Commentary on Daniel, Chapter 5 · Questions

Commentary on Daniel · Chapter 5 · Questions

p. 1473. The questions and doubts discussed.

Quest. 1. Why this chapter is transposed and not set downe according to the order of time.

1. It is euident by the last verse of this chapter, that this historie fell out in the last yeare of Balthazars raigne, for at this time Babylon was taken: but the prophesies and visions contained, cap. 7. 8. were shewed vntounto Daniel before, the one in the first yeare, c. 7. 8. the other in the third, cap. 8. 1.

p. 1482. The reason hereof is this, because Daniel would set downe together all the matters of fact and historie vntounto the 7. chapter, and then followe the propheticall visions together, which onelyonly were reuealed to Daniel, from cap. 7. to the ende; beside this chapter hath a very fit coherence with the former: for as there it is shewed how Nebuchahnezzar was punished for his pride, so the like is set forth here in the fall of Balthazar.

3. It is like that many other memorable acts fell out in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar, his sonne Euilmerodach, and this Balthazar, but Daniel onelyonly toucheth such things, quorum vtilis futura erat posteris memoria, the memorie and knowledge whereof might be profitable to posteritie: as were these miraculous workes of God, which were shewed vponupon these kings, Theodoret.

Quest. 2. Of the kings of Chaldea which succeeded after Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Iosephus setteth them downe in this order,lib. 10. antiqui. c. 13. after Nebuchadnezzar he nameth his sonne Abilomarodachus, then Niglisar his sonne, and Labosardachus his sonne the father of Balthazar: the same order followeth Eusebius differing somewhat in names: he calleth these four Amilmathapacus, Egressa…ius, Labosardochus, Balthazar: lib. 9. de praepar. c 3.so also Hierome and Lyran.

2. Metasthenes as Pintus alleadgeth him, saith that Euilmerodach had three sonnes which succeeded one another, the first Niglazar, or Regassar, who raigned 2. yeares, then Lab-assar-dach, who raigned 3. yeares, and the third was Balthazar.

3. But all these are deceiued: for it is euident out of the S…pture, Ierem. 27. v. 5, 6, 7. that after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded onelyonly his sonne, and his sonnes sonne: there were not then 4. descents, but onelyonly three from Nebuchadnezzar, who was the grandfather, not the greatgrandfather of Bal…hazar: for after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded Euilmerodach, 2. king. 25. 27. and after him his sonne Balthazar, thus Hugo. Vatab. Inn. Oecolamp. Calvin.

4. But hereupon riseth this difference, that this Ncega-letzer, or Niglazar did depose Euilmerodach his kinsman, who together with his sonne Balthazar liued in exile among the Medes, and in the meane time Neegaletzer, or Niglazar possessed the kingdome: and so indeede there were fower in all, but one of them was an vsurper, Polan. see more hereof afterward, quest. 20.

Quest. 3. Of the diuerse names of this Balthazar.

1. He is here called Belshatzar, which signifieth a searcher of treasure, of belash, scrutatus est, he searched, and atzar, treasure: he is called of Metasthenes, Balt—assar, and in the vulgar Latine, Balsasar, of the Septuag. Baltasar.

2. He was also called Nabobonidus, or Naboan with Iosephus, or Nebonidachus in Eusebius, or as others Nebonidus: which signifieth a prince expelled.

3. Herodotus calleth him Labynetus, or Labunit…s, the sonne of Nitocris, whom he maketh more famous then Semiramis: but here Herodotus falleth into great error, making these two famous Queenes but fiue ages or generations one before another, whereas from Semiramis to Nitocris, there were runne a 1500. yeares. Peter.

4. Pererius thinketh, that this Balthazar was called Merodach, because Ieremie saith, cap. 50. 2. Bel is confounded, Merodach is broken downe: where Merodach which signifieth sceptrifer, a scepter bearer, is there vnderstood rather of their idol Bel, as appeareth by the phrase, is broken downe: which title also they gaue vntounto their kings, Iun. annot. some thinke that Euilmerodach was so called, as to say prince of Merodaci…, the name of a region of Babylon, which Ptolomie calleth Amordacia, Polan.

Quest. 4. In what yeare of Balthazars raigne this historie fell out.

1. Pererius thinketh it was in the 17. yeare of his raigne. Hugo Cardinal. in the 18. yeare: Metasthenes giueth vntounto Balthazars raigne 5. yeares: Calvin saith he raigned 8. yeares, and this happened in the last yeare of his raigne.

2. But it was rather in the third and last yeare of his raigne, as Oecolamp. Bulling. for if so many as 17. or 18. yeares be allowed vntounto Balthazars raigne, there will be more then 70. yeares of captiuitie, which now were expired at the taking of Babylon, and Cyrus entrance: for 37. yeares were gone of the captiuitie before Euilmerodach beganne to raigne, 2. king. 25. 27. then Euilmerodach raigned as some account 30. yeares, Bulling. others giuegive him but 23. Oecolampad. Calvin. they that giuegive the least reckon 18. yeares, Iosephus. there p. 149could not then be yet 18. yeares remayning. And that it was in the third yeare rather, then in the 5. or 8. this may be a probable reason, because there is mention in Daniel of noe more then the 3. yeare of Balthazar, c. 8. 1.

Quest. 5. Of the greatnesse of Balthazars feast.

Vers. 1. He made a great feast. We reade of other feasts as great as this, as that which Ptolome the last king of that name, the father of Cleopatra, made vntounto Pompey: who envited a thousand of his captaines to a feast, setting before euerie one of them a cuppe of gold to drinke in, and changing the dishes with the messes. But Alexanders feast also exceeded this, who at the solemnizing of his mariage bid 10. thousand gh…stes, giuing vntounto eueryevery one of them a golden cuppe. And Assuerus feast went beyond these, who had at one feast all the princes and captaines of his kingdome and prouinces, which were an 127. Esther. 1. 1. But of all other that was the greatest feast, which Plin…e writeth to hauehave bin made by Pythius, who entertained all Xerxes huge armie, which consisted of 700. thousand, and 88. thousand men: and promised them pay for fiue moneths. 2. Yet this was a great feast, wherein were present a thousand of Balthazars nobles, and if there were so many of his princes, the rest of the companie and followers farre exceeded. Hugo thinketh that there were many more, for here a certaine number is taken for an vncertaine: but this was a sufficient companie for a Princes feast. And it fell so out by Gods prouidence, that all these should be here assembled together, that they might all tast of the same calamitie: as Ieremie prophesieth, c. 50. 35. A sword is vponupon the Chaldeans (saith the Lord) and vponupon the inhabitants of Babel, and vponupon her princes and wise men, Polan.

Quest. 6. Of the manner and order of this feast.

1. The Latine interpreter readeth, and euerie one dranke according to his age: which is two wayes vnderstood, either that they sate downe according to their age, or that they did drinke in measure, euerie one according to his strength; sic Lyranus. Perer. Hugo. Pintus. But beside, that to sit according to their age, is not to drinke according to their age, and it is not like that there was any order or measure obserued in drinking, in this riotus feast, there is no such thing in the originall: but thus are the words truely interpreted, he drank wine before a thousand, so also the Septuag.

2. Which words some of the Rabbines doe so vnderstand, as though the king did striue with these thousand of his princes, who should drinke most, Osiand. Some thinke thereby is noted his vnshamefastnesse, that whereas he vsed at other times to be drunke in secret, now he is drunken before a thousand witnesses: But although hereby is noted his intemperancie, that before his nobles tooke such fill of drinke, encouraging them to doe the like by his euill example, yet here is an allusion to the fashion of that countrey, the princes vsed to take their meate alone: but now to giuegive the better welcome, he doth not onelyonly drinke before them in the same place, yet at another table, as Vatablus, but he enteraineth them as his ghests, eating and drinking together.

Quest. 7. Of the occasion of this feast.

1. Hierome from certaine Hebrewes reporteth, that Balthazar hauing heard, that the Iewes were to be held in captiuitie 70. yeares, which time now by his account was expired, doth make a feast, as insulting against the Lords people, as though all were fables, & that no such thing was to be expected▪ But Hierome counteth this as a fable, for those 70. yeares were not yet expired.

2. Some thinke that the Chaldeans had chased away the Persians and Medes from the citie, and thereupon the feast was made▪ Some that Cyrus and Darius beeing ouercome, did …mage to the king, & were at this feast, while in the meane time their army diuided the riuer into diuerse channels, and so made it paessable, and by this means took the citie: for if this had beene so, after Daniel had expounded the writing vponupon the wall, and had said, thy kingdome is diuided, and giuen vntounto the Medes and Persians; ver. 28. if Cyrus and Darius had beene present, they would hauehave made them sure enough.

3. Some coniecture that the Persians might seeme to giuegive way for a time in policie to make the Babylonians more secure, and that they thereupon for ioy made this feast: But they which write of these warres, report that Cyrus of a long time had now besieged the citie.

4. The occasion then of this feast was indeede an annuall solemnitie, which they kept p. 150yearely about the 16. day of the monethmonth which the Greeks call foreign, Loon, which continued fiue dayes together, wherein the seruants beare sway in euerie familie, and for that time their masters were subiect vntounto them: and they vsed to choose one out of their companie apparelled like the king, whom they called in the Chalde language Segane, which signifieth a Prince, Iun. Cyrus as Xenophon writeth, tooke his opportunitie by reason of this feast, to assault the citie more strongly. Now the Babylonians were secure, both beeing confident in the strength and defence of the citie, which was compassed both with high walls, and with the great riuer Euphrates: as also they had prouision laid vp in the citie, as both Xenophon and Herodotus write, for 20. yeares and more. And this made them so secure.

Quest. 8. VVho commanded the vessels of the temple to be brought, and how.

