Commentary on Daniel, Chapter 4 · Questions

Commentary on Daniel · Chapter 4 · Questions

p. 1203. The questions discussed.

Quest. 1. Of the kings epistle, the summe and parts thereof.

This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium, or beginning in three verses: which some make part of the third chapter, whose opinion is refuted before, quest. 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter.

The exordium or beginning, which is the generall inscription, containeth 1. the salutation. 2. the generall argument of the whole epistle. 1. the salutation sheweth, 1. the author and writer, Nebuchadnezzar. 2. the persons to whom he writeth, to all nations, and languages, vnderunder his kingdome. 3. the salutation it selfe▪ peace be multiplied.

2. In the argument three things are declared. 1. what he will set forth, the signes and wonders of God, which are amplified by two adiuncts, of the greatnesse and strength. 2. what mooued him to declare them, because they were shewed toward him, he had particular experience of them. 3. to what ende, to make knowne the power of Gods euerlasting kingdome.

Quest. 2. At what time Nebuchadnezzar wrote this epistle.

1. It is euident, by the salutation of the epistle, wherein the king wisheth peace vntounto all nations, that as Oecolampad▪ noteth, quietus erat in regno, & militiae finem fecerat, he was now quiet in his kingdome, and had made an ende of warre, &c. it is cleare then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering, & subduing the nations round about.

p. 1212. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie, Ezec. 29. 17. which was 10. yeare before the ende of Nebuchadnezzars raigne, for in the 37. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie began Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar to raigne.

3. This fearefull and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation, his deiecting from his throne, and restoring againe, might fall out some 9. or 10. yeares before the ende of his raigne, Perer: and this epistle might be written two yeares before his death, Iun. for one yeare after this dreame, ver. 26. he was driuen from among men, and liued 7. yeares among the beasts.

Quest. 3. How Nebuchadnezzar could write vntounto all the people in the world.

1. Caluin thinketh, that here the king superbe locutus est, spake proudly, as making himselfe Lord of the whole earth: as the Romanes, because they had a large dominion, called Rome Dominam totius orbis, the Ladie of the whole world: so also Polan. But that Nebuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation, may appeare both by the ende of his writing, which was to set forth the power of Gods kingdome, and by his stile, he contenteth himselfe with one title, calling himselfe king, whereas the Emperours of Rome vsed many swelling titles of their conquests, as Parthicus, Persicus, Germanicus, &c. of Parthia, Persia, Germania, and such like, Bulling.

2. The same author maketh this the reason, because now this epistle, beeing preserued vntounto our times, as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God, is indeed written and made knowne to all people: but this seemeth not to be the literall and historicall meaning.

3. Pappus saith he writte to all people and languages, not onelyonly to those which were subiect vntounto him, but he was desirous to make knowne the workes of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad. vnderunder these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world, as Mauritania, Spaine, for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. non enim praecipit, sed hortatur, for he in this epistle cōmandeth not, but onelyonly exhorteth: But it is euident by the forme of the decree which he made before, concerning euerie people, nation, and language, where he onelyonly meaneth such nations, as were subiect vntounto him: for his lawe could not bind those which were not subiect: that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense.

4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah, well expoundeth, he vnderstandeth here onelyonly his owne kingdomes, as of Persia, Assyria, Egypt, which are said to be the whole earth: because he was monarcha orientis, the Monarch of the East parts, Lyra, which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth: the principall part then is taken for the whole, Geneuens.

Quest. 4. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezzer declareth.

1. Some seeme to confound these two signes and wonders, making them all one, as Oeco. Osian. 2. some make this distinction: those are signes, qua fieri videntur contra naturam, &c. which seeme to be done against nature: wonders and miracles are those workes, which are admiratione digna, worthie of admiration, Hugo. but this is no difference at all, for whatsoeuer is done aboue or against nature, is worthie of admiration.

3. They are thus rather to be distinguished: the same things in diuerse respectes are both signes and wonders: signes, because many things are thereby signified; and miracles or wonders, because they are done aboue and beyond nature, I…n. They are signes, because they are euident testimonies of Gods wisedome, iustice, power: and wonders, because they were things wonderfull, and indeede to be wondered at, Polan. as that Nebuchadnezzar so mightie a king, should be chased from among men, and liue among bruite beasts seauen yeares, depriued of humane vnderstanding, and afterward be restored againe: Lyranus saith, they are called signes, because they were done to bring men to repentance: and wonders, as exceeding humane capacitie.

Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truely conuerted.

1. Caluin is of opinion, that for all this, non exuerit suos errores, Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors. But howsoeuer twice before this he was onelyonly astonished and mooued for the time, & afterward fell againe to his superstitions, yet he was at the length truely humbled.

2. I embrace therefore the contrarie opinion of Bullinger, Ostander, Oecolampadius, which thinke that at this time he was truly conuerted vntounto God: Osiander saith he did declare, veram humilitatem, true humilitie, which was an euident signe and effect of his conuersion. Oecolampadius giueth these two reasons: 1. beeing now called to the true knowledge of God, Deicogniti mores imitatur, he imitateth the properties of God, which is to be gentle, p. 122mercifull, wishing peace vntounto all. 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God, exemplum meum emendet omnes, let all men learne to amend by mine example, &c.

6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle.

1. The author of the Scholasticall historie denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle, but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternall memorie of this thing, which hapned vntounto him: But how should the writing of a prophane king, that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonicall Scripture, if the Prophet had no hand in it.

