Commentary on Daniel, Chapter 1 · Questions

Commentary on Daniel · Chapter 1 · Questions

p. 133. The questions and doubts discussed.

1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim, which is called the fourth, Ier. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled.

1. Polanus saith, that the prophet Ieremie there speaketh not of the captiuitie of Iehoiakim, as here Daniel doth, but onelyonly of a certaine prophesie deliuered by Ieremie in the fourth yeare: so that he thinketh the third yeare here named, and the fourth yeare there mentioned, not to concure together: But that the same time and yeare in both places is signified it is euident, because the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim, is said there to be the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne. Ier. 25. 1. And the last yeare of Iehoiakim which was the 11. is elswhere found to be the 7. of Nebuchadnezzar, Ierem. 52. 28. and in the 8. yeare of the king of Babels raigne, 2. King. 24. 12. that is in the end of the one & beginning of an other; so that if the seuenth or eight yeare of Nebuchadnezzar fall into the 11. yeare of Iehoiakim, then the first yeare must concurre with the others third and fourth.

2. Calvin thinketh to dissolue this knot by the distinction of Nebuchadnezzer the father, and Nebuchadnezzer the sonne: that in one place the one is spoken of, and the other in the other: but the question is not concerning the yeare of Nebuchadnexzars raigne, but p. 14the yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, wherein Ierusalem should be besieged: so that the doubt remaineth still.

3. Therefore the best solution is, that the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar did concurre with the ende of the third and the beginning of the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim, Vatab. Iun. Genevens. factum est inter annum tertium …t quartum, it came to passe betweene the third and fourth yeare, &c. Pintus: who thinketh that after the same manner the Euangelists may be reconciled, Marke, who saith that Christ was crucified about the third houre, and Iohn, who writeth that he was crucified at the fixt houre: because Christ was crucified Intervallo illo, in that space which was betweene the third and sixt houre: but though this solution be not so fit for that place, which otherwise may be reconciled, yet it may serue verie conueniently here.

But Caluin taketh hereunto this exception: that Nebuchadnezzars first yeare cannot concurre with Iehoiakims third and fourth, because Daniel three yeares after was brought before Nebuchadnezzar in the second yeare of his raigne. Dan. 2. 1. Answ. That is not to be referred to the yeare of the kings raigne, but rather to the time of Daniels ministrie and employment with the king, that in the second yeare of his seruice he expounded the kings dreame.

Polanus obiecteth thus, that this confusion of yeares, that the ende of one should be the beginning of another, is obserued in the raigne of diuers kings, the one succeeding another: but here the historie of one king onelyonly is set downe: But this comparing of yeares is more vsuall, in setting together the raignes of diuers kings at the same time, then of diuers kings one suceeding another: as is most euident in the comparing of the yeares of the raigne of the kings of Iudah and Israel together, throughout the bookes of the kings: here then the yeares of one and the same king are not compared together, but the years of Nebuchadnezzar, and Iehoiakims raigne.

Quest. 2. How this third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne is to be counted.

1. Iosephus thinketh that it was the 8. yeare of his raigne,Iosephus lib. 10. antiquit. so also the author of the Ecclesiasticall hystorie following Iosephus, when Nebuchadnezzar came and besieged Ierusalem: and of the same opinion are Lyranus, Hugo Cardinal. Dyonis. Carthusian. Bullinger, Polanus, Pappus, that the third yeare must be counted not from the beginning of Iehoiakims raigne, but from the time, that he was made tributarie to Nebuchadnezzar, which was in the 8. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne: and from that time he serued Nebuchadnezzar 3. yeares: so that the third yeare from the imposition of tribute concurreth with the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, Polanus: who thus reasoneth for his opinion,

1. The third yeare of Iehoiakim here spoken of, was the seuenth yeare of Nebuchadnezzar, Ierem. 52. 28. when 3023. Iewes were carried into captiuitie: but the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne was but the first of Nebuchadnezzars. 2. If this were the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, and consequently the first of Nebuchadnezzars, then it would follow that Zedekiah was taken in the 21. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar, which was in the 18. yeare, Ierem. 52. 29.

Contra. 1. He is deceiued in thinking that the captiuitie there spoken of, Ier. 52. 28. in the seauenth of Nebuchadnezzar, was that first captiuitie, when Daniel was carried away: for there were two assaults and inuasions of the land in the raigne of Iehoiakim, one in the third and fourth yeare of Iehoiakim, and the first of Nebuchadnezzar, an other in the 11. yeare, which was the 7. of Nebuchadnezzar, whereof Ieremie speaketh.

2. The collection and inference of 21. yeares hath no consequence: for from Iehoiakims 3. yeare, who raigned in all but 11. yeares, to the last of Zedekiah, who also raigned 11. yeares, which make in all but 22. yeares, three beeing deducted, there are but 19. yeares.

2. Wherefore the truer opinion is, that this yeare here mentioned must be vnderstood to be the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, and not from the time of the tribute imposed. 1. Pererius saith, it is violenta & dura interpretatio, a forced and hard interpretation, the third yeare beeing simply named, to vnderstand it otherwise, then of the third yeare of his raigne. 2. Iunius yeeldeth this reason, because Ierem. 25. 1. the fourth yeare of Iehoiakims raigne inchoate or begunne concurreth with the first of Nebuchadnezzar, then it must of necessitie follow, that Nebuchadnezzars seauenth must fall into Iehoiakims eleuenth yeare: adde hereunto an eleuen yeares of Zedekiahs raigne, and so it will fall out that Zedekiah was p. 15taken in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzer, as is set downe by the Prophet Ieremie, chap. 52. 29.

Melancthon herein consenteth, that Nebuchadnezzar came against Ierusalem in the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, and imposed tribute vponupon him, and carried away some pray: and after he had serued him 3. yeares, and he then would hauehave cast off the king of Babels yoke, then the seauenth yeare after, which was in the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, Nebuchadnezzar came vp and carried away Iehoiakim, and his sonne Iechonias raigned in his stead.

Quest. 3. Of Iehoiakim and Iehoiachin, what difference betweene them.

1. Iosias had 4. sonnes, the first was Iochanan, called also Iehoachaz, the second Iehoiakim or Eliakim, who is here mentioned, the third Matthanias, called also Zedekiah, the fourth Shallum, 1. Chron. 3. 15. this Iehoiakim is also called Shallum, Ierem. 22. 11. so Epiphanius testifieth, tom. 1. sect. 8. that he was called Sellus.

2. Iehoiakim written with koph and mem, was the name of the father, Iehoiachin written with caph and nun, was the name of the sonne, Pintus: and before him Hierom in 1. Matth.

3. Rupertus then is deceiued,in Daniel. c. 2.Dan 2 who confoundeth these two, and maketh but one Ioachim, in whose third yeare Nebuchadnezzar came vp and besieged Ierusalem, and carried Ioachim captiue: whereas it was Iehoiakim the father, in whose third yeare Nebuchadnezzar came vp, and Iehoiachin, or Iechoniah his sonne, who was carried captiue to Babylon.

4. But whereas Matth. 1. 11. there is mention made onelyonly of Iechoniah: Iosias begate Iechoniah and his brethren, &c. and againe vers. 12. Iechonias begate Salathiel; Pererius obserueth out of Epiphanius, and Beza also is of the same opinion, that in the first place Iechonias is taken for Iehoiakim the father, in the latter for the sonne, for otherwise there are not 42. but onelyonly 41. generations there rehearsed.

Quest. 4. Why the King of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim.

1. First, Nebuchadnezzar came against him, because he was made king by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt, with whom Nebuchadnezzar had warre and subdued his countrie: and thereupon Iehoiakim became tributarie to the king of Babel. 2. But Nebuchadnezzars hatred was more increased afterward, when as after three yeares Iehoiakim rebelled against him, and would hauehave cast off his yoke: then the king of Babel came vp the second time, and carried Iehoiakim away captiue, who after he was dead, was cast out and lay vnburied, according to Ieremie his prophesie. c. 22. 19. 3. But the greatest cause of all was the purpose of God to punish the wickednesse of the king and his people, for he killed the Prophet Viiah, Ierem. 26. cut Ieremie his prophesie with a knife, and cast it into the fire, Ierem. 36. beside there were found in his bodie when he was dead markes of idolatrie, as Lyranus following the Hebrewe noteth vponupon that place, 2. Chron. 36. 8. Concerning the rest of the acts of Iehoiakim, and his abhominations, which he did, and that which was found vponupon him, &c. God therefore for his crueltie, impietie, idolatrie, brought this iudgement vponupon him. Pere.

Quest. 5. Of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel, and how many there were of that name.

1. Pintus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was a generall name to the kings of Babylon, as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Pharaoh, and the kings of the Philistins of Abimelek. And he further is of opinion, that this Nebuchadnezzar had a sonne of the same name: and that neither of them are the same with that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the storie of Iudith, who sent Holofernes against the Iewes: for that was after the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie, as appeareth, Iudith 5. beside he thinketh, that neither Nebuchadnezzar the father, nor the sonne, was that Nebuchadnezzar, which destroyed Tyrus according to the prophesie of Ezechiel, 26. 7. which he taketh to be Cyrus or Alexander. p. 16But Pintus is in many things here deceiued. 1. It is not to be shewed out of the sacred historie of Scripture, that all the kings of Babylon were called by the name of Nebuchadnezzar, but the contrarie rather appeareth, for this kings sonnes name was Evilmerodach, 2. King. 25. 27. and his sonne Balthazar, Dan. 5. 2. And this Nebuchadnezzar was the sonne, not the father: and the second was called great Nebuchadnezzar, for his great exploits, and many victories: for next vntounto this succeeded Evilmerodach. So throughout the whole prophesie of Daniel we must vnderstand the second Nebuchadnezzar. Iun. 3. We easily agree, that neither of these could be that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the booke of Iudith: for who that was it is vncertaine, and there is small certaintie of any thing in the booke beside: for Pintus will hauehave that storie referred to the times after the captiuitie: Pererius thinketh it was done before the captiuitie in the time of Manasses: but neither of these can stand: not the first, for we reade of no Nebuchadnezzar after the captiuitie, when the kingdome was translated from the Chaldeans to the Persians: nor the second, for that storie of Iudith maketh mention of the casting downe of the Temple, cap. 5. 18. which had not yet beene done in the dayes of Manasseh. 4. This Nebuchadnezzar was the same which besieged Tyrus, which he besieged 13. yeares as witnesseth Iosephus, lib. 10. c. 11. he could not be Cyrus or Alexander, for he is called the king of Babel, Ezek. 26. 7.

2. Pererius acknowledgeth that there were two Nebuchadnezzars, the one here spoken of, and in the Prophets, the other, whereof mention is made in the booke of Iudith; whom he taketh to hauehave beene before this: and he misliketh their opinion, who take this Nebuchadnezzar some for Cyrus, some for Cambises, some for Artaxerxes, or Darius Ochus, the last king but one of the Persians: for neither was the Temple yet built againe vnderunder the raigne of Cyrus and Cambises, as is mentioned, Iudith 5. and Artaxerxes was 200. yeares after the returne of the Iewes from captiuitie: whereas the storie of Iudith seemeth to hauehave fallen out immediately after: Iudith 5. 19. Pere.

Contra. 1. It appeareth what small certaintie there is of the Apocryphall booke of Iudith, seeing it cannot be agreed vponupon, who that king Nebuchadnezzar was. 2. He could not be the Elder Nebuchadnezzar: for in his time the temple was not destroyed, but in his sonnes: but before the time of Iudith it had beene destroyed, Iudith 5. 18.