V. 2. Balthazzar while he tasted the wine. 1. The word is beteghem, in the tast, which word also signifieth counsell, aduise; and thereupon Ab. Ezra thus interpreteth it, in consilio vini, he commanded as the wine aduised him, vino dictante, the wine thus decreed: but this interpretation, as Caluin noteth is too curious. 2. Iunius readeth, ad gustandum vinum, he sent for the vessels to tast wine in them: But it seemeth they had well drunke wine before, ver. 1. and this was a fruite of their excesse and drunkennesse. 3. The word chamra, which here signifieth wine, some would deriue of the Hebrew word chamar, that signifieth an asse, and vnderstand hereby that some Agaso, some base fellowe that kept or draue asses, was set vp in this feast to be their king, and that at his bidding all things were done: they suppose him to hauehave beene such an one, as is vsed to be called the Lord of misrule: but that Chamra is here taken for wine, is euident, ver. 1. the king drunke wine. 4. wherefore the vsuall reading is best: the king in the tasting of wine, &c. that is, when his heart was merrie and ouercome with wine, as R. Dauid and R. Leui reade, he was temulentus, now drunke with wine.

Quest. 9. Of Balthazars profaning of the holy vessels.

Balthazar offendeth diuerse wayes. 1. In his presumption, he aduentureth to doe that which neither Nebuchadnezzar, nor Euilmerodach, his grandfather, or father before him attempted: for none of them are read, to hauehave brought forth these sacred vessels, Calvin. 2. then he profaneth the holy vessels in turning them to profane vses, which were consecrated and dedicated onelyonly to the seruice of God: Bulling. 3. he bringeth them forth not for any necessarie or sober vse, but in this drunken and lasciuious feast, he causeth them to be set before combibo…ibus & scortis, his drunken companions and harlots, Bulling, for here were present his wiues and concubines, Bulling. 4. But the greatest impietie of all was, that they praised their abhominable idols; not onelyonly giuing them the honour of their plentie and feasting: for it was the manner of the heathen in the beginning of their feasts to sacrifice vntounto their gods, Perer. but they ascribed this victorie vntounto their idols, when these vessels were taken from the Temple at Ierusalem, as though their filthie idols were stronger then the God of Israel, Bulling.

Quest. 10. VVhether Nebuchadnezzar did not likewise profane the vessels, in laying them vp in his idols temple.

1. It will be obiected, that Nebuchadnezzar did as much profane them, by placing them in the Temple of his idols, as the Philistims in bringing the Arke into the house of Dagon: but there the Lord shewed his iudgement euen vponupon their god in striking off his head and hands, and punished also the Philistims for that profanation, 1. Sam. 5.

2. The answer here is, that the contempt was not alike: for the Philistims presented their idol with the Arke as a monument of their victorie, and so robbed God of his honour, but Nebuchadnezzar of some religious respect did lay vp these vessels in the Temple, as not fit to be profaned and turned to any common vse: and therefore so long as the vessels were there kept, the Lord seemed not to be angrie, Hugo ex gloss. This also may be added, that the Arke was a more sacred thing, then the golden vessels▪ for that was not lawful to be touched or seene of any; therefore the abuse offered thereunto was more hainous.

Quest. 11. Of the blind and obscure idolatrie of the Chaldeans.

1. V. 4. They praised the gods of gold &c. 1. Concerning their blind idolatrie, 1. they vsed to set vp their images before their faces, in some humane shape, to the which they sacrificed p. 151in the beginning of their feasts, as Athen. lib. 8. Dypnosophist. c. 13. 2. These were made of diuers mettalls, according to the propertie of those things which they represented: as they made the image of the Sunne of gold, of Mars of yron, of the Moone of siluer: as Alexander the coppersmith is said to hauehave made siluer shrines for Diana, Act. 19. Lyran. 3. And further how absurd and foolish the Chaldean idolatrie was, is thus described, Baruch, c. 6. v. 3. You shall see in Babel gods of gold and siluer borne vponupon mens shoulders: v. 9. they make crownes of gold for their heads. v. 13. one holdeth a scepter, as though he were a certaine Iudge of the countrey, yet can not slay such as offend him. v. 14. an other hath an axe or dagger, or an axe in his right hand, yet is not able to defend himselfe in battell. v. 16. their eyes are full of dust. v. 17. the Priests keepe the Temples shut with doores and barres vponupon them, as gates are shut vp round about vponupon offenders. v. 18. they light vp candles before them, &c. such is the vanitie of their idols, and the blindnes of those which worship them.

2. And what their obscenitie was in their idolatrous seruice, is shewed in the same place, v. 42. the women girded with coards, sit in the streets, and burne straw: and if one of them be drawne away, and lie with any such as come by, shee casteth her neighbour in the teeth, because shee was not so worthily reputed, nor her coard broken.Her…dot. lib. 1. Herodotus sheweth at large the manner of this vile custome among the Babylonians, how eueryevery woman once in her life is bound to goe to the temple of Venus, and there to sit, vntill one come and cast money into her lappe, which she taking must rise and goe aside with him, and suffer him to hauehave his pleasure of her. They which are beautifull are soone dispatched of their attendance, but they which are deformed are faine to sit two or three yeares, till some stranger come vntounto them. Thus their idolatrie was ioyned with obscenitie: as at this time, while they praise their gods of siluer and gold, they hauehave their concubines present. And therefore Balthazars fault was the greater, quia vasa illa exposuit vxoribus & concubinis, because he did expose those vessels to his wiues and concubines. gloss. ordinar.

Quest. 12. How farre it is lawfull to apply sacred things to profane vses.

1. Polanus is of opinion, that it is not lawfull at all to transferre things consecrated vntounto God to any prophane vse: for if Balthazzar were reprooued for profaning the holy vessels, much greater is the fault of Christians to abuse such things: & so he concludeth, papistis erepta, &c. things taken from the Papists, if they be consecrated vntounto God, eidem dicata maneant, they must so remaine still.

Contra. 1. There is great difference to be made betweene things rightly consecrated vntounto God, and true religion, and things applyed to superstitious vses, as Melancthon wel saith, res consecratas sine verbo Dei, non esse discernendas à prophanis, that things consecrate without any warrant of Gods word, are not discerned from prophane, &c. there is not then the like reason betweene the vessels of the Temple, which were consecrated to Gods seruice by his owne commandement, which were no wayes to be profaned, and such things as are dedicated to Popish superstition, which hauehave no such warrant. 2. It is euident that Hezekiah, when he brake downe the hrasen serpent, which was abused to idolatrie, did apply it to profane vses, calling it but a peice of brasse, 2. King. 18. 4.

2. Lyranus opinion is, that the consecrated things, the propertie and forme not altered, should not be translated vntounto any other vse: and therefore saith he, it was decreed, vt calix in propria forma, non vendatur nisi alteri Ecclesiae, &c. that a chalice in the proper forme, should not be sold, but vntounto an other Church. Contra. But there may be such necessitie of the Church and Commonwealth, as to redeeme captiues, to maintaine warre, that the chal… ces may be melted, and turned into money: And so was it made lawfull by an Imperiall constitution of Iustinian, that to redeeme captiues it should be lawfull to sell the vessells and ornaments of the Church, and this reason is yeelded, non absurdum est animas hominum quibuscunque vestimentis praeferri, it is not inconuenient, that the soules of men should be preferred before vestiments.Cod. lib. 5. ti… 5. leg. 17.

3. It is not then simply vnlawfull to translate vponupon some vrgent occasion things consecrate to religion to some other vses: wherein these seuerall considerations must be obserued.

We must distinguish betweene things deuoted vntounto God and his seruice, and things ordained to superstitious vses, which hauehave no right consecration.

1. Concerning superstitious implements they may be conuerted to other vses. 1. so p. 152that it be done sine furto, without theft, or any disorderly manner: not by any priuate man, but by such as hauehave authoritie. 2. It must be prouided, that sufficient maintenance be remaining vntounto the Church, such superstitious dedications beeing cut off: quantum opus est Ecclesus, impertire debent, they must impart vntounto the Church so much as is sufficient. 3. The things superstitiously abused, and euill imployed, as to maintaine idle bellies, and Abbeylubbers, should be conuerted vntounto good vses, the maintenance of preachers, releefe of the poore and such like. 4. The things taken from Ecclesiasticall vse, must not be abused to riot and excesse: which made Balthazars fault the greater, in prophaning these holy vessels in his drunken feast. And so it hath beene the miserable vse in some places, that great men, consumptis bonis in conuiuijs, frequenter se conuertunt ad spoliandum ecclesias, &c. hauing consumed their owne goods in banketting and feasting, doe often fall to the spoyling of Churches. gloss. ordinar. 5. A difference is to be made in those things which are consecrated: some are of necessarie vse, and are not to be alienated: some were added of superfluitie, and were not so pertinent, or properly belonging to the Church: as the politike dominions, and ciuill iurisdictions, which were giuen to Ecclesiasticall persons, were not so fit to be administred by them: Melancth. But the tithes of the Church, as the proper maintenance thereof, and originally theirs, it had beene happie, if they neuer had beene alienated.

2. Now as touching things consecrated vntounto true religious vses, there is lesse libertie in alienating of such things: where these cauteles must be obserued. 1. We must distinguish betweene those things, which are of necessarie vse in Gods seruice, and those which are not so necessarie: as the high Priest gaue Dauid Goliaths sword, which was consecrated vntounto God, but of no vse in his seruice: the holy vessels, which were vsed in the Temple, he would not so easily hauehave giuen him. 2. Euen those Church implements▪ which are vsed, must giuegive place to necessitie, and to workes of charitie, as is shewed before: for God will hauehave merciemercy, and not sacrifice: to adorne Churches with gold, and to suffer the poore members of Christ to starue, is not pleasing vntounto him. Dauid in his extreame hunger did eate of the shew bread, which it was not lawfull for any but the Priests to eate. 3. But like as Dauid, if he could hauehave prouided other bread, would not hauehave eaten of that: so all meanes must first be vsed, and the last refuge must be to the Church goods, in such extreame cases, and vrgent necessities.