2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Calvin, that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona, that Daniel here speaketh (onelyonly) in the person of the king: for the very forme and style of the epistle, Nebuchadnezzer king, to all people, &c. peace be multiplied, sheweth, that these things were written by the king, and rehearsed by Daniel.

3. Therefore the truth is, that Daniel taketh all this narration, out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees, where this epistle was registred, not for more breuitie sake, as Osiander, least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often: but rather, that by the authoritie of the king the truth of this historie might be commended: which would hauehave beene suspected, if it had beene penned originally by a Iew, Polan. And yet, though it were first written by a prophane man, that was no Prophet, yet it was approoued by Daniel the Lords Prophet, Bulling. as in the old Testament, not onelyonly those writings are receiued for Canonicall, which were originally written by the Prophets, but such also, as beeing written by others, were approoued by the Prophets; as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah.

7. Quest. Whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation, were so done in deede.

1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some, which were of the sect of the Origenists, which thought, that these things set downe of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done, but that vnderunder his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the deuill from heauen: their reasons are these.

1. In other places of Scripture, as Isa. 14. vnderunder the fall of the king of Babylon, is described the fall of Lucifer.

2. Diuers things here repeated are impossible, as that a man should be transformed into a beast: that a king delicately brought vp, should eate grasse like an oxe.

3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers sauage life, which was 7. yeares, the kingdome of Babylon was not without a gouernour, who, it is most like, would not hauehave giuen place againe to Nebuchadnezzer.

4. If any such thing had beene historically done, they which hauehave written diligently of the Chaldean affaires, as Berosus, Megasthenes, Diocles, Philostratus, would hauehave made mention thereof.

Contra. 1. That prophecie of the ruine and fall of the king of Babylon, is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer, yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon: But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Deuill, as that they take away the truth of the historie: he reason then is not alike.

2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselues, depriued of vnderstanding, to liue among beasts: neither are the other things vnlikely, or impossible, as shall be seene in the seuerall handling of them.

3. Neither was it an hard thing with God, to cause the gouernment to returne vntounto Nebuchadnezzer, as he saith, v. 33. that his counsellers and Princes sought vntounto him. It might be the kingdome was gouerned by his sonne, or Daniel, which did willingly giuegive place: Lyr.

4. To the last argument it may be answered diuersly: 1. that it is not necessarie that the sacred histories should hauehave the testimonie of forren writers: for the standing still of the Sunne in Ioshuahs time, and the going backe of the Sunne in Hezekiahs raigne, the storie of Esther, and many beside, hauehave not the witnesse of prophane writers. 2. the euidence of this historie was registred in the Chalde Chronicles, which beeing perished, the memorie of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also. 3. And Gods prouidence is seene herein that the Gentiles should not put their vncleane fingers to the sacred histories, which they did much abuse, and corrupt: as it shall suffice to giuegive inflance onelyonly in Iustine, who manifestly committeth these errours in historie. 1. that the Iewes had their beginning from Damascus in Syria. 2. that Damascus raigned in that citie first, and Abraham next p. 123vntounto him. 3. Ioseph he maketh the youngest sonne of Israel, and saith he learned art magicke in Egypt. 4. Moses he maketh Iosephs sonne. 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt, because of the leprosie. 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to hauehave subdued the Iewes, whereas an 150. yeares before his time, Nebuchadnezzer conquered them.

4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Iewes, as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolome Philadelphus (whome he had set ouer the great librarie of Alexandria) beeing terrified by the examples of Theopompus, and Theodectes, who attempting to insert the Iewish histories into their writings, the one was stricken with madnes, the other with blindnes, as Iosep. l. 11. antiq. and Eus. l. 8. de praep. Evang. doe testifie.

5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter▪ for Alpheus an ancient Greeke writer (as Eusebius writeth, lib. 9. c. vlt.) maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer, as it were, rauished vponupon a suddaine in his minde, told the Chaldeans, that there was a calamitie approaching, which Bel their god could not preuent; that Persa semiasinu…, the Per…ian beeing halfe an asse (meaning Cyrus who was borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes, but of a meane father, one Cambises) should come, and bring them into seruitude, and then he suddenly vanished away: the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record, that he was blasted by some god, and spake of Babels fall by the Persians: H. B. consent.

2. But that this was a true historie, and not done in figure, type, or vision, it may thus appeare: 1. if this be no historie, no more should the rest be, written in this booke, and so we should hauehave no certentie of any thing. 2. Daniel himselfe rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthazar, how Nebuchadnezzer was deposed, c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter, which can in no wise agree vntounto the deuill: as how Nebuchadnezzer dreamed, and asked counsell of the wise men: and Daniel wisheth him to breake off his sinnes by repentance: none of these things can be said of the deuill. ex Perer.

8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar.

1. Dorotheus in synops. and Epiphan. lib. de vit. & interit. prophet. doe thinke that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthazar the kings sonne, because he purposed to make him heire with him of the kingdome. And this opinion may seeme somewhat to be fauoured by the vulgar Latin translation: which readeth, v. 5. till Daniel, collega (my collegue or companion in the kingdome) came in: which Pererius vnderstandeth so to be saide, because Nebuchadnezzer had ioyned Daniel with him, as his fellow in the kingdome. Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense, to signifie a collegue or fellow, in the originall, and therefore we will not insist vponupon this reason. 2. But the name of Belteshazzar, and Belshazar are diuers in the the originall: the one consisteth of 7. letters, Beltheshaatzer, the other onelyonly of sixe, Belshazzer. And Daniel was so called before this time, when as Balthazar the king was not yet borne, nor named in storie.