3. Wherefore their opinion is to be preferred that make two Nebuchadnezzars, the father, and the sonne, who was called Nebuchadnezzar the great: Iun. Caluin, Bullinger. Polanus, so also Iosephus, who giueth vntounto the raigne of the Elder 23. yeares, and to the other 43. This Nebuchadnezzar seemeth to be the same, whom Ptolome calleth Nabopolassar, in the 19. yeare of whose raigne he saith the captiuitie of Babylon beganne. Polan.

Quest. 6. Of the acts and exploits of Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Iosephus out of Berosus who wrote of the Chalde affaires, reporteth of Nebuchadnezzar the second, that beeing sent by his father the Elder Nebuchadnezzar against the king of Egypt, who reuolted from him, and in the meane time hearing of his fathers death, returned to Babylon, and tooke the gouernement vponupon him: where he did many princely and sumptuous workes: he beautified the temple of Belus, repaired the edifices of the city, enlarged the riuer, compassed the citie with a treble wall: built a goodly palace, in the space of 25. dayes (which seemeth incredible,) and built high rocks and mountaines vponupon vaults of stone, and vponupon them planted orchards as hanging aloft, because his wife being brought vp in Medea, desired to see some resemblance of her countrie: for the like acts he referreth vsus to the histories of Megasthenes the Indian historiographer, and Diocles who wrote of the Persian histories, and Philostratus of the Pheniceans, who witnesseth that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyrus 13. yeares, which beganne in the 7. yeare of his raigne: as Pererius noteth.

2. His acts set downe in the Scriptures were these: in the third yeare of Iehoiakim he besiedged Ierusalem, and carried the spoyle of the citie into Babylon: in the 11. yeare he came againe, and tooke the citie and carried many into captiuitie, and slue Iehoiakim, who wanted the honour of buriall: then he set in his place his sonne Iehoaichin, whom after 3. moneths he remooued, and appointed Zedekiah in his place, in whose 11. yeare, which was the 18. of Nebuchadnezzar, he tooke Zedekiah and put out his eies: and the 19. yeare he burnt the citie and Temple, and carried away the people captiue: these things are thus testified. p. 172. King. 24. 25. Ierem. 52. And of Nebuchadnezzars expedition against Cyrus, Ezekiel maketh mention, c. 26. to c. 30. In the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne he subdued Egypt, and remooued all the Iewes that were thither fledde, to Babylon: Pererius addeth further that in the 25. yeare of his raigne he had that vision of the image, c. 2. but that was rather in the 5. yeare of his raigne, as is before shewed, quest. 6. generall. After this he set vp the great golden image, c. 3. and was translated from the companie of men, and liued among bruite beasts for the space of seuen yeares, cap. 4. then he was restored to his kingdome, which he enioyed peaceably to the ende of his dayes. Pere.

Quest. 7. Of the time of Nebuchadnezzars raigne.

1. Iosephus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar raigned 43. yeares: so also Eusebius, …. cap 9.and Pererius consenteth: wherein he doth not much varie from the yeares of his raigne which may be collected out of Scripture.

2. Some thinke that all his raigne made vp 45. yeares: Bulling, rather 44. betweene both: for in the 8. yeare of his raigne he tooke Iechonias prisoner,2 King 24. 12 and c. 25. 27.2 Kgs 24:12 in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie, Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar began to raigne, who lift vp the head of Iehoiachin out of prison; these two numbers put together, 8. and 37. make 45. and one yeare must be deducted, because Nebuchadnezzar is supposed to hauehave died in the 36 yeare of Iechoniahs captiuitie, the last yeare of his raigne, and so the whole summe of yeares remaineth 44.

Quest. 8. Of the citie of Babylon.

1. The occasion of the first founding of this citie and of the name therof, is declared Gen. 11. so called first Babel of the confusion of tongues, and afterwards Babylon, & the countrie about Babylonia: 2. Nimrod who was the first king or tyrant rather after the flood, in which sense he is called a mightie hunter, is held to hauehave beene the first founder of Babylon: which was afterward enlarged by Semiramis, Hierom comment in Oseam.whom Iulius Solinus, and Diodorus Siculus, whom Hierome followeth, thinke to hauehave beene the first builder of Babylon: but she onelyonly enlarged it, and raised vp the walls. 3. In this citie and the countrie thereabout the Iewes were held in captiuitie 70. yeares: which tearme beeing the stinted time of mans life, Psal. 90. 10. sheweth that man during the time of his life, and aboade in this world, is but a captiue, and stranger: as Iaakob called his life a pilgrimage, Gen. 47. 9. Pintus.

2. Polanus thinketh there were 3. cities of this name Babylon, one in Assyria, whereof mention is made, 2. king 17. 24. an other in Chaldea, which is here called the land of Sennaar, and the third in Egypt, which is now called Alcayr, the seate of the Sultanes of Egypt.

But I thinke the receiued opinion is more probable, that there were onelyonly two Babylons, one in Chaldea, the other in Egypt, or in the confines of Arabia: whereof Raphael Volateran. treateth lib. 12. now called Cayro, Pintus, that Babel mentioned 2. King. 17. 24. from whence the king of Ashur brought some to inhabite Samaria, is Babylon in Chaldea, which was then subiect to the king of Ashur.

3. Stephanus also is deceiued, who thinketh this Babylon to be the same citie,Stephan. de vrbib. which was called Seleucia, built by Seleucus Nicanor, which was indeede built not farre off from Babylon, some 300. stadia or furlongs, by which occasion Babylon became desolate, and not so much frequented: but they were not all one citie: Polanus.

Quest. 9. ver. 1. Of the citie Ierusalem.

1. Ierusalem it was the cheife citie of Palestina, first founded by Melchisedech, as Iosephus thinketh, who Gen. 14. is called the king of Shalem: 2. It had diuers names, it was first called Shalem, Gen. 14. Psal. 75. 3. then Iebus, of Iebusi the sonne of Canaan, Iosh. 18. 28. afterward it was named Ierusalem, which signifieth the vision of peace; and last of all Aelia, of Aelius Adrianus the Emperour, who built mount Caluarie, and diuers other parts of the city. Volat. l. 11. 3. It was diuided into two parts, the vpper citie where was mount Zion, the city of Dauid, and the Temple, & the neather or base citie, which was vnderunder the hill. Pol. 4. The citie Ierusalem is sometime taken in Scripture for the Church of God, as Hebr. 12. 22. Ye are come to Mount Sinai, to the citie of the liuing God, to celestiall Ierusalem. Pintus.

Quest. 10. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth, To be giuen into ones hand.

v. 2. And the Lord gaue Iehoiakim, &c. into his hand, &c. The hand is diuersly taken in p. 18Scripture. 1. As first to put the soule or life in the hand, signifieth to put the life in danger, Iudg. 12. 3. Iepthah saith, I put my life in my hands. 2. The hand signifieth a league or couenant: as the giuing of the hand, implieth the plighting of the troth: as Esech. 17. 18. He hath despised the oath, and broken the couenant, yet lo, he had giuen his hand! 3. It signifieth ministerie and seruice: as Exod. 38. 21. These are the parts of the Tabernacle, &c. for the office of the Levites by the hand of Ithamar. 4. The hand signifieth helpe and assistance, as 1. Sam. 22. 17. Saul commandeth the Priests to be slaine, because their hand was with David, that is, they were aiding and helping vntounto him. 5. To lift vp the hand against a place, is to assault it, and threaten against it, as Isa. 10. 32. He shall lift vp his hand toward the mount of the daughter of Sion. 6. To lift vp the hands is to pray: 1. Tim. 2. 9. I will that the men pray eueryevery where, lifting vp pure hands. 7. To wash the hands, is to purge the heart and works from impuritie and vncleannes, as Psal. 26. 6. I will wash mine hands in innocencie, O Lord, and compasse thine altar. 8. To put the hand to the mouth, signifieth to eate, 1. Sam. 14. 27. as Ionathan is said to hauehave put his hands to his mouth, when he did eate of the honie. 9. To lay the hand also vponupon the mouth, is a figne of silence: Iob. 29. 9. The Princes staied talke, and laid their hand on their mouth. 10. By the hands also are vnderstood the works & labours of mens vocations, as Eph. 4. 28. Let him that stole, steale no more, but rather labour, and worke with his hands. 11. To doe a thing with an high hand, is to do it presumptuously: Numb. 15. 30. 12. To touch with the hand, is to humble or afflict: Psal. 32. 4. Thy hand is heauie vponupon me day and night. 13. But to giuegive into the hands of any, is to bring vnderunder their power and subiection, as Iudg. 7. 1. The Lord gaue them into the hands of Midian seuen yeares: and so it is taken here. Pintus.

Quest. 11. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand, whether he caried him to Babylon.

1. Some thinke that Iehoiakim was bound in chaines and carried to Babylon: as the Latine translatour readeth, 2. Chron. 36. 6. & vinctum in catenis duxit in Babylonem: and beeing bound in chaines he caried him to Babylon: but the true reading is, he bound him in chaines to carie him to Babylon. Iun. Vatab. Gen.

2. Hugo Card, to iustifie the Latine translation, thinketh that he was caried to Babylon, and brought backe againe to Ierusalem, and there killed, and his bodie cast without the walls vnburied, which was after, at the request of the citizens, suffered to be buried. But this had beene an idle and superfluous course, to carie him to Babel, and recarie him. And beside it is against the text, that he was buried at all: Ierem. 22. 19. He shall be buried, as an asse is buried, euen drawne, and cast forth without the gates of Ierusalem. and, c. 36. 30. His dead bodie shall be cast out in the day to the heate, and in the night to the frost.

3. Lyranus and Caietane thinke, that Nabuchadnezzar caused Iehoiakim to be bound, hauing a purpose to carrie him to Babylon, but afterward he changed his minde, and onelyonly imposed a tribute vponupon him: but no such thing can be gathered in the text, that the King altered his minde for that matter, or laid any imposition vponupon him.

4. Iosephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar commanded Iehoiakim to be killed at Ierusalem, and his bodie to be cast out of the gates: but the phrase vsed,Lib. 10. antiq. cap. 8. 2. king. 24. 6. Iehoiakim slept with his fathers, seemeth to import, not a violent, but a naturall death. And if he were killed at Ierusalem, he needed not to hauehave beene bound in chaines to be carried into captiuitie.

5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is, that at this expedition Iehoiakim onelyonly became tributarie to the king of Babel, 2. king. 24. 1. but he died afterward in the way, as he was going into captiuitie (the second time that Nebuchadnezzar came vp against him, which was in his 11. yeare) before he was past the borders of Iudea, and it may seeme not farre from Ierusalem: and so he may be saide to be cast out of the gates, that is, the borders and confines thereof. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 12. VVhether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim.

1. Lyranus and Dionys. Carth. doe referre the captiuitie of Daniel to the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne: but the text here is contrarie, which maketh mention onelyonly of the third yeare of Iehoiakim, when Daniel went into captiuitie, and other children of the Princes of Iudah.

p. 192. Hierome thinketh, that Daniel and Ezekiel were caried away captiue together with Ieconias,Hier. sup. 1. …se…chiel. who raigned but 3. moneths after his father Iehoiakim: but this text euidently sheweth, that Daniel was caried to Babylon the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne, which was 8. yeare before the captiuitie of Ieconias.

3. But Iosephus is in a greater error, who thinketh, that Daniel was taken captiue together with king Zedekiah: for this was 18. yeares after: Daniel went into captiuitie the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim; the next yeare was the first of Nabuchadnezzar. Ierem. 25. 1. But Zedekiah was caried away in the 18. yeare of Zedekiah. Ierem. 52. 29. Peter.