13. Quest. Of the fingers, which appeared in the wall, how they were caused.

1. R. Saadiah thinketh that this was the hand of the Angel Gabriel, who is called the man Gabriel, c. 9. 21. and here it is said to be a mans band: but the same word is not vsed in both places: for here the word is enosh, home, and in the other, ish, vir: this then is but a weake reason.

2. The most thinke this was done, ministerio Angelico, by the ministerie of Angels, Oecolamp. Lyran operatione Angeli, by the operation of an Angel, Pint. so also Osiand. but Daniel saith, v. 24. that the hand was sent from God.

3. Wherefore I rather thinke with Calvin, that Deus scripsit virtute su…, God did write it by his power: digiti Iehovae fuerunt, they were the fingers of God, Polan. who procured or caused by his power a mans hand to appeare: not that it was indeede a mans hand, but had the similitude thereof, Calvin.

4. Rupertus more particularly saith it was the hand of Christ,c. 9. in Daniel. thus writing, qui per lapidem de monte sine manibus, in prima, &c. be which is described by a stone cut out of the mountaine without hands, in the first vision, and is expressed by his owne name in the second (where he is called the sonne of God) and by the name of watchman, and the holy one, in the third, per manum scribentis designatur, is designed by the hand of a writer in the fourth.

5. But that is too curious, which is obserued by the ordinarie gloss. God is the writer, the hand is the sonne of God, by whome he made all things, digiti spiritus sanctus, the fingers are the holy Ghost.

14. Quest. Whether it were the likenes of a… hand onelyonly, and seene of Balthazar alone▪

1. Lyranus thinketh it was onelyonly the similitude of an hand: it was not manus scribentis secundum existentium, the hand of a writer hauing any true existence, for then it would hauehave beene seene of others as well as of Balthazar, whereas it is saide onelyonly of Balthazar, that he p. 153saw it, Contra. Pererius here refelleth the opinion of Lyranus. 1. The Scripture setteth it downe simply, that the fingers of a mans hand appeared: there is no note of similitude added. 2. Though it is said expressely, that Balthazar saw it, it followeth not, but that others might see it also. 3. Neither is his reason good, though the rest had not seene it: for God may open the eyes of some to see such visions, which others see not: as the young man with the Prophet, saw not at the first the fierie charets and horse which the Prophet saw, till his eyes were opened, 2. king. 6. Perer. 4. Hereunto may be added, that God vseth not to feed mens eyes with phantasies, but true appearances: phantasticall apparitions are the illusions of Sathan. 5. And as it was a true writing remaining vponupon the wall, so was it a substantiall hand that wrote it.

2. Some thinke further, that Balthazar first and onelyonly saw this sight, and not the rest of the gh…sts: as Balaams asse saw the Angel, before he saw it: so Oecolampad. Calvin speaketh doubtfully: the king saw it, proceres forte non ita, the nobles perhaps not: But I rather thinke with Iunius, that it was seene of all, vt omnes euidenter animaduerterent, &c. that all men might see euidently, it was the hand of God. And so much may be gathered, v. 10. the Queene came in by reason of the talke of the king and his Princes: this strange sight was the matter of all their talke.

15. Quest. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand.

1. The time is noted, that it might euidently appeare, propter quod erat vindicta, wherefore this reuenge came, Lyran. for as he was in the middes of his cuppes, and blasphemed God, and praised his idols, then this hand was sent: like as before while the word was in Nabuchadnezzers mouth, the sentence was pronounced against him for his pride. gloss. ordinarie.

2. The fingers of an hand appeared: the hand is the instrument of working, Deus exerit manum iam percussurus, God putteth forth his hand now readie to smite: it signifieth therefore the celeritie of Gods iudgements. Bulling.

3. And in that the hand was seene to write, it sheweth the certentie of the iudgement: sententia iam scripta & lata est, the sentence was written and decreed against him. Oecolamp.

4. And the hand was seene in loco aspectabili, in a conspicuous place, ouer against the candlesticke; not in a corner of the house, but ouer against the middes, where they vsed to set vp their lights, Polan. and vponupon the white pargent of the wall, that it might be the better seene, Bulling.

16. Quest. Why this hand appeared ouer against the candlesticke.

1. The most doe make this the reason of it, vt melius appareat manus, &c. that both the hand, and that which was written, might better appeare. gloss. ordinar. H…g. vt illustretur scriptura, that the writing might be more conspicuous: so the place where it appeared was very bright, tum ob alborem parietis, both because of the whitenes of the wall, and the light of the candlesticke, Bulling. and Calvin giueth a reason of it, fuit nocturnum conviuium, it was a night banket.

2. Iunius in his Commentarie thinketh that this writing was made the more conspicuous, non solum luce diei, sed etiam lampadum, not onelyonly by the light of the day, but of the lamps also: But it is not like they would set vp lamps and lights in their feasts by day.

3. I rather approoue Iunius iudgement in his annotations, whome Polanus followeth, who thinketh, that this was an hanging candlesticke prepared to giuegive light against the night: for till then was the feast protracted: it was not de nocte coeptum, begun in the night: for afterward Daniel is rewarded, beeing cloathed with purple, and a chaine of gold put about his necke, with proclamation made, that he should be the third in the kingdome; which is not like to hauehave beene done in the night: as it may appeare also by the sending for of the Chaldeans and wise men: and further it is like it was done in the day, that Gods iudgements might be so much the more manifest and euident to all men. This place, ouer against the candlesticke, is mentioned, because it was a conspicuous place, about the middes of the house, where their lights vsed to hang. Polan.

17. Quest. Of Balthazars sudden feare, and the manner thereof.

v. 6. The kings countenance changed. 1. This sudden passion and great feare of the king p. 154is set forth by the parts, it was both internall: his thoughts troubled him, then it wrought vponupon his bodie, by diuers degrees, first, his countenance was changed, waxing wanne and pale, the blood running all to the heart and vitall parts, as it vseth to doe in such sudden feare: Lyran, then his bodie so trembled, that both his loynes did shake and quake, in so much, that he was constrained se discingere, to vnbrace himselfe, as it were sweating & swelling for feare, Iun. Polan. and then his knees smote together, and it is like also that his teeth chattered in his head. Hug.

2. Though Balthazar vnderstood not the meaning of this writing, yet he trembled and feared, expecting some present iudgement, because his owne conscience accused him. And though the wicked for the most part are hardened, and are not much mooued by the iudgements of God; yet Gods hand was here vponupon Balthazar, and strooke terrour into his soule; this beeing as the last summons, to call him before the Lords tribunall seate. Polan.

3. This his terror might hauehave beene a preparation to his repentance, if he had had grace to vse it: sed in medio cursu defecit, he gaue ouer in the middes of his course: for these his passions did soone vanish away: he was not much mooued afterward, when Daniel had shewed vntounto him, how present the daunger was, and at hand. Calvin.

18. Quest. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest.

1. Lyranus moouing the like doubt, why Nabuchadnezzer vponupon his second dreame called not for Daniel with the first, c. 4. giueth this reason, that Daniel was at that time absent about some necessarie affaires, and the king expected his comming: which was the cause, why he commanded not all the Soothsayers to be killed, as he did the first time he dreamed: But neither was that the cause then, but rather Nabuchadnezzer was still addicted vntounto his superstitious Chaldeans, and would not hauehave vsed Daniel at all, if he could hauehave found any helpe at their hands: neither can this reason be alleadged here, for it seemeth Daniel was much neglected.

2. Wherefore, as Osiander well collecteth, it seemeth that Daniel so much esteemed in Nabuchadnezzers time, was not employed vnderunder licentious Balthazar: he was a straunger in Court, and growne out of knowledge, and therefore the old Queene, to whome he was knowne in Nabuchadnezzers daies, maketh first mention of him.

19. Quest. v. 8. How it came to passe, that the wise men could not so much as read the writing.

1. Lyranus thinketh the Chaldees could not read the writing, because it was written in Hebrew letters, which they were ignorant of: but there beeing such great affinitie betweene the Hebrew and Chalde tongue, it is not like there was such difference in the characters, but that the learned among them might hauehave read them.

2. The Hebrew Cabbalists imagine, that the letters were inuerted, and the words transposed, and set out of order, and so they could not read them: but it seemeth by Daniels reading of the writing, and setting downe of the words in order, as they were written, that there was no such transposing.

3. Pererius thinketh the meaning is, that they could not read the words with any vnderstanding, they knew not what words to ioyne together, to make any sense or construction of them: but it is euident by Daniels speech afterward, that they could neither read the writing at all, nor giuegive the interpretation: for first he saith, This is the writing: it should seeme then, that they could not so much as spell the words: and then he addeth, This is the interpretation, v. 26.

4. Wherefore it is most probable, that this writing was written in some strange and vnknowne characters vntounto the Chaldeans: or rather which is most like, that they were so blinded, and astonished by the power of God, that they could not read it: they were caecitate & stupore perculsi, smitten with blindnes and stupiditie. Polan. so also Calvin.

20. Quest. What Queene it was, which came in.

v. 10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the King, &c. came in. 1. This Queene was not Balthazars wife, as Porphyrie scoffingly obiected, that shee knew more then her husband: for of his wiues mention is made before, v. 3. that his wiues and concubines drunk in the vessels of the Temple which were brought.

2. Origen, and so also Theodoret, take her to hauehave beene the mother of Balthazar: so Bullinger p. 155alleadgeth Herodotus to hauehave beene of the same opinion, who calleth the mother of Labynetus, which was this Balthazar, Nitocris, whome he maketh as famous as Semiramis: so also Polanus.

3. But Iosephus opinion, which Hierome followeth, and Lyranus, thinke that this Queene was grandmother to Balthazar, and wife sometime to Nabuchadnezzer; whereof these two reasons may be yeilded: 1. one which Theodoret alleadgeth, verisimile est eam seni… confectam, &c. it is like, that shee beeing stricken in yeares, did not giuegive her selfe to drinking and dauncing, and such other sports, &c. this coniecture sheweth it to be more probable, that shee was his grandmother, then mother: for his mother could not be so old, he hauing raigned but 3. yeares, beeing the eldest sonne, and heire to the kingdome. 2. the other reason Lyranus vrgeth, which Pintus also approoueth, because shee speaketh of things done in Nabuchadnezzers daies, which sheweth, mulierem fuisse iam vetulam, that shee was now a very old woman, Calvin.