2. Suidas and Iosephus thinke, that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things: but that is not so: for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the kings dreames, c. 1. 7.

3. The most thinke, that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees, and giuen vntounto Daniel because of his diuine wisdome, Lyran. Hugo. Vatab. but the name of the Chalde god, was Bel, Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar.

4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god: but the king saith, he was called after or according to my God: the first syllable onelyonly is borrowed from the name of his god Bel: the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words, signifying keeping, or laying vp the treasure of Bel, Iun. as is shewed before, qu. 28. c. 1.

9. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzer saith, that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods, v. 5.

1. The S…ptuag. read in the singular, foreign, the holy spirit of God, thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatrie: but the word in the originall is in the plural, elohim, gods.

2. Some thinke that by gods, are here vnderstood the Angels, who are sometime called gods in Scripture, Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels hauehave not, because they know not things to come: and the magicians, who had conference and familiaritie with spirits, not beeing able to tell the king his dreame, which he had forgotten, excuse themselues, because none but the gods could declare such things, c. 2. 11.

p. 1243. His meaning then is, that the gods aboue onelyonly knew secrets, whose diuine spirit Daniel was indued with: loquitur more gentilium, he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles, who held that there were many gods, Lyran. And it was a receiued opinion among them, that it was a diuine thing to interpret dreames, as Socrates answered the Athenians, that he was ignorant of that diuine science. Lyran. ex Albert. mag.

10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers dreame, and the summe thereof.

There are two parts of his dreame, the first containeth a description of a goodly faire tree, v. 7. to v. 10. the second the ouerthrow and cutting downe of this tree, thence to v. 15.

1. The tree is described, 1. by the situation of it in the middes of the earth. 2. by the height, which reached vntounto heauen, which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride, so also gloss. ordin. Lyranus, of his high aduancement to such a great Monarchie. 3. by the spreading of it to the endes of the earth, is vnderstood the largenes of his dominion, which extended very farre. Megasthenes, as Iosephus citeth him, thinketh, that he subdued part of Spaine. 4. by the vtilitie thereof, which was double, it gaue meate and shadow vntounto all both foules and beasts: that is, all kind of people, both of ciuill and vnciuill life, both had nourishment and peace vnderunder the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer.

2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth. 1. by whome, by a watchman, which is interpreted to be an angel. 2. the manner is described how this tree should be serued, the tree is broken downe, that is, the king is cast out of his kingdome; the branches are broken off, his nobles and princes are remooued from him: his leaues are shaken off, his glorie and renowne is taken from him: the fruit are scattered, the riches of the kingdome eueryevery one snatcheth and diuideth: the birds and beasts flie away, many taking occasion by the fall of the king, withdraw themselues from his yoake.

3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree, a stumpe of it shall be left, (that is, his kingdome shall be reserued for him still, gloss. interlin.) with the condition thereof; set forth first metaphorically, it shall be bound with chaines of brasse, whereby is signified his phrensie and madnesse: because mad men are bound with chaines, Bulling. then literally or historically his state is described both outward, that he should liue with the beasts of the field, and inward, his heart should be changed, which is amplified by the circumstance of time, till 7. times, that is yeares be passed ouer him, v. 13. So this dreame was propounded in allegorie in such maner, vt tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit▪ vnde colligeret aliud notari, that yet God mingled withall some thing, whereout he might gather, that some other thing was signified, Calvin. for a tree, from whence he borrowed this allegorie, needed not to be bound with chaines, neither hath any heart.

5. Lastly, the certentie of this decree is set downe, by a generall consent of God, and his Angels, v. 14.

11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the middes of the earth.

1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said, because Nebuchadnezzer had Iudea subiect vntounto him, which is thought to be in the middes of the earth.

2. Some of the Rabbins thinke, that Babylon is signified, because it is in the same line or parallel with Ierusalem, which is in the middes of the earth. And of this opinion are Hierome, and Origen: but now no such thing is found, that Ierusalem should be in the middes of the earth. Calvin.

3. Alfragane, with whome Pintus consenteth, thinketh that Babylon it selfe is situate in the 4. climate, which is in the middes, the whole earth beeing deuided into 7. climats: but this is too curious.

4. By the middes of the earth, is better vnderstood the middes of his kingdome, Osiand. so that this is spoken, not in respect of the situation of the place, as of the qualitie & strength of his kingdome.

12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzer is compared to a tree.

v. 8. A great tree and strong. 1. Hierome seemeth to be here of opinion, that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees, as Nebuchadnezzer here, and he alleadgeth that place, Psal. 37. 35. I hauehave seene the wicked strong, and spreading himselfe like a greene bay tree: But it is euident, that the righteous are also compared to fruitfull trees, Psal. 1. 3.

2. Generally a man is likened to a tree, as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall p. 125know, that I the Lord, hauehave brought downe the high tree, &c. that is, all the people of the world shall know: a good man is resembled to a good tree, and an euill man to an euill tree, Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle, and before him Plato, did call a man, arborem inuersam, a tree turned vpside downe: that as the tree hath his roote and sprigges comming out below, so man hath his head and haire vppermost. Wicked men are like vntounto corrupt trees without fruit, Iud. 12. such as the figgetree was, Matth. 21. which had leaues; but no fruit: good men are like vntounto good trees, Ierem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit, not onelyonly as an ornament to it selfe, but to be commodious to others: so the righteous are fruitfull vntounto many: and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downeward, the higher it spreadeth vpward; so the more lowly a man is in his owne eyes, the more he is exalted before God. Pint.