Quest. 13. VVhy it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues.

Though God sometime thinke good to exempt and deliuer the righteous from temporall calamities, as Noah from the flood, Lot out of the flames of Sodome, the Israelites from the plagues of Egypt: yet sometimes it pleaseth him that such temporall chastisements should fall vponupon the righteous, as this captiuitie vponupon Daniel for these causes.

1. The generall reasons may be yeelded to be these. 1. God getteth himselfe hereby greater glorie in the deliuerance of his seruants, as he did when the 3. children were cast into the fire, and Daniel into the Lyons denne, and yet they escaped the rage of the one, and Daniel the crueltie of the other. 2. Hereby also the patience of the godly is tried and exercised, and others by their godly example are encouraged. Pin.

2. The speciall reasons why Daniel went into captiuitie were, 1. that he might be as a guide and comfort to the people to keepe them in the feare of God. 2. that by this meanes Daniel might become more famous, and be aduanced for the good of his Church. 3. that by his meanes these idolatrous Kings and people might come to some knowledge of God. Pererius.

Quest. 14. Of the meaning of these words, ver. 2. Which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god.

1. Iunius vnderstandeth this clause of Iehoiakim and the rest which were carried captiue into Babylon into the land of Shinar: and the vessels were brought into his gods treasurie: so also Polanus. But this exposition seemeth not so fit: 1. it is not like that the men were carried into the house of their God, but rather the vessells, Caluin, Polanus thinketh that the land of Shinar is called the house of his God. But beside that this were an improper speach, to call the whole region an house, which is otherwhere named the land of Shinar, Gen. 11. 2. this house is expounded to be the temple, 2. Chron. 36. 7. Nebuchadnezzar carried of the vessells of the house of the Lord to Babel, and put them in his temple at Babel. 2. Here onelyonly Iehoiakim is mentioned to be giuen into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar: but the Hebrew affix is in the plural number, and therefore is better referred to the vessels, which also is the neerer antecedent. 3. Neither was Iehoiakim carried at this time into captiuitie nor brought at all to Babel, as is shewed before, Quest. 11.

2. Therefore both these clauses are better referred to the vessels, that he first brought them into the house of his god, and then laid them vp in his gods treasurie, not conuerting them vntounto any ciuill vse, Osian. Pintus. Some thinke the last clause is added, because the treasurie was a speciall place in the temple where such things were laid vp: first then he brought them to his owne palace, and then to the treasurie of the temple of his God, which was also in his house. Vatabl.

Quest. 15. Of the land of Shinar, or Shingar.

1. This land of Shinar or Shingar was the lower part of Mesopotamia, which contained Chaldea and Babylon, lying vnderunder the mount Sangara, whereof there was a towne so called: the Hebrewe letter aijn is pronounced often as the Greeke g, as in these words, Gomorrha, Gaza, which begin with that letter, and are pronounced with a double aspiration, as Hhamarrha, Hhaza, Iun. Polan.

2. This was the land wherein the towes of Babel was built, Gen. 11. 2. whereof the whole region was called Babylonia; whereas then 2. Chron. 36. 7. he is said to hauehave carried the vessels to Babel, there is no contradiction: for they were both names of the same countrie. Polan.

Quest. 16. Of the gods and idols of the Chaldes.

Ver. 2. To the house of his God. The Chaldeans had fiue idols, 3. gods, and two goddesses: p. 201. their first god was Bel, a name contracted of Behel, which commeth of Bahal, which signifieth a Lord: Berosus saith this was Iupiter Belus the sonne of Saturne, to whom was erected a temple in Babylon, with a vast and huge tower in the middes, which continued vntounto the time of Vespasian the Emperour, as Plinie witnesseth, lib. 6. c. 26.

2. The second god was the Sunne which they called rach, that is a king, because he is the chiefe among the planets: and the Persians call him Mithra, as Iustinus Martyr saith, dialog. in Tryphon. the priests of this idol were called Raciophantae, obseruers of the Sunne.

3. Their third god was Nego the fire, so called of the brightnesse, which was carried about among them.

4. Their first goddesse was Shacha, which was the earth, worshipped also of the Romanes vnderunder the names of Opis and Tellus: of the Syrians called Dorcetha. In the honour of this goddesse they vsed to keepe a feast fiue daies together in Babylon: during which time the masters were vnderunder the dominion of their seruants: this festiuall: time was called Shache, whereof Babylon was called Sheshach of keeping this feast, Ierem. 25. 27. and 52. 41.

5. Their other goddesse was Mulitta which was Venus, whose priests were called Natitae or Natophantae, the obseruers of faire Venus. Polan. But the chiefest of their idols was Bel, Isay 46. 1. Bel is bowed downe: which Iunius in that place thinketh was taken for the Sunne, whom the Assyrians and Chaldeans worshipped: But he was the same who was called Iupiter Belus, Plin. 6. 26. as is before shewed: they worshipped the Sunne and the fire beside.

Quest. 17. Ver. 2. What is to be commended, what discommended in Nebuchadnezzar in carrying away part of the vessells of the Temple.

Ver. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God. 1. Herein he is commended for his moderation, that he would not as an insatiable conqueror, that came onelyonly to spoile, carrie away all the vessels of the temple, but contented himselfe with part: which notwithstanding was Gods speciall worke so moouing the heart of Nebuchadnezzar, that the temple yet standing should not be stripped of all the ornaments. Pere. 2. In that he put them not to any ciuill house, neither enriched himselfe by them, but laid them vp in the temple of his god: vnde aliquam religionem Deo exhibuit, wherein he shewed some reuerence vntounto God in reuerencing the vessels of the Sanctuarie: gloss. ordinar. Pere. 3. But herein the grosse blindnesse of Nebuchadnezzar appeareth, who giueth the honour of this victorie vntounto his idols, which was onelyonly due vntounto God: as Habacuk saith, they sacrificed vntounto their nettes, cap. 1. Iun.

Quest. 18. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away.

1. God thereby would punish the wickednesse and impietie of the Iewes, for it is no small iudgement, rebus sacris priuari, to be depriued of sacred things. 2. Herein also the Lord shewed his iust indignation against the sinnes of the people, that he would rather abijcere res suas, cast off his owne things which were dedicate to his seruice. And for the same cause he refused their oblations, saying, incense is abhomination vntounto me, Isay. 1. 13. 3. The Lord herein also reproued their carnall confidence, thinking that the Temple and the vessels thereof were sufficient defence vntounto them: therefore the Prophet Ieremie saith, cap. 7. 4. trust not in lying words, saying, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. 4. And by occasion of the transporting of these vessels, the Lord shewed his wonderfull and strange workes in Babylon, as by the writing of an hand vponupon the wall, when Baltazar profaned the vessels of the Temple. The like worke the Lord shewed among the Philistims, when at the presence of the Arke, Dagon their idol lost both his head and hands, Pere. While the kings of Babel did regard with some reuerence the holy vessels, they pr…spered, as Nebuchadnezzar, and Euilmerodach his sonne: but when they grew to be presumptuous and profane in abusing them, as Baltazar did, the Lord iudged them for their contempt. 5. God also hereby signified, that he needed not any thing of theirs, as any vessels of gold and siluer, but such things beeing offred vntounto God tended onelyonly to the good of the offerer. Pintus.

Quest. 19. Of Ashpenah the master of the Enuches his name and office.

V. 3. And the king said to Ashpenah &c. 1. there are three parts of the kings charge vntounto p. 21this Ashpenaz: first concerning the transporting and carrying of certaine children of the Kings seede, and of other nobles: for at this time Iehoiakim the king himselfe went not into captiuitie: then what choice was to be made of them, both for their kindred, and for their qualities of bodie, and minde, v. 4. and to what ende, that they might stand before the king: And in the third place order is taken v. 5. for their prouision and diet.

2. Concerning the name Ashpenaz it signifieth in the Chalde tongue, magistrum obiurgantium, the master of the controllers, that is, the chiefe controller and gouernor of the kings house: as Ctesias vseth the word Ashpamitres, which signifieth the master or chiefe of the Priests, Iun.

3. The kings of the Chaldeans, Persians, Egyptians, at the first vsed Eunuches, which were gelded men, as their chamberlaines, specially for the custodie of their concubines: in Hebrew they are called sarisim of saras, which signifieth to pull away: but afterward the principall officers and seruants to the kings were called by that name, as Potiphar Pharaohs chiefe steward or captaine is called an Eunuch, that is a Courtier: And the Queene of Ethiopia her Eunuch whom Philip baptized was her treasurer, Act. 8. the word Eunuch is deriued of foreign, a chamber, and foreign, to keepe; they first attended vponupon the king in his chamber: So this Ashpenaz was a chiefe minister or officer to the king: Polan, Osian, Pin.

Quest. 20. Whether Daniel may be prooued from hence to hauehave beene an Eunuch in the first sense.

1. Of this opinion areaaLib. 10. antiquit. c. 11. Iosephus, bbHom. 4. in Ezekiel.Origen, ccin vita Dan.Simon Metaphrastes, that Daniel was indeede an Eunuch: and in him, and the rest of the kings …eed, some thinke that prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah to be fulfilled, that his sonnes should be Eunuchs in the King of Babels palace, 2. King. 20. 18. But it is not necessarie, as is shewed before, to take an Eunuch alwaies in that sense: for that name generally is applyed to the principall officers and ministers of the king.

2. Some are of opinion, that Daniel was called an Eunuch because of his perpetuall virginitie: Dorotheus in Sinops. Epiphan. in vita Daniel. so also Damascen. lib. 4. de fide orthodex. cap. 25. but this may be gainsaied by that place, Ezek. 14. 20. that Noah, Daniel, Iob, should deliuer neither sonne, nor daughter: it may seeme then that they all had sonnes and daughters: P…rerius hereunto answereth, 1. that by sonnes and daughters here are meant the things most deare and precious: but this is a forced and wrested sense: for the text speaketh euidently of the deliuering of the persons of men, not of any other pretious things. 2. it is sufficient (saith he) to vnderstand some of these onelyonly to hauehave had sonnes and daughters, though not all, &c. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to hauehave had sonnes and daughters, then either Noah or Iob: yet, I confesse that this beeing but a supposition, and conditionall speach; that if these three Noah, Iob, Daniel, were in the middest of it, they should deliuer neither sonne, nor daughter, doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sonnes and daughters, & yet he might hauehave both. 3. Now howsoeuer it was for his virginiti…, certaine it is he was no Eunuch, as Lyranus, and Carthusianus, and Pintus inferre vponupon these words, ver. 4. they must be children without blemish: which collection though Pe…us mislike, yet it may be warranted, Leuit. 21. 20. where this verie kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes. And whereas Perer, saith, that they were onelyonly to respect the outward comlinesse and beautie, which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuchs, I rather thinke with Lyranus, taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis, that such as are depriued of their vitilitie, hauehave for the most part lesse grace in their countenance.

Quest. 21. Who are vnderstood here by the Princes.

