by conſtraint as Florus ſheweth in his 4th book and 12. cha. Furthermore where did the Romane plant his Tabernakle? at the glorious holie mountaine, that is to ſaie, in Iudea the holie land, therby to repulſe the feare of theſe tydings; or how came hee to his end in the ſame land, who flouriſhed ſo long after and when he began to fall, he had his overthrow anie where ſave therabouts? There are manie ſuch like arguments which will not ſuffer it to be referred to anie Romane. Wherfore theſe wordes belong to the Turke, whom wee have hitherto ſeeme to be meant of the King of the North, and the tydings out of the Eaſt and the North, which ſhal ſo trouble him, ſhalbe the report of the Iewes converted to the Chriſtian faith: Wee knowe this nation is diſperſed almoſt through the whole world, but yet they moſt abound in the countries Eaſt and North in reſpect of Iudea; For they be bordering p. 51upon their native Countrie, and the Remaines of their brethren, which were of old carryed awaie by the Aſſyrians, and inhabited theſe very places, might thither invite and allure others as often as they were to remove out of their owne countrie.

Out of both theſe regions the Iewes at length ſhal ſhew themſelves, who ſhal give attentive eare unto Chriſt. This did the Revel: 16.12. teach us before, where after the overthrowe of Rome, Euphrates ſhal bee dried up, that the Way of the Kinges of the Eaſt maie be prepared.

There have we ſhewed that this is to be underſtood of the vocation of the Iewes and that it belongeth to the very ſame time with theſe tydings out of the Eaſt, the moſt deadly and laſt warre prepared in both places doe make manifeſt. There the dragon muſtering all his forces, doth goe to a place called Armageddon to cut off and deſtroy utterly, but he doth bring deſtruction upon himſelfe, for that next viall doth powre out the laſt deſtructiō upon all Gods enemies. Here the King of the North ſhal goe forth with great furie in the glorious holie mountaine to deſtroy and utterly cutt off manie, but he ſhal come to his end, & none ſhal help him. Then immediately ſhal the reſurrection folowe, as wee ſee in the beginning of the next chapter. But the Apocalyps maketh onelyonly mention of the Eaſt, becauſe the firſt greateſt & chiefeſt companie ſhal come from thence, yet in the new Ieruſalem, next to the firſt gates on the Eaſt, which are opē to theſe firſt eaſterne Iewes, are thoſe on the north, becauſe the brethren of thoſe parts ſhal make up the next companie of thoſe that came on flocking into the new citie c. 21.13.Re. 21.13▪ In which reſpect Ezech. doth firſt deſcribe the north gates of the holie citie reſtored; ſhewing by this mixt & cōfuſed order (his prophecie giving the firſt to the north & the Apocal. to the Eaſt) that it ſkilleth not much whether of the twaine p. 52we ſett firſt, the deſire of both out of both countries wil be ſo cloſe ioyned & almoſt unſeparable.Ezech. 48.1.16.30.Ezek 48:1Ezek 48:16Ezek 48:30 ch. 48.1.16. & 30. This conſent therfore of Daniel, doth very much confirme our expoſition of the Revelation & the Cāticles, but the matter will as yet appeare more evidētly, when we ſhal have gone over the reſt of Daniel. Theſe are the tydings out of the Eaſt and the North, which at length ſhalbee noyſed farre and neere after Rome ſhalbee defaced: ſhee alive and ſurvivinge, no good newes can be expected; Chriſt doth deferre that ioyfull and happie time to her fall and ruine, leaſt that loathſome harlott, ſhould be partaker of ſuch a pleaſant report. And how can it otherwiſe be, but this newes muſt be very troubleſome to the Turke, who knoweth well what a deale of miſchiefe maie therupon fall upon him? he hath enough to doe to defend himſelfe againſt us Cbriſtians of the weſt alone; what a terrour will it bee to ſee himſelfe, in the midſt of his enemies to be beſet before and behinde, at one time, and not onelyonly to hazard the loſſe of his empire, but of the name of the Turkes alſo? for then ſhal that ſayeing of the Prophet be fulfilled, I have bent Iuda as a bowe for me, I have filled Ephraims hande, and have raiſed up thy ſonn…s O Sion, againſt thy ſonnes O Greece, and made thee as the ſworde of a mightie man. Zach. 9.13.

Now then will he gnaſh the teeth, fret and chafe, ſtorme and growe madde, hee will appoint choiſe officers and muſter and take up a huge armie, hee will ſet forth to warre with a full purpoſe to waſt and deſtroie all thinges, for as much as now hee will ſee the time at hand, either to quit himſelfe ſpeedily, or to periſh for ever. And the Romane Antichriſt will afoard him an opportunitie to turne himſelfe wholy to that warre, who will withhold us in theſe weſt parts with as troubleſome a warre as the revelation teacheth, chap. 19.19. p. 53For he ſhall reviue and remaine, a while after his forlorne and loſt Rome, as we have obſerved vponupon the Apocal. 16.13. &c.

Verſ. 45. Verſ. 45.And he ſhall plante the tabernacle of the wrath of his judgment between the ſeas in the mountayne of holie delight.