21. Quest. In what sense Nabuchadnezzer is called Balthazars father.

1. Some thinke that Nabuchadnezzer was his great grandfather, and that Balthazar was not the third, but the fourth from him: so Iosephus whome Hierome and Beda follow: see before, qu. 2. But this can not be so, because Ierem. 27. v. 5, 6. the Lord promiseth the kingdome to Nabuchadnezzer, and to his sonne, and to his sonnes sonne, and staieth there.

2. An other opinion was of Alexander Polyhistor, and Alpheus, with others, whome Iosephus mentioneth, lib. 1. cont. Appion. that foure raigned after Nabuchadnezzer: 1. Euilmerodach. 2. Niglasar his sisters husband, who killed him. 3. Labosardach his sonne, who was deposed for his misgouernment, and slaine: and then Balthazar was chosen by common consent. But by this account Balthazar should not be at all of Nabuchadnezzers stocke and line, contrarie to the Scripture, which calleth him his sonne.

3. The author of the Scholasticall historie saith, that there were two Nabuchadnezzers, the father and the sonne: and that Euilmerodach was brother to the second, and raigned after him, who had three sonnes which succeeded one an other in the kingdome after him, Niglazar, Labosardach, and Balthazar: so he maketh Nabuchadnezzer the great, grandfather of this Balthazar, and Balthazar to raigne in the fift place. But it is euident in storie, that Euilmerodach succeeded next to Nabuchadnezzer his father, not to his brother of that name: for Nabuchadnezzer is held to hauehave raigned 43. yeares at the least, as Iosephus: but he raigned rather 45. in the 8. yeare of his raigne Iechonias was carried captiue, in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie, which was the 45. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer, Euilmerodach began to raigne, 2. king. 25. 27.

Pererius misliketh this opinion, because he maketh two Nabuchadnezzers, whereas sacrd & profana historia vnum tantum agnoscit, both the sacred and prophane histories (saith he) acknowledgeth but one Nabuchadnezzer king of Chaldea, &c. wherein I wonder at his forgetfulnes, beeing otherwise a most diligent writer, seeing Iosephus euidently maketh two Nabuchadnezzers, the father, to whome he ascribeth 21. yeares, and his sonne, to whome he giueth 43. yeares lib. 10. antiq. c. 11.

4. The fourth opinion is of Theodoret in this chapter, and Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor. that Nabuchadnezzer had two sonnes, Euilmerodach the elder, and Balthazar the younger, who raigned successiuely one after an other: and so they thinke, that Balthazar was in deede the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer: But this can not be so: for seeing this Balthazar was the last of the Chaldean kings, and Ieremie prophesied that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzer, and to his sonne, and to his sonnes sonne, now this prophesie should not be fulfilled, if the kingdome did onelyonly remaine to him, and to his sonnes.

5. Not farre differing from this opinion, is that which is found in the booke of Baruch, c. 1. 11. Pray for Nabuchadnezzar, and for the life of Balthazar his sonne: where the author of that booke, seemeth to make Balthazar the eldest sonne of Nabuchadnezzer, as next heire to the kingdome. Pererius would thus helpe the matter, that either Nabuchadnezzer had an other sonne called Balthazar, who should hauehave beene king if he had liued, or that Euilmerodach was also so called: thus also Emmanuel Sa. But neither of these assertions can be proued out of the Canonicall Scriptures, which euidently testifie, that Euilmerodach was the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer, and not Balthazar, 2. king. 25. 27. and Ierem. 52. 31.

6. Pintus hath an other conceit, that Euilmerodach might be called Nabuchadnezzer, p. 156which was a generall name to all the Chaldean kings, as the Emperours were called Caesars, of the first Emperour: and thus he saith Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers, that is, Euilmerodachs sonne: but no where in Scripture doth it appeare, that Nabuchadnezzer was a generall name to the kings of Chaldea, neither that Euilmerodach or Balthazar are so called.

3. Pererius opinion is, that Balthazar was the nephew, not properly the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer, yet he raigned not in the third place, but in the fift: there came betweene two other named by forren writers, Niglasar, and Labosardach, the first was Euilmerodachs sisters husband, who slue Euilmerodach, and so raigned, and Labosardach his sonne after him, who was deposed and slaine for his crueltie: and then Balthazar, who fled vntounto the Medes, was restored vntounto the kingdome: so Ioseph. lib. 1. cont. Appion. Now Pererius reason is this, why some other raigned betweene, because otherwise the tearme of 70. yeares captiuitie can not be made vp: for the captiuitie began in the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer, when Ierusalem was taken, there remained 25. yeares of his raigne, who raigned in all 43. Euilmerodach 18. yeares, and Balthazar 17. all these yeares make but 60. there wanted yet 10. yeares, which must be made vp by the raigne of others comming betweene.

Contra. 1. Though Pererius opinion be admitted as probable, that some vsurpers came betweene Euilmerodach, and Balthazar, yet the reason which he vrgeth, is not sufficient: for the 70. yeares captiuitie doe take beginning rather from the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer, when Iechonias went into captiuitie, 2. king. 24. 12. for from that time the Prophets doe begin the account of the 70. yeares, Ezek. 1. 1. and c. 24. 1. and in other places of that Prophesie. And Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares: 8. yeares before the captiuitie began, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. yeares of the captiuitie: 2. king. 25. 27. so that the ten yeares which are wanting, may thus be filled vp.

8. Pererius thinketh, that the strange names of Niglazar, and Labosardach, mentioned by Iosephus, were the same with Euilmerodach and Balthazar, called by other names, in 2. cap. Daniel. But Iosephus, and other writers whome he followeth, as Berosus, Alexander Polyhistor, with others, make these diuers kings from the rest: for Iosephus nameth Abilomarodach beside, who in Scripture is called Euilmerodach.

9. The truth then is this, that Euilmerodach, as Pererius reporteth out of some writers, was slaine by Niglazar, or Neegal-etzer his sisters husband; or as Iunius out of others, he was expulsed out of his kingdome, and he with Balthazar his sonne liued in exile among the Medes: in the meane time Niglasar, and his sonne Labosardach after him, a while vsurped the kingdome, and after that Balthazar was restored: So that Balthazar was in deede the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer, yet called his sonne according to the phrase of Scripture: see before, quest. 2.

Quest. 22. Of the Queenes oration to the King.

It consisteth of 4. parts: 1. the salutation: O King, liue for euer, whereby shee doth insinuate her selfe, 2. the proposition, which containeth the drift and scope of her speech, that he should not be troubled, v. 10.

3. The narration followeth containing a reason, why he should not be troubled, because there was a man found in his kingdome, who was able to reueale this secret. In this narration three things are expressed, 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts, 2. the experience of his gifts in the daies of Nabuchadnezer, which were three: light or illumination by Gods spirit, vnderstanding in the apprehension of those things which were reuealed, and wisdome in wisely and fitly applying the same. 3. then the approbation of his gifts, and publike testification by his aduancement: he was set ouer all the wise men.

4. The fourth part is the conclusion, that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision: with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiencie and abilitie, which consisted either in his gifts, which are the three before named, an excellent spirit called before (light,) vnderstanding, and knowledge called before (wisdome:) or els in the exercising and vse of these gifts, specially in the expounding of dreames, more generally in declaring hard sentences, and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts, or hidde matters, v. 12.

Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene.

1. In that shee came in vponupon this occasion to the banket, not hauing beene there before, therein shee was an example of great temperance and sobrieti…, in not beeing present at this p. 157riotous seast, Polan. 2. her wisedome appeareth in the whole course of her speach: she saluteth the king with louing words to insinuate her selfe, therein also giuing an example of due reuerence to be yeelded vntounto kings, Bulling. 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis, found to be the onelyonly admirer of Daniels gifts, Oecolamp, and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisedome and vnderstanding. 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar, a prince of great wisedome and iudgement, who aduanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom, ostendit eum nimis crasse arrare, she sheweth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom, and seeking satisfaction of others, where it was not to be found, Calvin, herein then appeareth her faithfulnesse in giuing such good aduice vntounto the king. 5. And the Queene whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris, is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisedom, whereof he giueth this experiment: she caused her tombe to be made in an high and conspicuous place ouer one of the gates of the citie, with an inscription to this effect, that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money, if he opened that sepulchre, he should finde enough: Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tombe, wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect, that if he had not an vnsatiable minde, he would not hauehave raked in the tombes and ashes of the dead. 6. This woman for her great age and experience, like to hauehave beene the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, was of great wisedome: she was not Balthazars wife, as is before shewed, quest. 20. And therefore Porphyrie his scoffe, that the wife here shewed her selfe wiser, then her husband, is soone answered.

Quest. 24. Of Balthazars speach to Daniel.

v. 13. Art thou that Daniel, &c. 1. he vpbraideth him with his captiuitie, which art of the children of the captiuitie, &c. Iunius and Polanus following him thinke, that he mooued this question to be certaine of his person: but there beeing no more of that name, or of those excellent parts, it is rather to be imputed to his pride, as insulting ouer the poore captiues, and vaunting of the victorie, which his predecessours had gotten: the Queene wisely concealed this, hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex, but the king remembreth this one thing more then the rest, Oecolamp. so also Bulling. The gloss. saith, that he asked this question, because the Prophets were onelyonly of the nation of the Iewes: But if the king had held such an opinion of the Iewes, he would not hauehave relied vponupon his Chaldean Soothsayers: therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis, doe breath out the pride of the king, Osiand.

2. The kings simplicitie appeareth, that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth: as vnwise and simple Princes vse to speake vntounto their people conceptis verbis, & in aurem suggestis, in a set speach, and suggested as it were to their eares, Bulling.