1. The word is partemim, which R. Ioseph Kimhi would deriue of the word Perath, which was the name of the great riuer Euphrates: and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates: but this agreeth not to this place, as Caluin noteth, for these princes were of Iudah whose children were taken, they inhabited not neere Euphrates. 2. Some deriue the word of Pharah, to fructifie and encrease: noting such as were truely noble, and excelling others: some of Parath, which signifieth to deuide: because the Magistrates and Iudges, which decided controuersies, were of the nobler sort. 3. Some rather thinke that it was a strange word taken vp in the Chalde tongue: Mercer. Iunius coniecture in that parthani may come of the Greeke word foreign, and so it generally signifieth p. 22the first, chiefe, or principall men. 4. The Latine interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum, the seede of the tyrants: but that word, howsoeuer at the first in the Greeke tongue it was vsed in the better part to signifie great and excellent men, yet now it is applied vntounto such which are cruell gouernours, and are vsually called tyrants: thereforre it is no fit word to expresse the sense here. 5. The Septuagint retaine it as a proper name and title of dignitie, Pharthammin, but that is not like: for the Princes among the Persians were so called, Ester. 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the Iewes, which were among the Persians: I therefore preferre before the rest, the opinion of Mercerus and Iun.

Quest. 22. VVhy the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captiues.

The reasons hereof may be these. 1. the king herein shewed his triumph and victorie in carying away the more principall mens sonnes. 2. And because such hauing had noble education, and not trayned vp as the vulgar sort, were meetest to attend vponupon the king: to the which ende he sorted them out from the rest. 3. And this might be his policie also herein, that these principall mens sonnes beeing brought vp with the king of Babel, and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans, might thereby hauehave their hearts, and affections enstranged, and alienated from their countrie. 4. And he might hauehave further this purpose therein, to kepe them as pledges, and hostages, the better to containe the Iewes in obedience and subiection. Caluin.

Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer, 2. Sam. 16. seeing Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzers hand.

1. We must consider, that the promise in respect of Dauids temporall seede was conditionall; that the Lord would make sure the kingdome so long as they continued in obedience: but if they brake the condition, the Lord was not tied to make good his promise. 2. Yet the spirituall kingdome in the Messiah, which was of the seede of Dauid according to the flesh, shall remaine for euer without any condition or exception. 3. And although Iehoiakim were giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand, yet the kingdome well nigh continued after this 20. yeares in Dauids posteritie: and the Lord by degrees did proceede to take away the scepter from Iudah, which for Dauids sake he would hauehave continued still if they would hauehave taken any warning. 4. But it must not be thought that Gods purpose and promise to Dauid was changed and ouerturned by any superior power: and euen Nebuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God, to execute his iudgements: for it is saide, that the Lord gaue Iehoiakim into his hand, v. 2. Polan.

Quest. 24. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans.

v. 4. And whome they might teach the learning, &c. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious artes, for both iudiciarie Astrologie, and Genethlialogie, the casting of mens natiuities, and foreign, diuination by the dead, are held to hauehave beene inuented by the Chaldeans; yet they had other profitable sciences, as Astronomie, Geometrie, and other liberall arts, which Daniel might safely learne, as Moses was brought vp in the knowledge of the Egyptians, whose superstitious inuentions notwithstanding he abhorred: and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats, which were but for the bodie, much more did he take heede not to hauehave his soule defiled with superstitious inuentions. Calvin.

Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language, and the difference betweene it, and the Hebrew.

1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim, had their originall from Arphachsad the sonne of Sem: the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrewes also, for Heber the sonne of Selah, the sonne of Arphacsad, was the father of the Hebrewes: and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees. 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans, till idolatrie and superstition encreasing, it pleased God to single out Abraham, in whome the true religion should be preserued. 3. The most auncient tongue was the Hebrew, which was preserued in Hebers familie, and so descended to Abraham, who also because he liued among the Chaldeans, could speake the language of that nation. 4. But seeing Daniel here beeing an Hebrew borne, was to be taught the Chalde p. 23language, then Philo is deceiued, who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one. 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same,In …. which is the opinion of Mercerus: so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal. following the ordinarie Glosse: some thinke that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde, but was the more eloquent language, and therfore vsed of the learned, Genevens. Dan. 2. 6. But I rather thinke withaaIn …. Chald. & …. Tremellius and Polanus, that howsoeuer in times past there was small difference: for that part of this booke which is written in the Chalde tongue from the 4. v. of the 2. chapter to the ende of the seauenth, is called also the Aramites or Syrians language, c. 2. 4. yet now they doe manifestly differ, the ancient Chalde speach, and the common Syrian language. 7. Now the Chalde tongue is either that purer kind of speaking and writing which is vsed here in Daniel from 2. c. v. 4. to the ende of the seauenth, and Ezra c. 4. vntounto the seauenth, which was then commonly vsed in Babylon: or els it was more impure, such as the three Targums are written in, namely of Onkelus, Ionathas, and the Hierosolymitan: as also the two Talmuds, the one of Babylon, the other of Ierusalem. ex Polan.

Quest. 26. v. 4. Of the necessarie institution of schooles, and the manner and order thereof.

v. 4. Teach the learning and language of the Chaldeans. 1. Hence appeareth, that the institution of schooles, wherein youth should be brought vp in good letters, was very auncient: for here in Babylon, such as were afterward to be employed in the state, had their education in learning. So among the Egyptians they had the like vse, where Moses was taught the learning of the Egyptians. Among the Israelites 48. cities were appointed for the Leuites, which were as the common Schooles and Vniuersities for the whole kingdom. Samuel and Elizeus had their Schooles and Colledges of Prophets. Among the Grecians, Athens was famous for the studie of Arts: and in Egypt Alexandria: yea, the rude Indians had their Gymnosophistes: and the Romans had their Colledges of Augures.

2. Beside hence it is gathered that the chiefe care of the promoting of learning belongeth to the King, as here Nebuchadnezer giueth it in charge.

3. And because kings beeing occupied with other affaires cannot themselues attend that busines, they are to set ouer such places good ouerseers, as here the King committeth the care of this busines to Ashpenaz.

4. And as here choice is made of the best wits, and such as were not deformed, to be brought vp in learning; so such should now be preferred to places of learning, as are like to profit well in that profession: and not eueryevery spittle, and dulhead to be obtruded and thrust into such places by fauour, to make a scholler of, beeing fit for no other employment.

5. These vponupon whome this learned education is bestowed, were the sonnes of Nobles; whereas in many places noble men thinke it a disgrace to be learned: whereas there cannot be a greater ornament vntounto true nobilitie, then learning.

6. Here also it is shewed what they should learne, to be instructed in the knowledge of the tongues, whereby a way is made for other learning.

7. And they must not be alwaies learning: a time is prefixed here of three yeares, to take triall how they profit: they which are put to learning must not be non proficientes, but after some time make some proofe how they profit.

8. The king also prouideth su…ficient maintenance for them, a competent diet, not superfluous: but in times past Abbeyes had too much, and now Schooles of learning hauehave too little. Bulling.

Quest. 27. Why other names were giuen them.

1. Quia nomina Iudaea oderant & fugerant, because the Chaldeans did hate and shunne Hebrew and Iewish names, Iun, so also Hugo Card, indigne ferebat quod vocarentur nominibus Iudaeae, the king could not endure that they should be called with the names of Iudea: to the same purpose Lyranus, nomina Hebraica erant Babyloniis abominabilia, the Hebrew names were abominable to the Babylonians.

2. In changing of their names, the conquerer shewed his power ouer them, and that by this mutation of their names, they might know themselues to be seruants: for it is a signe of superioritie to impose names: as Adam gaue names vntounto the creatures; he also gaue a name vntounto his wife: so conquerors vsed to giuegive names to them whome they subdued: As Pharaoh king of Egypt, would hauehave Eliakim king of Iudah called Iehoiakim: and Nebuchadnezzar p. 24called Mattaniah the last king of the Iewes Zedekiah: Polan. Among the Romanes they which were adopted and receiued into the number of the citizens, did change their names for a remembrance and memoriall of that benefit: and seruants likewise, when they were manumitted did take vntounto them the names of noble and free men. Alexander.Alexander ab Alexandr…, lib. 4. Gen…al. dierum.

3. But there was a further reason in it: vt deleret rex memoriam propriae gentis, that by this meanes the king might blotte out the memorie of their owne nation and kindred.

4. And beside the names were abolished, which had any mention of God, as El. Iah. as one of these was in all their names: Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, and in the newe names giuen vntounto them there were quasi trophaea deorum suorum, as monuments of their gods: So by this meanes they thought to extinguish all memorie of their religion. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 28. Of the signification of their names both the newe, and the olde.

1. Daniel signifieth the iudgement of God, or whom the Lord iudgeth, Hananiah is named of grace and fauour: Mishael some interpret, asked of God: Pap. Osiander: but the better deriuation is, which is of God: Iun. Azariah helped of God.

2. Their newe names are thus interpreted: Belteshazar some would hauehave signifie, scrutator the saur…, a searcher of treasure, Pintus: some custos insignis thesauri, a keeper of a notable treasure, Bulling: some take it to signifie diuine treasure: Osiand, or the keeper of Bel, their idol: Pap. But the true sense is: one laying vp or keeping the treasurie of Bell: for the word is compounded of Bel and teshah to lay vp, and atzar treasure, Iun. Polan. this name was giuen by Ashpenaz to Daniel, but at the kings appointment, and therefore it is said, that the king named him Belthazar, cap. 5. 12. Shadrach, some expound a legate or embassadour, Osiand. some delicate, Bullin. Pap. some a delicate field: Pintus. but the true notation is this: 1. the inspiration of rach that is the sunne: for shadah signifieth to inspire, and rach, a king, which name they giuegive vntounto the Sunne. Meshach some interpret prolonging, Pintus: some industrious, Pappus: some pretious; Bullinger, Osiander: But it is compounded of Meh, which, and shach the name of Venus their festiuall goddes: Meshach, that is, who is of the goddes shacah, the festiuall goddesse: for the Babylonians vsed vponupon the 16. day of the monethmonth Loy to celebrate the feast of their goddes shacha for 5. dayes together, during which time one of the seruants was Lord and ruler of the familie, apparelled in a princely robe called Segane, the Hebrewes call it Saga: Iun. ex Athenaeolib. 14. dipnosophrast. Abednego some interpret servus lucis, seruant of the light, Pap. some servus illustris, a famous seruant; Osiander. some the seruant of Nego which was the starre of Venus: Bullin. some thinke it should be read Abednebo, the seruant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans: some giuegive the sense servus anxius, a carefull seruant, Pintus: But the true deriuation is, of ghebat a seruant, and Nego fire, which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God: So then in all these foure names, there was some memoriall of the Chaldean idolls; of Bel in the first, rach which was the Sunne in the next, of their goddesse Shacah, which was Venus in the third, and of their god Nego in the last. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate, and of the diuers kinds of abstinence.

Ver. 8. D…iel had determined in his heart, that he would not defile himselfe with the portion of the kings meate: 1. here we may remember that there are foure kinds of vnlawfull abstinence.

1. Some of the Philosophers,Philostrat. in vita Apollon. Laertius in Pythago. Porphyr. lib. de abstinentia. as Pythagoras, Empedocles, Apollonius, Porphyrius, because they imagined that the soules of men did passe into the bodies of beastes, & in varia se corpora indure, and did as it were cloth themselues with diuers bodies: for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh.

2. There were certaine heretikes, who therefore would eate no flesh, because they held them to be euill by nature, & a malo quodam principio conditas, and made at the first by some euill powers: such were the Heretikes Marcion, Tacianus, the Encratites, the Manichees: against whom Augustine did write, at large confuting their errors, but specially in his bookes against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee.

3. Some were in an other error, who at the first beeing conuerted from Iudais…e, did thinke they were bound to abstaine from certaine meates as vncleane, according to the law of Moses, concerning whom the Apostles made a decree. Act. 15.

p. 254. And some other there are, which hauehave a peruerse opinion of fasting, which thinke that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting; or they fast onelyonly for the praise of men, and opinion of the world. All these are in great error, and doe offend in their fasting, but Daniels abstinence was of none of these kinds. Pere.