3. Now as men are compared vntounto trees in generall, so Princes and great men, are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees, as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of Iudah is likened to an high cedar: so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with faire branches, Ezek. 31. 3.

4. But in that Nebuchadnezzer is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree, thereby is not signified the perfection of his gouernment, and his princely vertues: for euen Tyrants and euill gouernours are as trees, whose gouernment, as a shadow, bringeth some comfort vntounto their subiects: for better is a bad gouernment, then none. Calvin.

13. Quest. v. 11. Who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules.

1. Some by the beasts vnderstand simple men, by the foules, garrulos & mendaces, pratlers and lyers, such as aspired and looked high. gloss. Some by the one meane such as were rude and barbarous, by the other, such as were of most ciuill life, Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferiour sort and condition, by the foules, the more noble sort, which dwelt in the branches of this tree, in the cities and townes. Hug. Card.

2. But by these two kinds in generall are signified all the inhabitants and subiects in his kingdome: as Ezek. 39. 17. Speake vntounto eueryevery feathered foule, and to all the beasts of the field, assemble your selues, and come: good men, are compared vntounto sheepe for their innocencie, to serpents for their wisdome, and euill men for their crueltie to lyons, and beares, for their craft vntounto foxes, as our Sauiour saith of Herod, Tell that foxe: so likewise the righteous are likened to doues for their simplicitie, and cruell men and oppressors are as rauening eagles, Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an vsuall thing for men to be compared vntounto such beasts and foules, quorum mores imitantur, whose manners and conditions they imitate. And this some thinke was Pythagoras meaning, that held the transmigration of humane soules into the bodies of beasts. And so Iamblicus vnderstandeth it of the similitude and likenes of bruitish manners, though Plotinus absurdly thinke the contrarie, that the soules of men doe in deede passe into the bodies of beasts: But Hermes Trismegistus sheweth the absurditie hereof, thus resoluing, non permittere legem diuinam animi humani transitum in bestias, that the diuine law will not admit the passage of humane soules into beasts. ex Pint.

14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzer was bound with a band of yron and brasse.

1. Pererius thinketh in deede that he was first bound with chaines and fetters as a mad man, and afterward let loose, and so wandred vp and downe among bruit beasts: so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chaines, least he should hauehave hurt himselfe and others: but if this were meant literally, then he remained still tied among the grasse and beasts of the field, as the words are.

2. They which take exception to this historie, taking it to be an allegorie, doe make this one of their obiections, Why they did not rather tie him vp, beeing beside himselfe, then suffer him to range abroad: and how he could liue 7. yeares among bruit beasts, and not be slaine? Lyranus answereth, 1. that if he had beene chained vp, infirmitas fuisset aggrauata, his infirmitie or maladie would hauehave beene more grieuous, as we see by experience, that mad men beeing tied vp, are more furious. 2. to the which it may be added, that they did euen in this time of madnes shew some reuerence toward the person of the king.

3. But the best answer is, that they left him to himselfe, that this prophesie of Daniel might take place: they knew he should be restored to his kingdome againe: and so he was also by the diuine prouidence, preserued and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts.

p. 1264. This phrase then, to be tied vp in chains, is here vsed to expresse his madnes: because it is the vse to bind mad men in chaines, Bulling. and hereby is signified the certentie of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God, which can not be broken, Lyran. so that the meaning is, stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreis, he should continue in this sauage life in the grasse, as one bound with iron fetters, Oecolamp. Pellican. he should hauehave no power to come out of it, vntill his time was fulfilled.

15. Quest. v. 11, 12. Why this prophecie is vttered in the imperatiue moode, Hew downe the tree, &c. leaue the stumpe.

1. It is vsuall with the Prophets to deliuer their prophecies in this manner, as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rocke, and hide thee in the dust: for thou shalt enter and hide thee: so Isa. 13. 6. Howle ye, for the day of the Lord is at hand: for, ye shall howle: and, c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children: that is, ye shall prepare. Polan.

2. There may be an other reason yeelded in this place: this speech of the Angel, hewe downe, sheweth a generall consent of all the Angels, one encouraging an other to effect and execute the decree of God, and therefore it is called, v. 14. the decree of the watchmen, that is, a ioynt consent of all the Angels: And, postulat ab hominibus fieri, quod Deus imperat, he desireth that, what God hath commanded, may accordingly be performed by men. Iun.

16. Quest. v. 14. Why the Angels are called Watchmen.

1. The Angels are so called, because of their spirituall, and incorporeall nature, Ab. Ezr. for bodies onelyonly neede sleepe: and because they hauehave no bodies, and so neither eate nor drinke, which are the causes of sleepe, they are alwaies watchfull, Calv. quia homines laborant & fatigantur, somno egent, &c. because men doe labour and are wearied, they neede sleepe: therefore the Angels, which labour not as man, neither are wearied, are free from sleepe. Perer.

2. And by this word is not onelyonly expressed the spirituall nature of Angels, but their watchfull office also: they doe alwaies waite and attend vponupon God to fulfill his will: as the Prophet Dauid setteth them forth, Psal. 103. 20. Praise the Lord ye his Angels, which excell in strength, that doe his commandement in obeying the voice of his will: in which sense, they are said to be full of eyes, Ezek. 1. Iun. annot.