3. Detegitur eius socordia, his carelesnesse appeareth, that hath nothing but by heare-say, Calvin, that he did not take knowledge himselfe of so worthie and excellent a man, as Daniel was.

4. Dubitanter loquitur, he speaketh doubtfully, v. 16. if thou canst, &c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees, Oecolamp. 5. Non quaerit consilium, &c. he doth not require any counsell how he might escape this danger, but onelyonly to knowe the meaning of the dreame, Pellican.

Quest. 25. Of Daniels answer to the king, and the seuerall parts thereof.

It consisteth 1. of the exordtum, or preface, and 2. of the narration.

1. In the preface there is 1. a refusall of the kings rewards, then a promise and vndertaking to interpret the dreame.

2. In the narration there is first a redargution, and reprehension of the king, shewing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight, v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision.

In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king.

In the commemoration, 1. the benefits are rehearsed, which God had bestowed vponupon Nebuchadnezzar, a kingdome, maiestie, authoritie, and honour, v. 18. 2. his vnthankfulnesse is shewed, that abused his authoritie and power to crueltie, iniustice, and tyrannie, v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his depriuation and deposing from his kingly estate. 2. in the miserie that befell him, liuing and dwelling among bruite beasts, to v. 22.

In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatiuely, that he was not mooued p. 158with an example, which was so neare him, euen in his grandfather, who is here called his father: Then affirmatiuely, he had lift vp his heart, which is described by fowre effects. 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of Gods house. 2. he had profaned them, in that he, his princes, wiues, and concubines, drunke in them. 3. he praised their idols, which are described, 1. by their matter, they were made but of siluer, brasse, and such like. 2. by their impotencie, they could neither see, heare, nor vnderstand. 4. he gaue not glorie vntounto God, which is aggrauated by two benefits, the giuing him of his life and breath, and in protecting him, in whose hand is thy breath, and all thy wayes, &c.

3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame, v. 25. to 29.

Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning, in his speach to the king, v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe.

The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinua…ion or salutation to the king, were these; 1. In respect of his age and grauitie, such a simple and plaine beginning became him: for he was 90. yeare old, if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie. 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office, beeing a Prophet, and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God, to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts, Iun. 3. hoc ips… monstrauit abiectum, &c. in that he saluteth him not as a king, giuing him his titles, he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God, no longer to be king, Oecolampad. 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impi… & desperat…, he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man, of whom there was small hope, and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne, and searcheth it to the depth, Calvin.

Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards.

1. That was not onelyonly the reason, in respect of his office because he was a Prophet, least he might seeme to hauehave made merchandize of his propheticall gift, as Polan. and to fulfill that saying in the gospel, ye hauehave freely receiued, freely giuegive, Lyran. Pellican. for then he should not by this reason hauehave receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar.

2. Neither was this the cause, tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciper…, it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts, gloss. ordinar. for then neither should Daniel hauehave receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar, after he had expounded the dreame of theimage, which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome.

3. And to say, that Daniel affected no such honours, because he was now old, is an insufficient reason: for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places, but onelyonly for the good of the L…rds people.

4. But the speciall reasons, are these two, noluit ab homine impi…, &c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man, Osiand, as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome, and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman, who was a stranger: As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat, the time of subiection vntounto this king, and of his gouernment, was at an ende, Caluin. and therefore he refused these honours at his hand, who was as no king, but reiected of God.

Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar, and refuseth them from Balthazar.

1. The reason of this difference is, because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome, which the Lord had giuegive… to him, and to his sonne: and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vntounto him, because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead: But the case was now otherwise: for he knewe that Balthazars kingdome was at an ende, and these honours vnderunder him he could not long hold: and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende, he could not thereby aduantage the people of God, Polan.

2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar, then there was in Nebuchadnezzar, ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre, quam avo, and therefore he sheweth, that he doth not so much respect and honour him, as his grandfather, Calvin.

Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards, v. 29.

This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vntounto him, which before he in words refused. 1. It is like, that they were verie vrgent and instant vponupon p. 159him to accept of the kings offers. 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason, that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still, it would hauehave beene thought, quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset, that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer: and therefore to take away that suspition, he vponupon that instance accepteth of the rewards: so also Occolampad. Bulling. 3. An other reason was, qui mundi diuitias contempserat, ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur, least he which had despised the riches of the world, should hauehave seemed to hauehave set the king himselfe at naught, he accepteth of the kings offers, Pintus. 4. If he had still obstinately refused, he might hauehave beene brought in suspicionem proditionis, into suspicion of treason, Calvin. as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king, if he had refused Balthazars rewards and offers. 5. signum fuisset timiditatis, it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse, that by this meanes he might hauehave lien hid still, and so escaped the danger, beeing called to no publike place: he therefore in accepting of these honours, ostendit se imperterritum, sheweth himselfe without feare, Caluin.

Quest. 30. Whether in these words, he put to death whom he would, v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed.

1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement, as though he put to death the innocent, and spoyled men of their goods, without iust cause or equitie: for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power, the next v. following sheweth, But when his heart was puft vp: this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar, and his heart not yet lifted vp.

2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger, that it is like, that Nebuchadnezzar, non iniuste suum administrauit regnum, did not vniustly administer his kingdome: for the contrarie appeareth, c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause, for that they could not tell the king his dreame, which he had forgotten: and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace, for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp.

3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place, that princes hauehave authoritie, to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure: for euen kings themselues must remember, serationem summo regi reddituros, that they also shall giuegive account vntounto the the great king, Calvin.

4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate, of the kingly power, Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof: But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him, that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list: to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power, for the which he was feared of all. This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects. 1. the one is in his subiects, they feared and stood in awe of him, both for the inward conscience which they had of authoritie, and in respect of his great and absolute power: the other is in the king himselfe, he might doe and did what he would, both the liues and goods of men were at his becke, Polan. Daniel therefore rather speaketh, what he did de facto, in fact, then, de iure, of right.

Quest. 31. Of the writing and the interpretation thereof in generall.

v. 24. Then was the palme of the hand sent, &c. Three things are here declared. 1. the manner of the writing. 2. the matter. 3. the meaning. 1. The manner is set forth in these foure points, 1. the time is expressed, then and there, when the king had profaned the holy vessels, and blasphemed God. 2. the author and efficient cause was God. 3. the iustrument, a palme or part of an hand. 4. the forme, it was in writing.

2. The matter which was written consisted of fowre words, the first beeing twice repeated.

3. The meaning and interpretation consisteth of three parts. 1. the certaine determination of God, who had now numbred and fulfilled the time of his kingdome. 2. the inquisition and examination: God hauing weighed him found him to be too light. 3. the execution of Gods decree: his kingdome was diuided and giuen to others.

p. 160Quest. 32. Of interpretation by writing in generall.

1. By this example of Daniel, who scanneth the words themselues, and thereupon groundeth his interpretation, the Rabbines would warrant their deuise of their Cabbalisticall interpretation, whereby they take vponupon them by hunting after syllables and letters to finde out mysteries in Scripture: thinking that they may take vntounto themselues the like libertie, which Daniel here vsed.

2. Contra. 1. They must first be sure, that they hauehave the like propheticall spirit, which Daniel had, before they may aduenture vponupon such mysticall interpretations. 2. the occasion is not alike: this writing was extraordinarie, and therefore it was obscure and mysticall: but the writing of the Scripture containeth an ordinarie and plaine forme of doctrine, and therefore it is not in such curious manner to be handled. 3. neither did Daniel here examine eueryevery letter and syllable, as the Cabalists do, but taketh the words onelyonly as they lie in order, and maketh vp a full sense of them.

Quest. 33. Why the first word Mene is doubled.

1. Some do giuegive this reason of this repetition, the word mene, is deriued of manah which signifiech to number: and first they would hauehave signified the numbring of the yeares of his kingdome, then the dayes and tearme of his life: But this is too curious: and the interpretation is of his kingdome: God hath numbred thy kingdome.

2. Bullinger taketh it to be according to the Hebrewe phrase, as they vse to say, clamando clamauit, in crying he cried: moriendo morieris, in dying thou shalt die, which phrase is vsed for more vehemencie of speach.

3. But there is beside an allusion here vntounto the manner of taking account, and numbring: men for fayling will number twice, to be sure that they number right: so by this twice numbring, is signified that God had most exactly nnmbred the tearme of his kingdome: so R. Saadia, whom Polanus followeth: so also Calvin.

4. Iunius thinketh that by numbring is meant, the singular care which God had of that kingdome: singulari quadam ratione curatum est, that God after a singular manner tooke care thereof, as they vse to doe, which hauehave things in number and account: but it rather sheweth, that the time and tearme of his kingdome was determined: as the next words declare, and hath finished it: sic Lyran. Hugo. necesse est vt finem accipiat,&c. now his kingdome must needes be at an ende, because it is fulfilled, Caluin.

Quest. 34. Of the meaning of the word Tekel.

1. Tekel signifieth he hath weighed, this phrase is taken from merchants or goldsmiths, that vse most exactly to weigh their gold, and that which is light, they doe reiect and refuse: So God had most exactly tried and examined the life and workes of Balthazar, and found them too light.

2. Some doe thus apply this similitude, as though the sinnes of Balthazar should be weighed in one balance, which was pressed downe, and in the other which was light, his pietie and vertue, which appeared to be verie small, Perer. Hugo thus expoundeth: God hath weighed the time of thy life, iamillud declinare pronuntiat, and now he pronounceth it to be declining, as a scoale that inclineth, and sinketh downe: But rather Balthazar is found, beeing weighed against Gods iustice, to be in the light scoale, quasinullum pondus haberet, as though he had no weight at all, as Daniel here expoundeth, Caluin.