Quest. 30. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate.

There were many pollutions in the meate, which serued at the kings table: 1. they might eate such flesh as was counted vncleane by the lawe of Moses; as swines flesh, hares and conies, were held to be vncleane by the lawe of the Hebrewes, and diuerse others both beasts, fish, and foule, as is declared, Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding vsed as delicate meates in the kings court. Pap, Bullinger: which meates though of their owne nature they defiled not, yet by the institution of God beeing forbidden, they defiled the eater, in respect of his disobedience to the lawe.

2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and siluer, and so consecrated their meates and table to their idols: for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained. Iun. Polan. Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first obseruation of meates was onelyonly legall, and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies: yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetuall afterward obserued of the Christians, as both is euident by S. Paul, 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sate downe in the idoll temples; and by the practise of the Primitiue Church, as Caecilius obiected to the Christians,Apud Minut. Foelic. lib. 8. Arnob. praeceptos & delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis, &c. yee abhorre meates commanded, that are consecrate to idols.

3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam, he did knowe that intemperancie was the fountaine of all distemperature: he remembred that Adam was cast out of paradise, for eating of the forbidden fruit, and Esau lost his birthright for a messe of pottage: Daniel therefore and the rest abstained, least they might be intangled with the desire of their delicate meates. Pintus.

4. An other reason was that the king by this sweet poyson should not cause him to forget his religion; Geneuens▪ ne inescaretur talibus illecebris, least he should hauehave beene caught with such baits: he therefore shunneth the occasion.

Quest. 31. vers. 8. How Daniel should hauehave beene defiled with the kings meate.

Though that the meate it selfe in it owne nature could not hauehave defiled Daniel, as our Blessed Sauiour saith, that which goeth into the mouth, defileth not the man, Matth. 15. 11. yet foure waies Daniel should hauehave defiled himselfe and others.

1. He had offended the godly if they were weake, in following his example, so wounding their owne conscience; if they were strong, yet they would hauehave grieued, to see the law of God transgressed.

2. The profane should hauehave beene scandalized, if they were enemies, in causing them to blaspheme, if they were indifferent, and such as of whom there might be hope, in putting before them a stumbling blocke, they might hauehave discouraged them from embracing their religion, in seeing them to doe contrarie to their owne profession.

3. Their owne conscience they should hauehave defiled in sinning against the …nowledge, and disobeying the lawe.

4. God they should hauehave contemned, in neglecting his lawe, and so in a manner hauehave polluted him: as in another case the Priests are said to hauehave polluted God, for offering vncleane bread vponupon his altar, Malach. 1. 7. Polan.

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate.

It is like that Daniel afterward did both eate and drinke of the kings prouision: for he was of the kings Court, and was the chiefe officer about the king, and sate in the kings gate, cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not vnlike but that he did liue at the kings diet, neither doe we read of Ioseph, that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh, that he refused the kings meat. Caluin. The reasons why Daniel abstained now, and not afterward may be these. 1. Daniel, principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur, at the beginning abstained from the delicats of the court, lest he should hauehave bin intangled, Cal. but afterward there was not the like feare, p. 26when Daniel was called to place of gouernement, and depended not vponupon the command and authority of others, as now he did. So also Pellic…iam grandaevus & extra periculum constitutus, vinum bibisse legitur, &c. when he waxed olde and was out of danger, he is found to hauehave drunke wine, &c. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae, necessitati, that the ceremonialls must giuegive place vntounto extreame necessitie: It is no question, but the people of the Iewes beeing in captiuitie did sometime eate of the meates forbidden by the lawe, rather then they should be famished: but if the eating of such meates had beene a deniall of their faith and religion, in that case, they should rather hauehave chosen to die, then in the least ceremonie to denie their faith: Osian. Daniel might then in his captiuitie vponupon such necessitie eate such things, as in their countrie were not lawfull, as other of his brethren did: but at this time his profession beeing called in question, least by such baites and enticements he might hauehave beene drawne away from it, he did in a godly resolution abstaine.

Quest. 32. Ver. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Ennuches not obtaining his request.

Ver. 9. Now God had brought Daniel into fauour, &c. 1. Some thinke, that whereas the chiefe of the Eunuches after excuseth himselfe by his feare, lest if he should hauehave granted his request, to allowe him other diet then the king had appointed, these two effects should hauehave followed, their countenances would looke worse, and his life should be in danger, that the Eunuch did denie his request: quod tentara, tnon successerat, that which he tried did not take place, Bulling▪ repulsam est passus, he suffered a repulse, Caluin. Pellican. impetrari non potuit, that could not be obtained which he desired. But this opinion is contrarie to the text: which saith that God gaue Daniel fauour with the chiefe of the Eunuches: but if he had altogether taken the repulse, he had found small fauour.

2. Wherefore herein consisted the fauour, which Daniel found. 1. in that he was not angrie with Daniel for making such a bould request contrarie to the kings commandement. 2. neither doth he vrge him to keepe the kings order for his diet. 3. or complaineth of him to the king. 4. but chiefely herein his fauour appeared, in that he pretending his feare and danger, did insinuate, that he could be contented, so that it might be done without any such danger or inconuenience, Polan. And he secretly might also giuegive him an hint to goe vntounto the vnderunder officer the butler, that attended vponupon them, who was the fitter man to winke at it, if question afterward should hauehave beene made: for it is like the butler afterward being found so willing, that he knewe the chiefe officers pleasure therein. Iun. Polan.

Quest. 33. Of Daniels request to the butler or officer.

Ver. 12. Prooue thy seruants I pray thee ten dayes, &c. 1. Daniel first propoundeth his request simply, that he would prooue them 10. dayes with course bread of pulse, and water to drinke: he setteth onelyonly tenne dayes, neither too long a time, vt de facili posset impetrare, that he might more easily obtaine his request: nor too short, that the truth might appeare, and some experience be had in that time, Lyran. for in the space of 10. dayes it might well be seene, whe… their bodies macrescerent, vel pinguescerent, did waxe leaner or fatter. Pellican.

2. Then followe the conditions of his request: the one is expressed, that vnlesse their countenances should be in as good liking as theirs, which fedde of the kings allowance, they would aske no further fauour: so he doth wisely antevertere, preuent what might be obiected: for Daniel knewe he would insist vponupon the same reasons which the chiefe of the Eunuches had done, v. 10. that their faces should be worse liking, and so he might be blamed. Caluin.

3. An other condition or supposall though not expressed, yet may be supplied, is that they did not purpose to make vntounto themselues any benefit of the kings meate, but they were contented it should be to his vse that attended vponupon them, as may be gathered, v. 16. where it is said, that the butler tooke from them the allowance of the kings meate and wine, and gaue them pulse. Iun.

Quest. 34. Whether Daniel tempted not God, in setting a certaine number of daies.

1. In the Apocryphall historie of Iudith, c. 8. 12. Iudith chargeth Ozias and the other p. 27gouernours of Bethulia, that they had tempted God in prescribing the space of fiue daies, within which time, if they had no helpe, they would giuegive vp the citie: But here Daniel doth not of any temeritie, or presumption set this prefixed time, but fidei magnitudine, by the greatnesse of his faith, as Hierome saith: Pere. so also Hugo Cardinal. he was certior factus à Domino de foelici euentu, he was assured by the Lord of happie successe. Caluin. And Daniel herein and his companions, did not onelyonly depend vponupon Gods generall promises out of his word, but they had some particular reuelation and direction for this thing. Iun.

2. But it will be obiected, if Daniel had such assurance, why then speaketh he so doubtfully, as referring the whole matter to his discretion: saying, ver. 13. as thou seest deale with thy seruants: to this it may be answered, Daniel allocutus est altorem humanitus, vt tamen de re diuinitus confirmatus esset, Daniel indeed speaketh vntounto his keeper after an vsuall manner, yet was in himselfe confirmed from God in this matter. Iun.

3. Daniel then hauing both the word of God to abstaine from such meates as were forbidden, Deut. 14. and Gods generall promise beside, that God would blesse their bread and water, if they would serue him, Exod. 23. 15. and further ex arcana renelatione certior factus, beeing assured by secret reuelation, of the euent, was mooued to propound this tearme of 10. dayes. Polan.

Quest. 35. vers. 12. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse, then of the kings meate.

1. Daniel here preferred not this course diet before the kings delicates vppon any superstitious opinion, as thinking thereby to merit with God, and to be more acceptable for the meates sake; for according to the Apostles rule, both he which eateth, eateth to the Lord, and giueth God thankes, and he that eateth not, eateth not to the Lord, and giueth God thankes, Rom. 14. 6. eueryevery creature is good, and we may thankefully take whatsoeuer the Lord hath prepared for our food. Polan.

2. But this may be one reason why Daniel made choice of pulse and seedes, hearbs and such like, because such things were not at any time forbidden vntounto the Iewes, before or vnderunder the lawe, neque de talibus fiebat oblatio idolis, neither of such things did they vse to offer vntounto idols: And therefore the Apostle saith, Rom. 14. 2. that he which was weake (not in bodie but in minde) did eate hearbs, least he should chance to eate things offered to idols. Lyran.

3. Daniel might hauehave eaten course bread, and other viler meates, but he contented himselfe with seedes and herbes, as the word hazeroghim signifieth, vt scilicet assidne gemeret, &c. that he might daily mourne, and remember his afflicted countrie, which he might easily hauehave forgotten, if he had giuen himselfe to a delicate life. And thefore Moses also did forsake Pharaohs Court, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God.

Quest. 36. vers. 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding of this course foode, was a naturall worke.

1. There are diuerse reasons in nature, why they which liue of simp… …nd course food, should be better liking, then many which liue in fulnesse and plentie: … the varietie of meate causeth varietie of diseases, the more simple the food then is, the more agreeable it is to nature, Osiand. 2. continuall vse and custome to keepe a slender diet, doth make it familiar and most wholesome to the bodie. 3. the strong constitution, temperature, and complexion of the bodie doth cause vntounto some better nourishment and strength, then a better diet doth vntounto those, that are of a bad constitution. 4. the cheerefulnesse of the minde, and inward contentednes helpeth much, euen in a thinne diet to strengthen nature: Pere. As the wise man saith, that a morsell of … with peace, is better then a house full of sacrifices with strife, that is, with disquietnesse of minde.

2. But this great encrease of beautie and fauour in Daniel and his companions, proceeded rather of the singular and extraordinarie blessing of God, then of their thinne diet: for they onelyonly did not exceede those in the goodnes of their complexion, which fedde of the kings meates, but their countenance in themselues appeared faiter and better liking, then at any time before. Pere.

p. 28Quest. 37. ver. 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vntounto Daniel and the other three, whether it were naturall or supernaturall.

1. This knowledge which was giuen vntounto them all was partly ordinarie in all humane learning, which was common vntounto them all: the Vulgar latine interpreter readeth, in omni libro, in eueryevery booke: but the word sepher is as well taken for the literature, the knowledge of artes and sciences, as for a booke, Polan. partly this knowledge was extraordinarie in the vnderstanding of visions and dreames, which was peculiarly aboue the rest giuen vntounto Daniel. Iun.

2. The knowledge of artes is obtained three waies: either naturally as Aristotle and Plato attained vntounto their learning: or supernaturally as Adam and Salomon had their wisedome and knowledge infused of God: or partly by naturall meanes, partly by supernaturall, as here Daniel and the other three vsed instructors, and other helpes to come vntounto their knowledge, but yet it was specially the gift of God.