We have heard of the tydinges and of his wicked purpoſe, ſorowfull preſages of his deſtruction at hand. Now the deſtruction it ſelfe is ſet downe, a ſweet comfort to all the godlie and of all their tedious troubles, but all this wil bee finiſhed in warre: both the place and iſſue hereof are ſet downe in this verſe As concerning the place, before he deſcribes it by his proper markes; he ſheweth in a word what maner of proviſion he ſhould make in this place, he ſayeth, He ſhall plant the tabernacles of the wrath of his judgement, for ſo I render and tranſlate foreign Ahole Aphadno: the Greeks doe retaine, the Hebrue word entire foreign, and he ſhall plant his tabernacle Aphadno; but Symmachus rēdreth it foreign, ſtable, And he ſhall ſpread the tabernacles of his ſtable, that is to ſay a ſtable wherin his horſe ſhall ſtāde. The vulgar latine verſion doth imitate the Gre…kes, And he ſhall plant his tabernacle Aphadno. The reſt which I have ſeene doe thus with one conſent, and he ſhall plant the tabernacle of his pallace.

The ſtrangenes of the word which is no where elſe vſed in the Scriptures, and the conveniencie of the matter made me thorowly to obſerve the notation therof, which ſeemeth to be compounded of three wordes, Aph and Din, and the affixe of the third perſon ד the wrath of his judgment? as if he would ſay, Hee ſhall plant the tabernacles of wrath, wherby he ſhal procure vponupon himſelfe judgment & everlaſting deſtructiō; a moſt ſignificāt word vſed p. 54of purpoſe, as it ſeemeth, moſt divinely to comprehend in a breif ſumme admirable conſolation. He ſhall indeed attempt deſtruction vntounto others, but the miſcheif ſhall fall upon his owne head: he ſhall finde and feele that in himſelf which he intended for others.

Reverend Broughton ſaith, it is a Babilonian word of frequent vſe in the Babilonian Talmud: but it may be the Iewes did often inſert the word, found in Daniel in their writings in that ſignification which themſelves moſt fancied, though it were not in common vſe with the vulgar Babilonians. The fit compoſition of theſe Hebrew wordes doth make this opinion more then probable. Now for the place of the warre, he ſaieth, Between the ſeas: but where abouts is that? or rather where is it not? ſeing the whole land is an Iland? he therfore reſtreines this largenes in the next wordes: In the mountaine of holie delight, in the mountaine Tſebi, of the Roe or del…ght, that is to ſay in the land of Iudea, as we have ſeen before in verſ. 41. Hence let us take knowledge which ſeas theſe be the river Euphrates and the Syriach arme of the Mediterranean ſea, as in the 72. Pſalme verſ. 8.

And he ſhall have dominion from ſea to ſea, from the river vntounto the ends of the earth: for firſt the Iewes ſhalbe here gathered together who now live as exiles and out of their owne countrie. All the Prophets ſpeak of this returne which they ſhall advaunce and take in hand, not for religions ſake, as if God could not elſwhere be worſhipped, or as if it were of neceſſitie to bring in the legall worſhip againe, but not to ſtriue anye longer as ſtrangers and inmates with forraine nations and that the admirable goodnes of God might openly appeare vntounto all men, now againe pitying his people whom he had eſtranged from himſelfe with ſo longe a divorce: Hitherto alſo will the Turke come in haſt to oppreſſe this p. 55newly returned people. He wil compaſſe the campe of the ſaints ſaith Apocal. 20.9. and the beloved Citie, But EzechielEze. 38.8.Ezek 38:8 moſt playnly ſaying. After manie daies thou ſhalt be viſited in the later years, thou ſhalt come into the land which is brought back from the ſword and is gathered out of manie people, againſt the mountaynes of Iſrael, which have been alwais waſt, when he ſhalbe brought forth out of the nations, they ſhall all dwell ſafely; and there is much more cha. 38.8,

The tydings therfore out of the Eaſt ſhall call the enemie into the holie land: not to Chinais whither Antio. went, nor to Babilon whither the Romans went, to be revenged upon the Parthians, ſo as if there were no other mark of the King of the north beſides the very place of the warre, his perſon could not be concealed from an attentive reader.

The iſſue of the warre wil bee moſt lamentable, for he ſhall come to his end and none ſhall helpe him: becauſe it ſhalbee brought to paſſe not ſo much by mans power and forces as by Gods owne mightie arme, gloriouſly ſhewing it ſelfe from heaven, as it is Apoca. 20.9. But fire ſhall come downe from God out of heaven to devoure them. And I wil plead againſt him, ſaith Ezech. 38.22. with peſtilence and with bloud, and it wil raine vponupon them and vponupon his bandes, and vponupon the manie people that are with him an overflowinge raine and great haileſtones, fire and brimſtone. What help and aide can come againſt theſe darts and arrowes? O Turk, thou ſhalt therfore periſh, not only the Prince himſelfe, but alſo the principalitie it ſelfe; thy name ſhalbee vtterly raced out and thou ſhalt be tormented everlaſtingly, both for thy horrible impietie againſt God and alſo for thy barbarous wickednes and crueltie againſt men.

Thou art left as another Pharao ſoone to be overthrowne with violent ſtormes of the fierie lake, that both p. 56the great name of our God may bee made more famous, as alſo to afoord to all the Saincts the argument of a new ſonge of thankſgivinge. Such is therfore the King of the North, who when he ſhall periſh in the holie land, he can neither be Antiochus nor the Romane, who came to their ends in other places.