3. Thus is this phrase vsed in Scripture, as Iob saith, c. 6. 2, 3. O that my miseries were laid together in a balance, it would now be heauier then the sand of the Sea. His meaning is, that if his miseries were valued in an equall iudgement, they would be found to be heauier then they seemed to be: Pintus giueth this sense, as though Iob should thinke that his afflictions beeing weighed against his sinnes, would be found too heauie for them: but Iob was farre from accusing God of such iniustice, that his miseries and sorrowes laid vponupon him, were greater then his sinnes.

4. But it will seeme strange, this phrase of weighing in a balance, beeing vsed to signifie a iust examination, and triall, that Apocal. 6. 5. he which sate vponupon the blacke horse, (whom Pintus expoundeth to be the deuill) should hauehave a paire of balances in his hand: for it is farre from Sathan to doe things in measure and weight: Pintus therefore giueth this sense: he is said to hauehave a ballance, non quod illa vtatur, sed quod videatur vti, not that indeede he vseth p. 161a iust balance, but seemeth to vse it: But the sense of the place rather is this, by the blacke horse is signified dearth, famine, and scarcitie of all things: and by the balance, that by a scant and exact weight their corne and food should be weighed vntounto them.

5. In this interpretation two things are insinuated, 1. the examination and triall of Balthazar in the iudgement of God: he was weighed. 2. then the euent and issue, he was found too light, Polan.

6. Deus non vtitur communi trutina, God vseth not here a common balance or scoale, he hath a balance of his owne: though Balthazar might be approoued in the iudgement of others, yet Gods iudgement was otherwise, he found him too light, Calvin. like as the goldsmith vseth more exact weights then other Merchants and tradesmen, so the Lords exact iudgement farre exccedeth mans.

Quest. 35. Of the meaning of the word Pheres.

1. Whereas the word written vponupon the wall was pharsin, in the plurall, they hauehave deuided, and here it is put in the singular, pheres, he hath deuided, therein is no great difference: for by both are expressed the causes subordinate one vntounto another: in the singular it is vnderstood of God, who was the principall author, and chiefe worker: in the plurall it is vnderstood of Gods iustruments in this worke, the Medes and Persians, Polan.

2. And in the word pheres, there is an euident allusion vntounto the word paras, which signifieth the Persian.

3. It is also put in the preter tense, he hath deuided, to shewe the certanitie thereof: before the Lord it was as alreadie done.

4. Two things are here prophesied, that this kingdome should be deuided, and between whom, the Medes and Persians, for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were deuide the kingdome betweene them: Darius had Babylon, and Cyrus Assyria, leauing Babylon to Darius, himselfe going in expedition against the Scythians.

5. This Isaiah prophesied of, aboue 200. yeares before, as Pererius, rather an 170. yeares as Polanus, that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans, Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stirre vp the Medes against them.

Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall, that is, the morall application of this vision

1. By the hand writting vponupon the wall, is signified the iustice of God, which both praescribit supplicia, & suo tempore infert, prescribeth aforehand punishments due vntounto mens sinnes, and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them: it also may be applyed vntounto the iudgement of the conscience, wherein are written, and as it were scoared vp the sinnes, which one committeth: as Iob saith, c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me, and makest me to possesse the sinnes of my youth.

2. And by the three words may be signified, the three last things which shall come vponupon sinners, the remembrance whereof vseth to be most grieuous vntounto them, death, finall iudgement, and bell. By the numbring of the dayes and the fulfilling of them, men are brought to thinke of their ende, as Iob saith, c. 14. 5. are not his dayes determined, the number of his moneths is with thee? by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect iudgement of God in the last day: And by diuision the punishment of hell, where the wicked and reprobate shall for euer be diuided and separate from Gods presence, Perer.

Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes.

1. Iosephus giueth this reason, that although Daniel had told heauie things vntounto the king, yet he kept his promise, and seemed not much to be mooued, thus thinking with himselfe, quod non bona audierat, sui fati culpani esse, non prophet…, that it was his owne fate and destinie, not the Prophets fault, that he heard no better newes, the Prophet did but discharge his dutie: But it is not like, that the king had any such thought, or so equall consideration.

2. Hierome giueth two other reasons hereof: aut post long a tempora credidit futura, he did thinke that these things might come to passe long after; or in honouring the Prophet he might thinke to obtaine pardon of his sinne: But the citie beeing now besieged, if the king had not beene altogether besotted, might hauehave put the king in minde of his present danger: and it seemeth by his securitie, that he had no such good thought, as to thinke how his sinne might be forgiuen him.

p. 1623. Some thinke the king kept his promise, ne coram hominibus mendacij arg…eretur, leaft he might before men hauehave beene found in a lie, Lyran. And it was the constant vse and custome of the kings of Persia to keepe their word: intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare, he vnderstoode it was the propertie of a king to keepe the truth, Pintus. so also Occolampadius, sanctissima esse, &c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred.

4. The king might hauehave some care of his credit to keepe his princely word, as Herod had to performe his wicked oath: But this the king did rather beeing caried with great admiration of the diuine wisedome, which was in Daniel, Osiand. And herein the king shewed his carnall securitie, incolume regnum sibi promisit, he still promised vntounto himselfe a safe estate and prosperous kingdome: Bulling. Caluin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat mooued with this commination, yet he caused Daniel to be honoured, to set a good face vponupon it, ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis, that he should not seeme to shewe any signe of fearefulnesse: But it rather shewed his stupiditie and great securitie, as before is noted.

Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here vponupon Daniel.

The honours and fauours here conferred vponupon Daniel, are either the ensignes of honour, or the gouernement it selfe vponupon which the other ornaments attended.

1. The ornaments of honour are two, purple raiment, and a chaine of gold. Lyranus here noteth that there were fowre kind of ensignes and ornaments of estate: the purple to be or other pretious garment, a chaine, a ring of gold, and a crowne: all these things concurring together, did signifie the regall dignitie: but beeing more or fewe, and not all, designabant participationem honoris regij, they did but shewe the participation of the kingly honour, as Ioseph had three of them, when he was aduanced of Pharaoh, a ring, costly raiment, and a chaine of gold, Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crowne or diademe. So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment, and a diademe, but mention is not made of the kings ring, and chaine of gold, Esther. 6. 9.

2. The honour it selfe which is bestowed vponupon Daniel, is, to be the third man in the kingdome, which Iosephus expoundeth, that the third part of the kingdome should be giuen vntounto him: but that is not like that the king would giuegive away any part of his kingdom: Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three, which was set ouer the kingdome, as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had beene in that place before, then Darius needed not to hauehave aduanced Daniel againe to be one of the three rulers. Therefore Theodoret taketh it, he was the third man in honour and authoritie next to the king, so also Lyran, the king was the first, the Queene or heire of the kingdome might be the next, and Daniel the third.

Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours.

1. Though Daniel were vnwilling to receiue these honours, yet seeing they were forced vponupon him, he is content to accept of them, least if he had refused still, in suspitionē proditionis veniret, he might hauehave beene brought into suspicion of some treason or practise against the king, Polan.

2. And beside, foreseeing that the kingdome should come vntounto the hands of the Medes and Persians, he accepted of them, vt postea noti…r fieret Persi…, in solatium filiorum Dei, that he might thereby be better knowne vntounto the Persians, for the comfort of the children of God, gloss. ordinar, O…lamp.

3. And beside, these ornaments beeing a signe of freedome and of dignitie, it was fit that Daniel, to whom the king had obiected before his ser…itude and captiuitie, should not refuse them, whereby he was now made free and honourable in the citie.

4. If these vestures had beene any speciall ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers, as some thinke, it is like that Daniel so holy a man, would hauehave vtterly reiected them: Polan. see before quest. 29.

Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance, as he had done Nebuchadn…zzar before.

1. One reason hereof may be yeelded to be this, the same which Theod…r…t …lleadgeth, why it pleased the Lord to chastice Nebuchadnezzar for a time to humble him, and afterward raise him vp againe, but Balthazar is cut off altogether: because Balthazar was more indurate and hardened in his sinne, seeing he had Nebuchadnezz… example before him, p. 163and yet would not be warned. And so the Prophet obi…cting here vntounto Balthazar his fathers example, which he made no vse of, saw that there was small hope of his repentance.

2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesie, hanc sententiam non fuisse com…natoriam, sed plane absolutam, that this sentence pronounced against Balthazar, was not by way of commination, which vseth to be conditionall vponupon mens repentance, as was the threatning of Ionas against Ninive, but it was peremptorie and absolute: and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and setled in his sinne, so this sentence was irreuocable. Perer.

41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthazar were slaine at this time.

1. It is the opinion of some, that Balthazar was not slaine at all when the citie was taken, but that Balthazar, called in forren histories Nabonidus, when the citie was besieged by Cyrus, did yeeld himselfe, and so he not onelyonly obtained his life, but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania, where he died: thus seeme to write Alexander Polyhistor, Megasthenes, Alpheus, as they are cited by Ioseph. l. 1. cont. Appion.

But it is vntrue, that Balthazars life was spared, for the Scripture here euidently saith, that he was slaine: this fauour indeede Cyrus shewed to his grandfather Astyages, whome he deposed from his gouernment beeing a tyrant, as Herodotus and Iustinus write: it is not like, that he would vse such clemencie toward his mortall enemie: at the least, if there had beene any such thing, which would hauehave tended much to the praise and honour of Cyrus, Xenophon, who is very large and lauish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus, in all likelihood would not hauehave omitted it.

2. Wherefore the truth is, according to the Scripture here, that Balthazar was at this time slaine: and thereunto agreeth Xenophon, that the king of Babylon himselfe was put to the sword, when the citie was taken. lib. 7. de Cyri institut.

42. Quest. Whether Balthazar were slaine the same night, and the citie taken.

1. Some seeme to be of opinion, that this murther was committed vponupon Balthazar a long time before the taking of the citie by the Medes and Persians, about 17. yeare, before, whom they say was slaine by the Babylonians, and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median, was chosen king in his place: and that this was done many yeares before Cyrus inuaded Babylon. This conceit they would ground vponupon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes. But they doe greatly mistake one thing for an other: for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians, was Labosordach the sonne of Niglasar, or Neege-lasar, who had before expelled Euilmerodach called Labinitus by Herodotus, together with his sonne Balthazar, called also Labinitus the second, which name signifieth, a Prince expulsed: and because he fled vntounto the Medes, he was called Medus, a Median: this was not Darius then of the Medes, which was set vp by the Babylonians, but Balthazar called Labinitus of the Medes, because he liued an exile there, Iun. in commentar. see before, qu. 21. 9.