3. For, whereas they attained vntounto a greater perfection, then any other, and that in so short a time, in the space of 3. yeares, it is euident, that they had more by Gods speciall gift, then by any humane industrie. Pere.

Quest. 38. VVhether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans.

1. Pererius opinion is that whereas the Chaldeans had many vaine and curious artes, as Magicke, Coniecturing, Inchanting, Iudiciarie Astrologie, and such like, that they might learne and knowe these speculatiue, by way of speculation, to confute them and auoide them, not to practise or exercise them: as God himselfe and the Angels hauehave the knowledge of such things: and the abuse in such knowledge, is either in the too great desire and affection, which they hauehave vntounto them which learne them, or in the euill ende, which they propound, seeking their owne gaine, or others commoditie therein.

Contra. 1. But that the verie studie and knowledge of such damnable artes is vnlawfull, by this it appeareth, because they which were conuerted to the faith in Ephesus burned their bookes of such curious artes: which they needed not to hauehave done, if the hauing and reading of such bookes had beene lawfull, Act. 29. 2. God knoweth all things, and is perfectly good, and cannot be tempted of euill: but man is easily seduced and peruerted: and Angels hauehave not their knowledge by labour and learning as man hath, but by the light of their nature: therefore those examples are not alike: 3. euen profitable humane artes may be by these meanes abused: but vnprofitable in their best vse are vnlawfull.

2. Osiander thinketh, that their Chaldean instructors would hauehave obtruded vponupon them their superstitious precepts among other instruction: but as they abstained from the kings meate, not to be defiled thereby; so it is like they did take heede of such corrupt and vnlawfull artes.

3. But it is more like, that as the kings meate was withdrawne from them, so by Gods prouidence they were preserued from all contagion of their superstitious inuentions, onelyonly beeing trained vp… their commendable learning, as Muses was in the Egyptian sciences. Caluin.

Quest. 39. Whether it be lawfull to vse the artes and inuentions of the heathen.

1. The profitable inuentions of the heathen, Christians may safely and lawfully vse: for like as in a tree, there are leaues for ornament, as well as fruite for necessarie vse: so the soule must be adorned as with the sound precepts of Theologie in stead of fruite, so it must be garnished with the knowledge of the artes, as the ornaments and leaues. But when any thing erroneous doth offer it selfe in their writings, … must either shunne it altogether, or cautelously read it; as we gather roses in a garden, but take heed of the pricks and thorns. Deut, 21. when any of Israel tooke a maide in battell, whom he liked, he was first to paire her nailes, and shaue her head, before he married her…so we must cut away in humane secular learning such things as are noxious and superstuous, and then captiue it to the vse of Christian religion. Pintus.

2. The bookes then and writing of the Heathen are fit and conuenient to be read: first p. 29in regard of some truth, which is set forth in them: 1. for euerie one naturally desireth to vnderstand and apprehend the truth. 2. yea and the spirit of God is the author of all truth: so that the light which shined in the darkenesse and blindnesse of the Heathen proceeded from the spirit of God, the true illuminator of the world. 3. their writings containe many profitable inuentions and precepts for mans life, as in the handling of morall vertues, of politike precepts, of mechanicall artes.

Secondly, euen the knowledge of their errors is profitable. 1. that we may know them to confute and abhorre them. 2. that knowing their errours we may the better auoid them our selues, and winne others from them. 3. to shewe the excellencie of the Scriptures, wherein is no error or impuritie, before all other humane learning and writing: for there are fiue things requisite and necessarie for euerie one to knowe: 1. that the soule is immortall: for he will neuer be perswaded to vertue, that thinketh there is nothing to be feared, or hoped for after this life. 2. what is the chiefe ende and happinesse, which eueryevery man is to propound vntounto himselfe. 3. which is the way whereby that ende may be atchieued. 4. whether God not onelyonly in generall, but in particular watch ouer vsus by his prouidence. 5. how this watchfull God, and most vigilant heauenly father is to be serued and honoured. All which things so necessarie to be knowne, are either not at all handled by the Philosophers, or verie absurdly, deceitfully, erroneously. Perer.

3. But it will be thus obiected. 1. seeing the Scriptures are alone sufficient to saluation, what neede we forreine helpes? 2. S. Paul Coloss. 28. seemeth to condemne Philosophie, beware least any man spoile you through Philosophie. 3. Iulian the Apostata, thus obiected, Cur abhorrent Christiani a sacrisiciis Gentilium, cum non abhorrent à libris Gentilium, why doe Christians abhorre the sacrifices of the Gentiles, seeing they doe not abhorre, not abstaine from reading of their bookes?

Answer. 1. The Scriptures are indeede alone sufficient for such things as belong vntounto saluation, neither to any such ende doe Christians craue helpe from the heathen; but they vse them onelyonly as supplies concerning things belonging vntounto this life: therefore as kings and princes vse the seruice of artificers, husbandmen, cookes, for inferior seruices, so it is not vnbeseeming a Christian to make vse of the Gentiles inuentions.

2. S. Paul simplie condemneth not philosophie, as that which consisteth of physicall, morall, or politicall principles and obseruations: but he speaketh against that erroneous part of Philosophie and vaine speculation, as in the adoration of Angels, and such like: and thus the Apostle expoundeth himselfe, in the next words, let no man spoile you through Philosophie, and vaine deceit.

3. There is not the like reason betweene the writings and sacrifices of the Heathen, for their bookes may be reade without hurt, one may choose the good and leaue the euill; but the sacrifices are altogether euill and idolatrous: yet the things in themselues, which they offer in sacrifice, the abuse set apart, Christians abhore not, as wine, bread, flesh; for they are the good creatures of God: but the abuse of them to most filthie idolatrie, they onelyonly abhorre and condemne. Per.

4. Notwithstanding therefore whatsoeuer is, or can be obiected, there is a lawfull and commendable vse of humane artes and learning among Christians: like as Moses made vse of the Egyptian, and Daniel of the Chaldean learning, and S. Paul in his writings of the sayings of the heathen poets: So the Christian Fathers armed themselues against the heathen with their owne weapons: as Cyrillus Alexand. against Iulian, Origen against Celsus, Methodius against Porphyrie, Hieronimus against Iouinian, the Apologies of Quadratus and Aristides Christian philosophers which were presented to Adrianus the Emperour in the behalfe of the Christians, are fraught with great store of heathen testimonies: so also are the writings of Iustinus, Tertullian, Eusebius, Lanctantius, Augustine, with others.

Quest. 40. Of the dreames and visions which Daniel had vnderstanding of.

1. The visions were such, as were shewed vntounto men waking: which were of two sorts, either, expressae signis corporalibus, such as were indeed expressed and represented by corporall signes, as the hand which appeared vntounto Balthazar vponupon the wall, and left a materiall writing behind it; or els per similitudines imaginarias effectae, such as were exhibited by certain imaginarie similitudes: such were diuerse visions, which Ieremie and Ezekiel had, and the visions shewed to Daniel in this booke: by dreames are vnderstood such visions, as were p. 30represented vntounto men in their sleepe. Per.

2. But this must be vnderstood neither of naturall and humane dreames, the interpretation whereof belongeth vntounto Physicians and Philosophers, but of diuine dreames.

3. And hereby also is signified that Daniel excelled in all kind of propho…e, which is vnderstood by these two, visions and dreames, Numb. 12. 6. Iun. so that Daniel onelyonly of these foure was endued with the gift of prophesying. Genevens.

Quest. 41. Whether this gift of vnderstanding visions and dreames were in Daniel as an habite permanent and remaining alwaies in him.

Lyranus seemeth to be of opinion, that this gift was habituall in Daniel, and that it was alwaies present with him: 1. because as God gaue the other knowledge, which was an habit in them, so he gaue Daniel this gift of vnderstanding dreames: 2. there are but three things in the soule, potentiae, passiones, habitus, powers and faculties, as to will, to vnderstand, passions and affections, and habits as of vertues, arts, and such like: But this gift to expound dreames, was no facultie of the minde, for then it should hauehave beene generall, and much lesse was it any passion, which are most seene in the sensitiue part; therefore it was an habite.

Contra. 1. Both knowledge was giuen to the rest, and this speciall vnderstanding to Daniel by the Lord the onelyonly fountaine and author of eueryevery good gift, but they were not giuen in the same manner. 2. naturally in the soule these three things are to be found, but this gift in Daniel was supernaturall, and therefore is not comprehended in that diuision of the naturall faculties and parts of the soule.

2. Wherfore I subscribe rather vntounto Pererius, donum illud non fuisse in Daniele tanquam habitum permanentem, &c. that this gift in Daniel was not as a permanent habite alwaies remanying with him, as may be thus shewed. 1. An habite which is alwaies permanent, one may vse when he will, where, and how he will; but so could not Daniel vse this propheticall gift of interpreting dreames: for when the first dreame of the king was propounded to him, he obtained the interpretation thereof by his and his brethrens earnest prayers, and he desired the king to giuegive him leasure, c. 2. 16. likewise when he heard the other dreame, he held his peace by the space of an houre, c. 4. 16. in his heart beseeching the Lord to cause him to vnderstand it.

2. As it was in other Propheticall gifts, so in this: but the Prophets did not alwaies prophesie, but at such time as the spirit of God came vponupon them, and did illuminate them: as the prophet Elisha caused a Musician to play before him, and then he prophesied: Nathan when first Dauid consulted with him to build God an house, had then no prophesie or reuelation till the night following, 2. Sam. 7. the propheticall illumination then is like vntounto the light, not which is alwaies inherent in the bodie of the Sunne, but which at times shineth in the aire, and sometime is ouercast: so the prophets could not prophesie when they would themselues, but as they receiued present illumination, and direction of the spirit.

3. Now yet they were still called Prophets, euen then, when they prophesied not, both because of their vocation and calling, they were threunto appointed by God, as Ieremie, was sanctified in his mothers wombe to be a Prophet, or because they did often prophesie, ex frequentia prophetandi, they had the name of Prophets. Pere.

Quest. 42. Of the diuers kinds of dreames, and whether there be any diuine dreames.

Dreames vsually are diuided into these three kinds, naturall, humane, which are called animalia, and supernaturall. 1. Naturall are such, which are chiefly raised by naturall obiects, as when men dreame of meat and drinke being hungrie or thirstie: of such dreames speaketh the Prophet Isay, 29. 80. And these dreames are incident to bruit beasts. 2. Humane dreames are such as are raised by the multitude of the busines, wherein men are occupied in the day: such dreames the Preacher describeth, Eccles. 5. 2. A dreame commeth by the multitude of busines. 3. Supernaturall dreames are of two kinds, either diuine, which are sent of God for some spirituall instruction and admonition, or the signification of some things to come: such were the dreames of Pharaoh, Gen. 41. and Nabuchadnezzar in this booke, c. 2. 4. and c. 4. There are also Diabolical dreames, which are wrought by Satan to se…ce and deceiue: for if he can by inward suggestions delude and deceiue the minde, he can also as well by vaine dreames and fansies insinuate himselfe to deceiue: such were the vaine visions and illusions which he deceiued the priests of Baa… by, when he went as a lying spirit in the monthes p. 31of them all, to perswade Ahab to goe and fall at Ramath in Gilead. Pappus.

Quest. 43. Whether there be any diuine dreames.

1. Aristotle in his booke foreign, of diuination by dreames, denieth that there are any diuine dreames at all: he confesseth that there are somnia daemonica, dreams demonicall or spirituall: but there also he ascribeth vntounto nature: his reasons against diuine dreames are these,

1. If there were any such diuine dreames, they should be sent and shewed to the best and most wise and vertuous men, and not to men of eueryevery sort, as they are.