3. But because euill angels are watchfull also,1. Pet 5. 8.1 Pet 5:8 as S. Peter saith, The deuill goeth about like a roaring lyon, seeking whome he may deuoure; an other title is giuen vntounto these watchmen, v. 10. the Angel is called a watchman, and an holy one, ad differentiam d…monum, &c. to shew a difference betweene good Angels, and deuills, who are also spirits, Lyran.

4. And whereas v. 10. the word is vsed in the singular, a watchman, but here in the plural, multos intelligere debemus, &c. we must vnderstand, that there were many Angels, which were employed in this businesse, Oecolamp.

5. This tearme of watchman, is vsed also, as fitting the present matter, for as watchmen, explorant singula facta, &c. doe obserue all our doings, Oecolampad. so the Angel here obserued Nabuchadnezzer narrowly: for while the word was in the kings mouth, v. 28. that proud word, whereby he boasted of his power and magnificence, the sentence decreed from God, was pronounced from heauen against him. Iun. annot.

17. Quest. By whome the 14. v. was pronounced, by the Angel, or by the King.

v. 14. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen. 1. Some thinke, that these are the words of the king: for the Angel would not hauehave called the decree of God, the decree of the Angels: and in the next verse following, v. 15. Nabuchadnezzer speaketh in his owne person, This is the dreame that I Nabuchadnezer hauehave seene. Contra. 1. It is called the decree of the watchmen in respect of their ministerie, the decree came from God, but was executed by them: as Eph. 2. 20. the Apostle …aith, the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, because they were Gods ministers in laying of it. 2. It is not necessarie, because the next verse is vttered in the kings person, that this should be so likewise.

2. Wherefore these words are also deliuered by the Angel, 1. because if Nebuchadnezzer had so said, he euen then had attained to the vnderstanding of the dreame, he needed not to hauehave any further helpe. 2. these words following, according to the word, or request of the holy ones, could not be vttered by the king: for how should he know what was the desire and request of the Angels?

p. 127Quest. 18. ver. 14. Of the meaning of these words, according to the request of the holy ones.

1. Osiander expoundeth these words of the blessed Trinitie: as though post rogatas sententias fecerint senatusconsulum, after they had asked voices they made the decree against Nebuchadnezzar: so also Pintus thinketh it may be vnderstood of the Trinitie: But neither can the Trinitie in the plurall be called watchmen, which word noteth not their persons, but their nature and office: nor yet can God be said to make any request.

2. Vatablus by the watchmen vnderstandeth the superiour, by the holy ones the inferiour Angels: that these aske of the other a reason hereof: and the answer to their demaund, is, that which followeth to the intent that men liuing may knowe, &c. But this is too curious: that the watchmen, and holy ones are the same is euident, ver. 10. where the watchman is called an holy one.

3. Some by holy ones vnderstand the Saints in earth, that this question should be asked of them, and the Angels made answer: thus seemeth Oecolampad. to interpret, erat petitio, & interrogatiue respondent, there was a certaine petition, and they answer by way of interrogation, &c. so translate Geneuens. the demaund was answered: but the text admitteth not this sense: for the word sheel…a, which signifieth request or petition, is ioyned to the first clause of the sentence, and diuided by a perfect distinction, from the sentence following.

4. Pellican thinketh, that the Iewes, hearing what calamitie had befallen their king, praied vntounto God to restore him to his right mind: But these words were vttered, and this petition made, before this sentence was executed vponupon Nebuchadnezzar.

5. Lyranus thus vnderstandeth ad petitionem sanctorum in terra, quam Angeli praesentant in coelo, at the request of the saints in earth, which the Angels did present in heauen, &c. but the Angels would not hauehave presented a request (if any such office were committed vntounto them) contrarie to the decree of God.

6. Caluin giueth this sense, that Angeli vno …re te accusant, &c. the Angels with one mouth accuse thee before God, & Deus annuens eorum votis decreuit te abijcere, and God consenting to their motion hath decreed to cast thee off. So also Hug. the Angels desired that this decree should be made against him. But the Angels request procured not this decree, it followed vponupon Gods decree, as the order of the words sheweth.

7. The meaning then is no more but this, that the Angels with one consent desire, that Gods decree might take place, and that the sentence giuen by God in heauen, might be executed by men in earth. And therefore the Angel said before, hewe downe the tree, breake off the branches, that men might in earth fulfill, what God had purposed in heauen. Iun. Polanus.

Quest. 19. Of the meaning of these words, ver. 14. and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men.

1. Lyranus thinketh, that this is to be vnderstood of Christ, who was humbled, and abased in this world; but afterward God exalted him, and all power was giuen vntounto him in heauen and in earth: But it is euident, that this is spoken of the terrene and externall kingdomes of this world, that God setteth vp some, and pulleth downe others, but Christs kingdome was not of this world.

2. Lyranus also hath an other exposition, that hereby is signified, that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vntounto the kingdome, and that he was per humilitatem restitutus, restored againe by humilitie.

3. But the vse is rather more generall: that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king, men might learne, that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing, seeing many times most base men hauehave beene aduanced to the kingly dignities: and so as Caluin well noteth, hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit, &c. this hath not fallen out onelyonly in one king. It is notorious, that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours, some had beene …eateheards, as cruell Maximinus, some swineheards, as Iustinus the father of Iustinian.

Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre.

Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel. 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vntounto God for the interpretation of the dreame: as Theodoret saith, prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas, &c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe, and then inspired grace to be manifested, &c. so thinketh Dyonis. Carthusi. intra hanc horam fuisse ei p. 128ostensam, &c. that in this space was shewed vntounto him the interpretation of the dreame: se totum ad Deum extulit, cum pijs precibus, he lifted vp his prayers vntounto God. Pint. feruids Dominum orauit, &c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling.

2. But this seemeth not to hauehave beene all the cause: for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him: not because he was afraide of the king, …d dolebat pro eo, he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour: Hierome: so also Lyran. Iun. Polan. for the holy prophets had a double affection, when they declared Gods iudgements: ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus, on the one side they pitied those miserable men, to whom the iudgements were denounced, deinde intrepide pronuntiabant, yet they pronounced them without feare, Caluin. And this seemeth to hauehave beene the cause of this pause which he made, the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined, and for that it greiued him for the king, of whom he had beene so honoured, because the king encourageth him to proceede, whatsoeuer the dreame was.

3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio, &c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king, that he might be more desirous to heare the truth, Oecolampaid. Pelli. This vse the king might make thereof: but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel.

Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies.

Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God, which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar, and beside it might be thought against charitie, to wish such things vntounto those, whome he knewe not, who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar.

1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onelyonly sheweth, the great calamitie, which should befall him, such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie, Bulling. which was the cause, he was so loath to open the dreame, because it pretended such heauie things: but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts, that he was indeede sorie for the king, and wished that euill farre away from him.

2. Dyonis. Carthusian. answereth, that this euill which he wished vntounto the kings enemies, might ad salutem animae proficere, be profitable vntounto them for their soules health, and therefore this wish was not vncharitable: But it might as well hauehave beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule, he should not then hauehave wished it from him.

3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio, then precatio ex fide, a ciuill kind of salutation, then a prayer of faith, which it was necessarie Daniel should vse, to insinuate himselfe, Iun. in commentar.

4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation, for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horri…ilem poenam à regis persona, such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king, Caluin. whereupon Polanus also noteth, that we should euen pray for our enemies, as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar, who was an enemie to the people of God, and held them in captiuitie.

5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God, for he thus prayeth, praesupposito beneplacito diuino, presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure, Dyon. Carthus. so also Pintus: he knew Dei minis & promissionibus haerere suas conditiones, that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God, Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vntounto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie. see further, quest. 29.

Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better, then an anarchie, or no gouernement.

V. 19. It is thou O king, that art great and mightie. 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant, as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie, both burning the Temple, and putting the people to the sword, as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans, whom he vniustly caused to be killed, cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame, which he had forgotten: yet he is compared to a goodly tree, which gaue meat and shadowe vntounto the foules and beasts: So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice, Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo, God holdeth them in after a secret manner, that some profit commeth by their gouernement, Caluin. As the heathen Emperours of Rome, though they were cruell, yet ordained good politike lawes, as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander, Diocletian, and the rest, as are extant in the Code.

p. 1292. Whereas, when there is no gouernement, but eueryevery one doth what they list, there is a confusion of all things, a corruption both of manners and religion, as appeareth in the time of the Iudges, when as there was no king in Israel, they followed what religion they would, Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues, without either feare of God or man, as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife, Iudg. 19.

Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree.

1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off, yet the rest remaining would hauehave flourished still, and so the losse should not hauehave beene so great. As in a commonwealth, when one noble man of account, or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth, and is taken away, though it be a losse or hinderance, yet the countrey is not vndone; others may rise vp in his place: as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine, yet Cicero succeeded, in whom that want was supplied. And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome, yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest: But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion, and be stripped of his regall dignitie: The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a great tree with many spreading boughes, one of them beeing cut off, with this posie, vno avulso non deficit alter, one beeing pulled away the other faileth not: but here all the boughes and branches are pulled away at once, Pintus.

2. If it had beene told him, that he should onelyonly loose his regall dignitie, and liue as a common person, it had not beene so grieuous: but now when he heareth that he should be throwne downe from such an high estate, into such an ignominious life, as to be matched with beasts, it must needes trouble him, Caluin.

Quest. 24. 22. How Nebuchadnezzar was driuen from men, and dwelt with the beasts.

1. Theodoret sheweth how this came to passe: for both because he was rabie correptus, taken with furie, and so might hauehave done much hurt, if he had still conuersed among men; as also for that he was hated of all for his former tyrannie, and crueltie, they expelled and draue him away from the companie of men.

2. And beeing thus driuen out among beasts, and lying in the wet and cold, his garments rotted, and his haire grewe hard, like eagles quilles, and his nailes waxed long, like vntounto birds clawes, he was neglected of all, euen of his wife, and children, and kindred: Gods iustice so prouiding, that as he had shewed himselfe in his tyrannicall and cruell gouernement as a beast toward others, so ferina vitae damnatus est, he was condemned to a beastly life: in whom may be verified that saying in the Psal. 49. 12. Man shall not continue in honour, but is like vntounto the beasts that perish.

Quest. 25. How Nebuchadnezzar did eate grasse like an oxe.

It may seeme strange, that a king beeing so delicate a person, should fall to eat grasse like an oxe: which seeming vntounto some to be verie vnlikely and improbable, they therefore would turne this histore into an allegorie: but this doubt may diuerse wayes be answered.