2. Iosephus saith, non multum abijt temporis, much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision, when both the King and the citie was taken by Cyrus. If Iosephus vnderstand, not many houres after, he agreeth with the Scripture; but if he meane many daies, or moneths, he is deceiued.

3. Zon…ras affirmeth this to hauehave beene the opinion of diuers, that Balthazar was slaine the same night, but he seemeth not to be of that opinion: which seemeth strange, that he beeing a Christian writer, should speake so doubtfully of a thing so euident in the sacred storie.

4. All these things are euident out of Scripture: 1. that Babylon, after 70. yeares of the Iewes captiuitie, should be surprised and taken, Ierem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himselfe should be slaine at the taking of the citie: as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease. v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant, the sonne, and the …ephew: for Balthazar was nephew to Nabuchadnezer. 3. It should be done on a sudden: Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come vponupon thee suddenly, or thou beware. 4. and in the night: Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into feare. 5. and in the time of their feast, therefore he is called the king of Sheshach, of the feast of their goddesse Shacah, Ier. 25. 26.

Quest. 43. Whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon.

1. The Authors before rehearsed, which thinke that Balthazar was not slaine, but yeelded himselfe to Cyrus, and so was sau…d aliue, doe adde further, that when the King heard p. 164that Cyrus was comming with a great armie to besiege Babylon, he fled to a citie called Borsippa, and thither Cyrus pursued him, and besieged him there, who seeing that he could not hold out, yeelded himselfe vntounto Cyrus clemencie.

2. But Xenophons opinion, lib. 7. is more probable, that the king was taken at Babylon, which is also most consonant to Scripture: for though it be not directly expressed, that he was slaine in Babylon, yet it followeth by necessary collection, that that was the place, where Balthazar was both depriued of his life and kingdome. 1. There was the kings palace, c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings vsually did reside. 2. there was the temple of Bel, where the vessels of Gods house were laid vp, c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought vntounto this riotous feast: but they could not hauehave beene fetch from Babylon to an other place, seeing the citie was now besieged by Cyrus. 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not hauehave beene gathered together. 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled. 5. neither is it like, that Balthazar beeing in such feare, would in that obscure place hauehave made such a feast, whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defence of the citie.

44. Quest. By what meanes Babylon was taken.

1. Some thinke that Cyrus and Darius did homage vntounto king Balthazar, and he thereupon made this feast, whereat they were present: who when they heard the prophesie of Daniel, and seeing the king and his nobles drunke with wine, tooke their opportunitie, and so set vponupon them, and killed them. ex Hugon. But it is not like, that the king would hauehave beene so secure, if his enemies had beene in his hand, but that he would hauehave made them sure.

2. Some are of opinion, that the Babylonians hearing Daniels prophesie, durst not resist their enemies, but gaue vp the citie vntounto them. ex Perer. but it is not like, if the citie had beene yeelded vp, that Cyrus and Darius would hauehave made such hauocke of them, putting the king and his nobles to the sword.

3. Iosephus saith, quod Cyro fortiter dimicante capta est Babylon,, that Babylon was taken, Cyrus strongly assaulting it: but, though the citie were besieged, it seemeth by the great securitie and feasting in the citie, that there was no such assault made.

4. Thomas thinketh, that seeing the Lord appointed by Cyrus to deliuer his people out of captiuitie, that he by his power caused the riuers Tigris and Euphrates, subito siccari, of a sudden to be dried vp: but seeing that neither in Scripture, nor in any forren writer any such thing is spoken of, it is dangerous to imagine miracles without a good ground; and beside the riuer Tigris was a great way distant from Babylon: God indeede did extraordinarily assist Cyrus, as the Prophet saith, I will goe before thee, and make the crooked straight: I will breake the brasen doores, and burst the yron barres, Isa. 45. 2. but of the drying vp of the riuer the Prophet speaketh not.

5. Wherefore this is most probable, as both Herodotus and Xenophon write, that when Cyrus saw that the citie was otherwise inuincible, he vsed this stratageme, he caused the riuer Euphrates to be deuided into many chanels, and so made it passeable, and then his armie passed ouer, and by the guiding of Gadata and Gobryas two of the kings chiefe courtiers, they entred into the citie. Herod. l. 1. Xenoph. l. 7.

45. Quest. By whome Balthazar was slaine.

1. The Rabbins, and among the rest Ab. Ezra doe thinke, that one of Balthazars Courtiers hearing Daniels prophesie of the ruine of Balthazar, and of the kingdome, did presently slay the king, and caried his head to Cyrus, because he would execute the iudgement of God against him: but the Lord needed not to hauehave such treacherous executioners of his will. Calvin.

2. An other opinion is, that Balthazar was slaine of Cyrus souldiers, while they set vponupon him, and he in the meane time defended himselfe with a sword. Lyran.

3. But it is most like, that he was slaine by the hands of Gadata, and Gobryas, which betrayed the citie, and brought in Cyrus armie, whome the king before had offended: for Balthazar had caused Gadata before to be gelded, and had slaine Gobryas sonne in hunting, and they to be reuenged conspired against him. Calvin. Bulling. Oecolampad. Polan. ex Xenophon. l. 7.

46. Quest. By whome the citie of Babylon was taken.

1. The Grecian historiographers doe ascribe this victorie and exploite in taking of Babylon onelyonly vntounto Cyrus, as Herodotus, Xenophon: and the reason thereof is, because they followed therein the Persian histories, which ascribed the whole praise vntounto Cyrus: and beside, p. 165as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. the Grecians did extoll the Persians beyond all other Barbarians, of whome they obtained many noble victories, which made for their owne commendation.

2. Theodoret on the otherside, thinketh that Cyrus did not ioyne with Darius in this exploit: and he giueth these two reasons thereof: 1. because their raigne is distinguished, c. 6. 28. Daniel prospered in the raigne of Darius, and in the raigne of Cyrus of Persia: but if they had both ioyned together, it had beene but one and the same kingdome. 2. he that ioyned with Cyrus, was Cyaxares, whome it is hard to prooue to be this Darius of the Medes: this Darius was before Assuerus, and Cyrus was after: and thus Theodoret would infringe Iosephus report.

Contra. 1. At this time, when Babylon was taken, the kingdome of the Medes and Persians is onelyonly in Darius, who raigned not long, and then Cyrus succeeded: therefore their raigne was distinguished. And that Darius held the kingdome of the Medes and Persians at this time, is euident, c. 6. 15. Perer. 2. In the Greeke histories, as Iosephus writeth, Darius is called by an other name: and it is no rare thing, for one to hauehave diuers names; and to be called by one in the Scriptures, by an other in forren histories: as Ezra 4. the king which hindred the building of the Temple, is called Assuerus, and Artaxerxes, who is the same, who is named Cambises by other historiographers, the sonne of Cyrus: so the last king of the Medes by Herodotus is said to be Astyages the sonne of Cyaxares, whome Diodorus calleth Apanda, the other Astibara: so also this Darius may be the same, who is called Cyaxares the sonne not of Astyages, but of Assuerus, c. 9. 1.

3. Wherefore Iosephus opinion is more probable, whome Hierome followeth, that Darius and Cyrus with the power of the Medes and Persians ioyned together in the siege of Babel: which best agreeth both to the prophesie of Daniel here, that the kingdome was giuen to the Medes and Persians; and to the vision of the image, c. 2. where the second Monarchie next vntounto Babylon, is represented and set forth by the two armes of siluer, which signified the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians ioyned in one.

4. Xenophon, whome Iunius followeth in his commentarie, thinketh that although Darius was the chiefe procurer and beginner of this warre with the Babylonians, yet he himself was not present in person, but staied at home to defend his owne kingdome of Media: but by the wordes of the text here, that presently after Balthazar was slaine, Darius tooke the kingdome, it appeareth, that he was present then to take the kingdome vponupon him.

47. Quest. Who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon, Darius, or Cyrus, and why mention is made onelyonly of Darius.

1. Herodotus maketh Cyrus onelyonly the author and beginner of this warre, and the chiefe contriuer of it; and Iunius seemeth to be of the same opinion in his commentarie: and further thinketh, that Cyrus spent one yeare in setling the kingdome of Babylon, and afterward resigned it to Darius called also Cyaxares: so that the first yeare of Darius raigne was the second of Cyrus: but it is gathered rather by the text, that Darius tooke vponupon him the kingdome immediatly after the taking of the citie, and then began to raigne.

2. The more probable opinion then is, that Darius was the chiefe author and beginner of this battell, and that thereunto he vsed the helpe of Cyrus then President of Persia: so Xenoph. and Iosephus faith, when Darius did extinguish the Empire of Babylon, adiutus à Cyro, he was assisted by Cyrus. And this is most agreeable to the Scripture, which maketh the Medes the chiefe in this siege: Isa. 13. I will stirre vp the Medes against thee: and, Ier. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes. So that the chiefe authoritie and power was in the Medes, but the dexteritie in expediting of this busines, and in vsing that stratageme in deuiding the riuer, is ascribed vntounto Cyrus.

3. The victorie then is specially ascribed vntounto Darius, though it were atchieued and obtained by Cyrus skill and valour, for these three reasons, as Hierome briefly expresseth them: ord… aetatis, propinquitatis, & regni servatus est, the order of age, of affinitie, and of the kingdome was kept. 1. Darius was now not onelyonly 40.lib. 1. de divinat. yeare old, as Cicero saith, but 62. yeares old, Cyrus beeing a young man. 2. he was Cyrus great vnkle, his grandfather Astyages brother, and beside, as some thinke his father in law. 3. and now the chiefe dominion was in the Medes, from whome it was translated after Darius death, by Cyrus to the Persians.