2. If God would teach men, he would rather doe it by day then by night.

3. Where God instructeth men, he doth it plainly and manifestly, not obscurely and doubtfully, as is the reuelation by dreames.

4. Bruit beasts hauehave their dreames, therefore they are not diuine.

2. Contra. These arguments are soone answered. 1. Such dreames are for the most part shewed vntounto good men, but not alwaies, least they should thinke that by their worthines they had deserued that grace: and when it pleaseth God to manifest himselfe by such dreames to other then to the righteous, it is for their conuersion, or for the common good of his Church: such were the dreames which Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar had.

2. To appoint the Lord to instruct men by day, rather then by night, is to prescribe lawes vntounto him: he best knoweth the waies and meanes, when and how to speake vntounto mens soules.

3. Though dreames are in themselues obscure, yet God giueth also the interpretation of them, as of Pharaohs dreames by Ioseph, of Nabuchadnezars by Daniel: he leaueth not men in doubtfulnes and suspense, as Apollos ambiguous oracles did.

4. Beasts hauehave in deede some kind of dreames, namely such as are naturall and caused in the phantasie and sensitiue part: but this kinde of diuine and supernaturall dreames they hauehave not: such as was Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzars dreames, and Iosephs, Matth. 1. Papp.

Quest. 44. Whether there be any truth or certentie in dreames.

1. As Cicero said, that there is nothing so absurd, which is not found to hauehave beene said by some of the Philosophers; so some of them hauehave maintained, that all dreames were true, and had their certaine signification: of which opinion was Protagoras, with other Stoikes, whose generall opinion was, that the truth consisted not in the nature of things, but onelyonly in the opinion of men: and that some dreames were held to be vaine and friuolous, the reason they saide to be this, because they are difficult, ambiguous, and obscure, and so are not well perceiued and vnderstood.

Contra. But this opinion is confuted by the Scriptures, beside daily experience, which sheweth that men hauehave many thousand dreames, which neuer take effect: and if one of a thousand agree with the euent, it is accidentall, and by some casuall occurrent, and not otherwise: The Preacher saith, in the multitude of dreames and vanities are many words, Eccl. 5. 6. he ioyneth dreames and vanities together. The Prophet giueth instance of such vaine dreames, in an hungrie man that dreameth, and behold (in his imagination) he eateth, and when he awaketh, his soule is emptie, Isa. 29. 8. what is this els but a vaine dreame? Such are the dreames of drunken, franticke, couetous men, who dreame of such vaine things as their minde is occupied in: such dreames are like the apparitions in the clouds, many formes and fashions are there seene, which are soone dispersed of the winde, and come to nothing.

2. Some held the contrarie opinion, that no credit was to be giuen to any dreames at all, as Xenophanes, Caliphonius, and the Epicures, for seeing all dreames were of the same nature, and some were vaine and friuolous, all must be held to be so. Againe say they, if there were any certentie in dreames, they must proceede from some certaine causes: either God, or nature: but it is not like Deum obire lectos dormientium, that God should compasse mens beds when they are asleepe, and cast dreames into their minds: and nature is the cause of order, but in dreames there is confusion and disorder.

Contr. 1. All dreames are not of one nature, therefore it followeth not, if some be vaine, that all are. 2. Gods prouidence watcheth ouer men both waking and sleeping: he passeth not from place to place, but beeing in heauen beholdeth all things, and doth whatsoeuer it pleaseth him in heauen and in earth. 3. Nature worketh certently and orderly, when it p. 32worketh by certaine and setled causes: variable and turbulent causes must bring forth the like effects: but true and diuine dreames are most certaine, constant, and orderly, as proceeding from him, who is the author of order.

3. Wherefore the resolution here is, that as there are some vaine and phant…sticall dreames procured by mens distempered humours in their bodies, or their disordered and vnsetled imaginations in their minde; so there are diuine, profound, and holy dreames: as were the dreames and visions by night of Abraham, Abimelech, Iaakob, Laban, Ioseph, Pharaoh, Salomon, Nebuchadnezzer, Paul, Act. 16. 9. which holy dreames and visions had their euident signification, and sure effect. Perer.

Quest. 45. Of the causes of true dreames.

1. Plato his opinion was,Plato in convivto. that dreames were procured by spirits, who were the mediatours that went between God and man: he thought that God himselfe did not meddle with humane affaires, but by the mediation and entercourse of such spirits, and that by them therfore all dreames were procured. But the contrarie is euident, that some dreames are wrought onelyonly by naturall meanes, as by the multitude of busines in the day, Eccles. 5. 2. and where there is any spirituall cause, that the Lord himselfe sometime is the agent, as it is said, God came to Abimelech in a dreame, Gen. 20. 3.

2. Aristotle on the contrarie held, that all true dreames proceeded of naturall causes: but that is vntrue also: for the prediction and foretelling of things to come, which often is shewed in dreames, cannot by any naturall meanes be searched out.

3. The Stoikes made three causes of dreames, God, fatall necessitie, and the libertie of the soule, which in sleepe is free from all other perturbations. Contr. The first cause we allow, but not of all dreames: but fatall necessitie there is none, for then God who is most free, should himselfe be tied to such fatall necessitie, and connexion of causes: and if the freenesse of the soule in sleepe caused such dreames, then one should as well hauehave such dreames as an other: for in the time of rest eueryevery mans soule is free from the busines of the day.

4. Porphyrius thinketh, that the notions which are naturally in the soule, which it brought with it into the bodie, are the causes of dreames: which notions shew more freely in the night, then in the day. But Christian religion acknowledgeth no such former notions, or preexistence of the soule before it came to the bodie: for the Lord formeth the spirit of man within him, Zachar. 12. 1.

5. Synesius maketh the phantasticall part of the soule to be the cause of dreames: that as the representations of diuers things are raised in the phantasie, so the soule thereupon conceiueth dreames: and therefore Pythogoras going to bed vsed to fall asleepe with the sound of the harpe, and so prepared himselfe to hauehave quiet and pleasant dreames. But yet the cause appeareth not, why such imaginations and representations should be raised vp in the phantasie: the phantasie affecteth the soule, but how commeth the phantasie to be so affected first?

6. Hippocrates maketh two causes of dreames,Lib. de insomnijs. the diuine and supernaturall instinct, which is infused of God, and the naturall disposition of the bodie: for as the humours are affected; if there be emptines or fulnesse, or any distemperature in the bodie, the dreames are answerable. But as these are the true causes of diuine, and naturall dreames: so of other dreames other causes must be found out. Hippocrates then toucheth the true causes of some, but not of all dreames.

7. Gregorie maketh sixe causes of dreames: 1. the fulnes or emptines of the bodie: 2. the diu…ne cogitations: 3. the illusion of Satan: 4. the illusion of Satan and mans thoughts together: 5. the diuine reuelation: 6. the diuine instinct and humane thoughts concurring together. But as Hippocrates alleadged not all the causes; so Gregorie maketh more causes then he needeth, as now shall be shewed.

8. As then there are fowre sort of dreames, as hath beene before declared, Quest. 42. so there are fowre causes of the same.

1. Naturall dreames proceede of naturall causes; as cholerike men dreame of fire, phlegmatike of water, melancholike men of darknes and blacknes: and any distempered humour or affected part of the bodie often raiseth a dreame agreeable,Lib. de prae…agijs. as Galen reporteth of one that dreamed that one of his legges was made of stone, and presently after he was taken with a palsie and nummenesse in that legge.Lib. 7. c. 50. And Plinie writeth how P. Cornelius Ruffinus in his sleepe thought that he suddenly became blind, and when he awaked, he was blind in deede.

p. 332. Of humane dreames, humane affaires are the cause, which leaue a strong impression in the minde, whereby such like dreames are engendred in the night, as the thoughts were in the day: so mariners dreame of the sea and fish, husbandmen of the fields, shepheards of their sheepe: of this kind was Hannibals dreame, who hauing now swallowed Italie in his desire, as he transported his armies from Spaine thither he had a dreame, wherein he saw a most hideous serpent destroying and deuouring all where he went: this dreame was answerable to his desire, and seemed to issue forth of his former thoughts.

3. The third sort of dreames is Diabolicall, which Satan casteth into mens mindes to seduce and deceiue them, and of these the Deuill is the author, who is the third generall cause of dreames: for if some dreames were not caused by Satan, why should the Lord condemne such dreamers of dreames, which should goe about to seduce and deceiue the people, Deut. 13. 1. Of this kinde may be thought Alexanders dreame to hauehave beene, who (comming to Ptolome the next king of Egypt after beeing sore wounded by a venemous dart, and of that wound like to die) fell asleepe by him, and in his sleepe saw a serpent bringing a roote in his mouth, shewing the place where it grew, whereby Ptolome was healed.

These Sathanicall dreames are of two sorts: for some of them doe prognosticate of things to come, which Sathan can foretell two waies, either by naturall causes he can foresee the euents, or he doth foretell such things as he knoweth he is permitted of God to doe: the other kind of Diabolicall dreames tendeth to the inciting and stirring vp of men to sinne, as murder, lust, or other vngodlines.

4. The fourth cause of dreames, is God himselfe, who by dreames and visions in the night diuersly instructeth men, and teuealeth vntounto them things to come. ex Perer.

Quest. 46. How Diabolicall, and Diuine dreames may be discerned.

1. Diabolicall dreames are discerned, 1. by the matter, if they be vnchast and vncleane dreames prouoking vntounto any vice or impietie: 2. by the ende, if one shall hauehave a reuelation in a dreame of things to come, whereof there is no profitable ende, but onelyonly the feeding of mens curiositie, or the maintaining of superstition. 3. by mens persons also a coniecture may be made; as if vncleane and corrupt dreames be offered vntounto godly and righteous men: therein they are to suspect the craft of Satan, that he goeth about to assault and tempt them.

2. Concerning Diuine dreames they are two waies principally discerned: by the excellencie of the matter, as when things to come are reuealed, the knowledge whereof onelyonly belongeth vntounto God, or the Lord discouereth mans secret thoughts, which he onelyonly can descrie: the other way is by the illumination of the minde, when the Lord doth so euidently reueale himselfe vntounto the soule and minde of man, that he nothing doubteth of the author of those dreames, but knoweth assuredly, that the Lord spake vntounto him in a dreame: such were the dreames which Abraham, Ioseph, Daniel, Paul had: for like as naturally the soule hath light to discerne of the first notions and principles; so the minde in this case is illuminate to acknowledge the diuine instinct.

3. In diuers manners and to diuers purposes doth the Lord speake vntounto men in dreames: 1. sometime he terrifieth and feareth them, as he staied Abimelek and Laban by fearefull dreames, that they should doe no hurt, the one to Abraham, the other to Iaakob. 2. sometime the Lord encourageth men by dreames to enterprise some great worke, as he did Gedeon, Iudg. 7. 9. 3. he admonisheth some by dreames, what they should doe, as Paul, Act. 16. and Ioseph, Matth. 1. 4. God instructeth by dreames concerning things to come, as he did in Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzers dreames.

4. And as the endes, and purposes are diuers, why the Lord sendeth dreames; so also the kinds are diuers. 1. some diuine dreames are plaine and manifest, and neede no interpretation; such were the dreames of Ioseph of the starres, and the sheaues. 2. sometime God speaketh with them himselfe in their dreames, as with Abimelech, Gen. 20. sometime an Angel appeareth, as to Ioseph, Matth. 1. sometime a man, as to Paul, Act. 16. 3. sometime God sendeth dreames not expected or desired, such were Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzers dreames: sometime they are first craued and desired, as God reuealed vntounto Daniel in a vision by night the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzers dreame, which he himselfe had before begged and intreated by prayer. 4. and some diuine dreames are answerable to the precedent thoughts of the heart, as Iosephs dreame was to direct him what he should doe with p. 34Marie, whome he was carefull of before, and much troubled in himselfe about that matter.