1. First, it is no vnnaturall thing for men to liue of grasse and herbes,lib. 6. cap. 30. as Plinie writeth of a certaine people of the Ethiopians, which liue of rawe Locustes: some onelyonly of herbes and rootes, others doe eate of any thing that commeth to hand, and therefore are called pamphagi, ea…nals, which eate of any thing. As also Ecclesiasticall histories make mention of diuers Heremites, which liued onelyonly of rootes and such other wild fruite of the earth.

2. And further the imagination of his minde, which was now become phrantike and bruitish, might bring him to eate such meates, which otherwise he in his right mind would hauehave abhorred, as Hierome saith, multa sunt furentibus facilia, qua sunt sanis intolerabilia, many things are easie vntounto madde men, which are intolerable to them of right minde: and as Theodoret obserueth, we see by experience that furious and mad men doe put into their mouthes, and teare with their teeth, whatsoeuer commeth to hand.

3. Beside …he temperament and constitution of his bodie, was altered and changed by the distemperature of his mind, and so it might be made fit and applyable vntounto such bruite beasts.

4. But most of all Gods power here was secret, in preseruing the life of Nebuchadnezzar by such meates, that he might be an example to all ages of Gods iustice, and that thereby his pride might thoroughly be tamed.

p. 130Quest. 26. How the kingdome of Babylon was gouerned in the time of Nebuchadnezzars absence.

1. Some thinke that it might be gouerned by Euilmerodach his sonne, who afterward succeeded, which is not vnlike, Perer. But whereas Lyranus addeth that Nebuchadnezzar at his returne put his sonne in prison, where Iechonias was, for his misgouernement, while his father was thus humbled, and thereupon Euilmerodach when he came to raigne aduanced Iechonias and tooke him out of prison, 2. king. 24. 27. it hath no probabilitie.

2. Or the nobles might take vponupon them the gouernement of the kingdome in the meane time, seeing they knewe by Daniel that the king was to be restored to his kingdome: and Iosephus addeth further, nemine audente toto septennio inuadere dominium, none durst inuade the kingdome all those seauen yeares: and because Nebuchadnezzar had been a valiant king, and much enlarged his hingdome, this might be a reason, that they expected his returne with patience, Lyran. which made them to be the more willing to receiue him againe, and to seeke vntounto him, because God had so ordained.

Quest. 27. ver. 22. What is vnderstood by seauen times.

1. Some thinke that by 7. times no certaine but an indiffinite time is vnderstood, ex Bulling. but that is not so, for it is said, ver. 31. that in the end of these dayes, &c. there were then certaine dayes appointed.

2. R. Leui, and Aben Ezra, leaue it vncertaine and indifferent, whether we vnderstand here moneths or yeares, or the parts of the yeere: but it is certaine, that in a prophesie some one speciall thing is signified.

3. Theodoret enclineth to thinke, that hereby the halfe yeares must be counted for the times, as the Persians generally diuide the yeare into two parts, Summer and Winter: and so these 7. times should make three yeares and an halfe. But no where in the Scripture, is a time taken for halfe a yeare.

4. Bullinger by these 4. times vnderstandeth the 4. times of the yeare, the Spring, Summer, the Autumne, Winter: and so these 7. yeares should come out in a yeare and three quarters: but we refuse this sense also for the former reason: time is not so taken in Scripture.

5. Wherefore the receiued interpretation is best, by seauen times to vnderstand 7. yeares, so Iosephus, Iun. Osiand. Oecolampad. Caluin. Perer. Vatab. Lyranus giueth this reason: because cap. 12. ver. 7. a time, two times, and an halfe, are so taken for three years and an halfe, which make 1290. dayes, as it is expounded, v. 12. Iunius giueth instance in a more direct place, cap. 11. 13. in the ende haghittim shanim, of the times of yeares: Pererius further yeeldeth this reason, quia omnis nota temporis varietas, &c. because eueryevery notable varietie and change of time is contayned in the compasse of a yeare; as Sommer, Winter, heate, cold, &c.

6. Hence also is manifest the error of Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius in vit… Danielis, whom the author of the scholasticall historie followeth, that 7. yeares were determined, but at the prayer of Daniel they were changed into 7. moneths: for the contrarie is euident, v. 31. that Nebuchadnezzar did not come to himselfe, till the full time was expired: In the ende of these dayes I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eies to heauen, &c. And so Daniel had prophesied before, ver. 22. seuen times shall passe ouer thee, till thou knowe, that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of men.

Quest. 28. Of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation, but first in generall of the diuerse kinds of transmutations.

1. Their is one kind of transmutation, which is a fabulous and poeticall fiction, rather then any true alteration and change, such as is the fable of the changing of Vlysses companions into diuerse formes of beasts by the witchcraft of Circes, and of Diomedes companie into birdes, and Lucianus tale of Apuleius golden asse: like vntounto this is the fabulous report of the Arcadians, which by swimming ouer a certaine riuer, are changed into wolues; whereof Plinie giueth this censure, falsum esse considenter existimare debemus, Plinie li. 8. c. 22.we …st confidently thinke that it is false.

2. There is a kind of naturall and phisicall transmutation,lib. 5. de. histor. animal. cap. 19. as Aristotle sheweth how certaine wormes become butter-flies: and by experience we knowe, that maggets, which breed in flesh, are turned into flies. But Plinie reporteth a more strange thing of a certaine beast in the Iappanian Islands, in bignesse, shape, and haire like vntounto a dogge,lib. 11. cap. 22. which by oft p. 131swimming in the Sea; by little and little is changed into a fish. But for the transmutation of women into men, which Plinie of his owne experience reporteth to be true, and that such things, as most true, are inserted into the Romane annales, or Chronicles,lib. 7. cap. …. it is to be doubted how farre his report may be credited.