48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian warre.

1. Heaodotus thinketh it was onelyonly Cyrus ambition, and immoderate desire of enlarging p. 166his dominion, that made him enterprise this battell: but this was not the chiefe cause: for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate vntounto Darius in this exploit, as is before shewed.

2. The author of the scholasticall historie imagineth this to be the cause, that the mother of Baltbazar, for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon, was this Darius daughter; and now Balthazar hauing no sonne, Darius attempted to inuade the kingdome, Balthazar yet liuing. But this is not like: for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext vntounto the kingdome, especially Balthazar, the right heire of the kingdome, beeing aliue.

3. That cause is more probable, which is alleadged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himselfe with the kings of Asia, was purposed to hauehave warred against the Medes, who had then the chiefe dominion: and therfore Darius to preuent him, first setteth vponupon Babylon.

4. But what cause soeuer mooued them, the speciall stirrer and instigator to this battell, was the Lord himselfe: as Ierem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rodde of the wicked, and the scepter of the rulers: and Ierem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes.

5. For the Lord was prouoked by the sinnes of Babel, and therefore brought this desolation and destruction vponupon them: which sinnes were these, 1. their crueltie and oppression: Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continuall plague, &c. And they were not onelyonly cruell toward other nations, but specially against the people of God, when they destroyed their citie and Temple: and therefore Ieremie saith, c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord, and the vengeance of his Temple. 2. An other of their great sinnes, was their superstition and idolatrie, Ierem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel. v. 52. I will visit her grauen images. 3. The Babylonians were giuen to diuinations, to sorcer…e, and enchantiments, for the which they were punished. Isa. 47. 9. They shall come vponupon thee, &c. for the multitude of thy diuinations, and for the great abundance of thine enchantments. 4. And to fill vp the measure of their iniquitie, Balthazar had in this his last, and as it were his funerall feast, prophaned the vessels of the Temple, and blasphemed God. All these sinnes beeing put together made vp the full measure, and cried for vengeance, which the Lord would no longer deferre.

49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets.

1. The Prophets spake of an vtter ouerthrow and subuersion of Babylon: as Isa. 13. 19. Babel the glorie of kingdomes, and the beautie and pride of the Chaldeans, shall be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha: it shall not be inhabited for euer, &c. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehogge, and pooles of water, and I will sweepe it with the besome of destruction, saith the Lord. Ierem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations, &c. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation: for it continued after the raigne of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander, beeing then a citie of great riches and power.

2. Some to winde themselues out of this straight, doe make an allegorie of these propheticall predictions: whome Hierome iustly reprehendeth in his commentarie vponupon the 13. c. of Isa: for if still vponupon eueryevery doubt and obiection, men should flie vntounto allegories, there would be no certentie of any thing.

3. Calvin to dissolue this knot, saith, that Babylon was subdued twice, once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede, then afterward by Darius Hystaspis, by the helpe of Zopyrus, when 3000. of the nobles were hanged vp, and many other put to the sword. But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruell and grieuous then the other, yet neither at this time was it finally ouerthrowne, as is before shewed.

4. Wherefore it must be considered, that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once, neither was Babylon at the first brought to vtter desolation, but by degrees. 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius, and depriued of the Empire and dominion. 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspis, when they rebelled, and the walls were broken downe to the ground. Herod. lib. 3. Iustin. lib. 1. 3. after this, not farre from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the citie Seleucia, and by the Parthians the citie Ctesiphon, Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhaust by this meanes of the inhabitants. 4. In the Emperour Adrians time, as Pausanias writeth, lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet, had nothing p. 167left but the walls. 5. In Hieromes time, as he writeth from the report of an Elamite, the walls of Babylon onelyonly serued to keepe in wild beasts for the kings game: and so he saith vsque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur, euen vntounto this day, the prophecie on Babel is fulfilled: Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there, neither shall the shepheards make their folds there. And so accordingly it was fulfilled, as Hierome saith, praemultitudine bestiarum & daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare, by reason of the multitude of beasts and of deuills, (and vncleane spirits that there haunted) no shepheard durst enter within the walls of Babylon.

50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued.

There are three generall opinions hereof. 1. Some extend it not so farre as to 70. yeares: 2. some limit it vntounto 70. yeares: 3. some make it farre to exceede the tear… of 70. yeares.

1. Of the first opinion are diuers, one disagreeing from an other: Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne to the ende of Balthazars, counteth but 65. yeares, as Iosephus alleadgeth him, lib. 1. cont. Appion. Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9. de praep. Evang. reckoneth but 62. yeares. Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat. and August. lib. 18. de civit. Dei, doe make the summe but 48. yeares. But the Scripture euidently conuinceth all these: which sheweth that the Chaldeans should rule ouer nations 70. yeares, Ierem. 25. 11. and so long the Iewes should be in captiuitie vnderunder them: but their captiuitie began vnderunder Nabuchadnezer: from the beginning then of his raigne to the ende of the Chaldean Monarchie, there must be 70. yeares at the least.

2. Some make but iust 70. yeares, as Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. so also H. B. in the Concent of Scripture: Nabuchadnezers 45. Euilmerodachs 22. and Balthazars 3. doe fill vp the number of 70. yeares. But the captiuitie began not before the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezers raigne, when Iechonia was carried away captiue, 2. king. 24. 12. from whence the Prophet Ezekiel counteth the yeares of captiuitie, Ezck. 1. 2. c. 8. 1. and in diuers other places.

3. Of the third sort,lib. 10. anno. cap. 12. which extend the terme beyond 70. yeares: first Iosephus counteth an 118. yeares: to Nabuchadnezer he giueth 43. yeares, to Euilmerodach 18. to Niglasar 40. to Balthazar 17. yet Beda and Rupertus thinke that the place in Iosephus is corrupted: and Pererius also, because Iosephus in an other place, lib. 11. from the 18. yeare of Nabuchadnezer to the destruction of Babylon, reckoneth iust 70. yeares.

Paulus Orosius affirming that Babylon was taken by Cyrus at the same time when the kings were expelled out of Rome, which was in the 67. Olympiade, extendeth the Chaldean Monarchie 60. yeares beyond the due time; for Cyrus is held to hauehave begun to raigne in the 58. Olympiade.

Pererius holdeth that the Chaldean Monarchie endured 88. yeares, which he sheweth thus: the captiuitie of the Iewes began in the 18. yeare of Nabuchadnezer, when Ierusalem was taken, which continued 70. yeares; vntounto this summe must be added 18. yeares, which were runne before of Nabuchadnezers raigne. But herein is Pererius error, he beginneth the captiuitie in the 18. yeare, whereas it must take beginning onelyonly from the 8. yeare of his raigne, as is euident, 2. king. 24. 12. and shall afterward more fully be shewed.

4. Therefore the true account is this: the 70. yeares captiuitie beganne when Ieconia was caried into captiuitie: for so the Prophet Ezekiel vseth to recken: as c. 1. 2. he maketh mention of the 5. yeare. c. 8. 1. of the sixt yeare. c. 29. 1. of the 10. yeare. c. 31. 1. of the 11. yeare. c. 32. 1. of the 12. yeare. c. 29. 17. of the 27. yeare: all which yeares are accounted from the captiuitie of Iechonia, as is euident c. 1. 2. which was in the 8. yeare of the raigne of Nabuchadnezer, 2. king. 24. 12. for then must begin the account of 70. yeares: vntounto which must be added 8. yeares of Nabuchadnezers raigne, which were expired before: so the whole time of the Babylonian Monarchie, from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne, was not precisely 70. yeares, as Polan. p. 398. but 78. yeares. Bulling.

51. Quest. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon.

Concerning the number of the kings themselues, how many raigned after Nabuchadnezer, is shewed before, Quest. 21. about the yeares of their raigne, there is great diuersitie of opinion.

1. Sulpitius giueth vntounto Balthazar 14. yeares: Eusebius to Enilmerodach and Balthazar p. 168together alloweth but 12. yeares, to Nabuchadnezzer but 36. Berosus with other auncient writers, cited by Iosephus, lib. 1. cont. Appion. doe giuegive vntounto Nabuchadnezzer 43. yeares: 20. yeares to Euilmerodach: 4. yeares to Niglasar: 17. yeares to Balthazar. Iosephus counteth 18. years for Euilmerodach, 40. for Niglasar, 9. moneths for Labosardach, and 17. years for Balthazar. lib. 10. antiq. c. 12. Pererius doth giuegive 43. yeares to Nabuchadnezzer, to Euilmerodach and Niglasar between them 27. years, to Balthazar 17. yeares. But all these doe manifestly erre in these two things: first, they giuegive but 43. yeares to Nabuchadnezzer, whereas he raigned 45. yeares: 8. yeares before Ieconiah his captiuitie, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. yeares after, 2. king. 25. 27. And they suppose Balthazar to raigne 17. yeares, whereas Daniel maketh mention onelyonly of the third yeare of his raigne, c. 8. 1.

2. The more common opinion is, that Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares, Euilmerodach 22. as H. B. in his Concent, or 23. as Oecolampad. and Balthazar three. But these are decciued in beginning the captiuitie from the third yeare of Iehoiakim, when Ierusalem was first taken, in the first yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne: whereas it must be accounted from Iechoniahs captiuitie, as is shewed in the former question.

3. Therefore I thinke Bullingers account is rather to be followed, to begin the 70. yeares from Iechoniahs captiuitie, as Iunius also doth, comment. in 9. Daniel. and then allowing vntounto Nabuchadnezzer 45. yeares, Euilmerodach must hauehave 30. and Balthazar three, which make in all 78. yeares, the whole time of the continuance of the Babylonian Monarchie: from which summe 8. beeing deducted, for so many yeares raigned Nabuchadnezzer before he tooke Iechoniah prisoner, there will remaine iust 70. yeares, the time of the captiuity.