Quest. 47. Why it pleased God by visions and dreames to instruct his seruants.

1. One reason Hippocrates yeeldeth,Lib. de insomnijs. because in the day time men are distracted with many affaires and much busines, so that the minde is not so free and apt in the day, to receiue such spirituall direction, as in the night.

2. Aristotle saith, that dreames come in the night, propter noctis silentium, & sens…um exteriorum vacationem, Lib. de divinat. somnijs.because of the silence of the night, and the rest and intermission of the senses: and the soule then beeing not hindred, neither by the occurrent busines of the day, nor by the employment of the senses, is more readie and free to attend vponupon God.

3. Beside the night is secret, and so the Lord may then secretly insinuate his will without any disturbance of the partie, or obseruation of others, &c.

4. By this it appeareth also quanto sit Deus potentior ad hominem docendum, &c. how much more powerfull God is to teach and instruct man, then any other can: for one man onelyonly can instruct another waking, and giuing attention; but God can instruct men in their sleepe.in lib. Aristot. de divinat. Averroes hath this opinion, he denieth not but that a man in sleepe may hauehave a propheticall instinct, yet he thinketh that other artes and sciences cannot be inspired by that meanes, which are onelyonly attained vntounto by precept and experience, and by the helpe of the outward sense. But herein he sheweth his ignorance, not knowing the Scriptures, and the power of God: for though ordinarily artes are learned by such meanes, yet God hath infused knowledge without any such …elps: as into Noah, Bezaleel and Aholiab the builders of the Sanctuarie, Salomon, the Apostles.

5. Adde further, that seeing sleepe is an image and representation of death, by this meanes we are taught, that the soule liueth after the death of the bodie, and hath more perfect knowledge and illumination, then while it was in the bodie: as more visions and reuelations hauehave beene shewed vntounto men in their dreames, their bodie beeing asleepe, then when they were awake.

Quest. 48. Why visions and dreames are often shewed vntounto simple and vnlearned men.

1. By this one reason Aristotle, and after him Cicero would eleuate the authoritie of diuine dreames: for thus they obiect, that if there were any such diuine dreames giuen vntounto men by God, ea non obscuris & indoctis hominibus, sed viris sapientia praeditis dari par erat, it was meete they should be giuen not vntounto obscure and vnlearned men, but vntounto such as were wise, &c.

2. To this obiection we thus answer: 1. that such Sathanicall dreames as were vsed among the heathen, were inspired into the simple, ignorant, and superstitious, that were apt to beleeue any thing, that they might not perceiue the fraud of those spirits, whose oracles were vaine, and void of truth, doubtfull and ambiguous. 2. but diuine dreames in deede were for the most part reuealed vntounto wise and prudent men, as vntounto Abraham, Ioseph, Salomon, Daniel. 3. sometime also such dreames were sent vponupon meane men of no great learning or wisdome in the world, but they were such as were deuout and religious: which their holines and pietie did make them more capable of heauenly visions and reuelations; whereas the wisdome and greatnes of this world doth puffe man vp, and so is an impediment and obstacle to such mysticall instructions. 4. God also hath sometime giuen such dreames vntounto wicked and impious men, as to Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzer: but then such dreames were shewed them, not for their owne benefit, but for the good of Gods Church: and beside though they had dreames, yet they had not the interpretation of them, but therein vsed the helpe of Gods seruants, as Pharaoh of Ioseph, Nabuchadnezzar of Daniel.

Quest. 49. Why dreames are not alwaies cleare and manifest, but darkely and obscurely propounded.

1. The reason why diabolicall dreames, such as were vsuall among the Heathen, were obscure and doubtfull, may readily be rendered; because the spirits which deceiued them, had no certaine knowledge of things to come, and therefore the dreames and oracles which they gaue, were so doubtfully and obscurely propounded, that howsoeuer the euent was, it might seeme answerable to the dreame: and if they failed in their hope, the interpretation should be laid not vponupon the reuelation which was giuen, but vponupon themselues, that could not rightly vnderstand it.

p. 352. But Diuine dreames either were euident, plaine, and manifest, as the dreames which Abimelech, Salomon, and Ioseph had, Matth. 1. or if they were obscure, it was for one of these causes: 1. that they might seeke vntounto the seruants of God for the interpretation of their dreames, as Pharaoh did vntounto Ioseph. 2. that the seruants of God themselues might by earnest praier begge of God the vnderstanding and interpretation of such dreames. 3. the manifold mysteries shut vp in such short visions made them the more obscure: as c. 2. the vision of the image comprehended more, then could be contained in a long processe of speach: such visions the more compendious, so much the more obscure were they. 4. the Lord thought good obscurely and darkely to reueale his will in dreames, that the truth might lie as hid for a time, till such time as they were fulfilled and accomplished: as Iosephs dreames of the bending of the sheaues and bowing of the starres, were not perfectly vnderstood, till he was aduanced in Egypt.

Quest. 50. What dreames may be obserued, and by whome.

1. To obserue all dreames is friuolous, and superstitious: 1. for this were much like to the ridiculous customes of the Heathen, that tooke vponupon them to coniecture by the flying of birds, and looking into the entralls of beasts. 2. beside it sauoureth of the Stoicall fatall necessitie, to think that all things necessarily should follow, as men surmise by their dreames. 3. And if starre-gazing be condemned of the wise, and curious Astrologicall obseruations, much more is such coniecturing by dreames to be contemned, which hath more vncertentie in it then the other.

2. Some dreames notwithstanding (though not all) may be marked: but yet Iamblicus rule is friuolous; that such dreames as happen either in the beginning of sleepe, before the minde be ouercast with the fuming vapors of meates and drinke, or in the ende when now all such vapors are concocted and digested by sleepe, are worthie of obseruation: but those which come in the middes of sleepe, the bodie then beeing drenched as it were, and fuming with such vapors, are not at all to be regarded: for this were to limit God, to appoint him his times and seasons, when he should inspire men.

3. There are then naturall dreames, which may be obserued for a mans health: by such Physitians doe iudge of the distemper of the humours, and of inclination to diseases: there are also other humane dreames, wherein mens infirmities doe shew themselues, and so thereby perceiuing what vices they are subiect vntounto, they may be admonished to amend them: such dreames may lawfully be obserued, which tende either to the health of the bodie, or the soule. But diuine dreames are most worthie of obseruation of all other, whereby the Lord doth often signifie his will concerning things to come: which kind of dreames cannot be interpreted but by the same spirit wherby they are sent: as Daniel saith to the King, The secret which the king hath demanded, can neither the wise, the Astrologians, the Inchanters, and Soothsayers declare vntounto the King: but there is a God in heauen which reuealeth secrets. c. 2. 27, 28.

Quest. 51. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will, and the same acceptable to God.

1. Pererius thinketh that in such dreames and visions, there is soluta vis rationis, but not perfectus liberi arbitrij vsus, a free vse of reason, but not the perfect vse of freewill, for to that there is required the libertie of all the senses, and powers, that then homo should be Dominus sui, Lord of himselfe.

2. Contra. 1. In that sense, man hath no perfect vse of free will neither waking nor sleeping, to be as Lord of himselfe▪ to euill mans will is free; but he cannot bonum agere, nisi à bono agatur, doe any good, vnlesse he be drawne thereunto of God, which is good: 2. but the vse of the reason and will is otherwise as free in such visions and dreames, as when men are waking: for the soule and vnderstanding sleepeth not, neither is bound in sleepe, but the sense onelyonly: And this notably appeareth by that heauenly dreame and vision, which Salomon had, 1. King 3. 5. wherein both God first bid Salomon aske what he would, and he asked wisedome; and God approoued this his petition, and actually gaue him his request: and all this was done while he was asleepe: Salomon could not hauehave made such request of God, nor the Lord accepted it, if it had beene a fansie and imagination onelyonly in his sleepe: But to this diuers answeres are made;

p. 361. Pererius saith, that Salomon had before made that petition vntounto God for wisedome, which his petition the Lord approoued in his sleepe, not because it was made then, but before; But no such thing in extant in the text, of any former petition: the first motion and occasion was giuen by the Lord himselfe, who said to Salomon in his dreame, Aske what I shall giuegive thee, and thereupon he made his request for wisedome.

2. Tostatus hath an other answer, which Pererius rather approoueth then the former, that whatsoeuer is said there to be done, non revera, sed per imaginariam tantum dormientis visionem esse factum, was not verily done, but in the imaginarie vision of Salomon beeing asleepe: But this cannot be admitted, imaginarie petitions are not accepted of God, and they onelyonly hauehave imaginarie effects: but here Salomon was verily endued with wisedome euen in his sleepe: for presently after he waked, he perceiued that it was a diuine dreame, and felt himselfe encreased with that excellent gift of wisedome, which immediately after he put in execution.

3. Therefore it may safely be held, that this was more then a simple dreame: for dreames are but representations of things past, present, or to come, but here there was an actuall collation of that, which was shewed in the dreame: It was therefore both a dreame, and a vision concurring with the dreame; a dreame it was, because it fell out in sleepe, but in this dreame Salomons soule had free conference with God, in which respect it may be said to be a vision.

Quest. 52. vers. 21. How Daniel is said to hauehave beene vntounto the 1. yeare of king Cyrus.

1. Some thinke that this is to be vnderstood of the time of Daniels prophecying: Theoderet: so also Caluin: among the Assyrians, and Chaldeans, agnitus erat pro summo propheta, he was taken for a great prophet: but this cannot be the meaning: for he had some propheticall visions in the 3. yeare of Cyrus, cap. 10. 1.

2. Much lesse can it be referred to the time of Daniels life, as Pellican seemeth to thinke: for he liued to the 3. yeare of Cyrus, how long after it is vncertaine: vponupon which reason Hierome resolueth, non vitae illius tempus accipiendum est, the time of his life cannot be here taken.

3. Osiander thinketh that hereby is signified, that …e liued and continued so long, that he saw to his great ioy the returne of his people out of captiuitie, which was in the 1. yeare of Cyrus: This indeede is most true, but in this place, mention beeing made of Daniels standing before the king, that is, his ministring in the Court, there is more vnderstood then simply his continuing and remaining vntill that time.

4. Vatablus giueth this exposition, that so long he was minister in aula regis, a principall officer in the kings Court: but so was he afterward also a chiefe gouernour vnderunder Cyrus. c. 6.

5. Lyranus thinketh that hereby is signified the honour and glorie of Daniel in regno Chaldaeorum & Persarum, in the kingdome both of the Chaldeans and Persians: but the words vntounto the first yeare of Cyrus, are exclusiuely rather then inclusiuely to be taken: as though that time determined the space here set.

6. Therefore the purpose and intent of these words is, not to shewe the tearme when Daniels prophesie or state in honour ended, but to signifie that during all the time of the Chaldean Monarchy he continued in great honour and reputation in Babylon and Chaldea: postea à Dario in Medos translatus est, afterward he was translated by Darius vntounto the Medes; Hierome, Iun. Polan. and among them also he was in great honour: But from the time that he first stood before Nebuchadnezzar and serued him, he was in estimation all that kings dayes, and in the raigne of Evilmerodach his sonne, and of Balthazars his sonne: though it may seeme that he was not altogether so much set by in Balthazar time, as before. Osiand.