3. The third kind is of phantasticall changes, such as are wrought by sorcetie and art Magicke: such were those apparitions of serpents, procured by the subtiltie of the Egyptian sorcerers: and such may be thought to be those alterations & changes of men into the forme of wolues and other beasts, which Olaus Magnus writeth to be vsuall in Prussia, Liuonia, Lituania.lib. 18. 3. ….

4. VntoUnto these adde, those true changes, which hauehave beene made by the power of God, as Lots wife was turned into a pillar of salt, Moses rodde into a serpent, Christ turned water into wine, Perer.

5. And the last kind is the spirituall change which is in the minde and vnderstanding, either for the better, as when men are renewed by grace, and from ignorance, infidelitie, carnall lusts, are turned to become newe men, as Zacheus was, Luk. 19. or are inspired with a propheticall gift, as Saul was, when he prophesied: either for the worse, as when the spirit of God left Saul, and an euill spirit was sent vponupon him, which possessed him with furie. And of this kind was Nebuchadnezzars change, who of a reasonable man, became in his minde an vnreasonable beast: But this matter followeth now to be handled more at large.

Quest. 29. What manner of change Nebuchadnezzars was.

1. Lyranus and Carthusianus doe impute this opinion vntounto Iosephus, that he should thinke, that Nebuchadnezzar was indeede changed into an oxe. But Iosephus in that place, where he toucheth that storie, lib. 10 antiquat. cap. 11. hath no such thing: he onelyonly saith, vitam acturus erat inter bestias, that he was to lead his life among the beasts. Indeede Darotheus and Epiphanius are of opinion, that he was not changed at all in his minde,Dorotheus … Synops. Epiphan. de vita Danielis. but onelyonly externally in his bodie▪ and that the forepart of him was like an oxe, the hinder part like a lyon. But this cannot be so. 1. If they presse the words literally they may with better reason say, he was changed into an eagle: because it is said, his haire was as eagles quilles, and his nailes like birds clawes: 2. If there had beene in him any such notorius change it would not hauehave beene omitted, seeing the power of God should hauehave beene set forth thereby. 3. And if the Chaldeans had seene him in the shape of a beast, they would hauehave taken him for a very bruite beast, and not fit to be restored to his kingdome. 4. It is euident also that the same Nebuchadnezzar a man, and not a beast, after the time expired, was restored to his kingdome: but if he had beene so changed, he should not hauehave beene the same, but an other.

2. Medina is of opinion, that Nebuchadnezzar was changed not indeede but in shewe,lib. 2. de rect. in Deum side, cap. 7. that he appeared to be a bruit beast in the sight of all that looked vponupon him: such a like thing is that, which Hierome reporteth in the life of Hilarion, how a woman was brought vntounto him, which seemed vntounto others to be a beast, but he discerned her to be a woman.

But Gods workes are not fantasticall, or in shewe: that which he doth is in veritie and truth: this difference there is betweene Gods workes, and the illusions of Sathan, that he maketh things to be the same which they appeare, as Moses rodde became a true serpent, but Sathan deceiueth the sense, the sorcerers serpents were but counterfeit.

3. Neither yet can I altogether subscribe vntounto the opinion of Thomas Aquin. lib. 1. de regim. princip. c. vlt.who thinketh that although Nebuchadnezzar were neither actually, nor in shewe a beast in his bodily shape, yet sua opinione videbatur sibi bestia, he seemed a beast vntounto himselfe: I thinke rather with Calvin, non sic obstupuit, quin mala sua sentiret, he was not so besotted, but that he had some sense of his calamitie: for otherwise how should he hauehave remembred it afterward, and so giuen thankes to God for his restitution.

4. This then was the transmutation which Nebuchadnezzar had, manente forma humana, his mans shape remayning, his humane soule was changed to be brutish by his phrensie and madnesse: Bulling. not that the minde of a beast was giuen him in substance, for he retayned his reasonable soule: nor yet that there was no more vnderstanding in him left, then in a bruit beast, Osiand. for the reasonable soule remayning, though it became bruitish, yet it is not altogether as the sense of a bruite beast: but as Lyranus saith, vsum rationis perdidit per amentiam, he lost the vse of reason by his madnesse: his minde became bruitish, and in p. 132this sense in respect of the vse of his reason, and vnderstanding it is said, v. 13. let the heart of a beast be giuen him. …. 6 de victor. verb. Dei. c. 14.Rupertus also collecteth as much out of these words, v. 33. mine vnderstanding was restored vntounto me, satis ostendit non formam se amisisse, sed mentem, he sufficiently sheweth, that he had not lost his shape, but his minde.

Yet he was somewhat altered and changed in the constitution, and sight of his bodie, beeing growen mishapen and deformed, though not transformed into the shape of a beast, as followeth to be shewed in the next question.

Quest. 30. How Nebuchadnezzars bodie was changed.

1. As his minde was become sottish and bruitish, so the constitution of his bodie was much changed and became applyable vntounto that bruitish food, whereof he liued. 2. he went naked hauing no care of his cloathing, as bruite beasts are onelyonly couered with their skinne: but here Lyranus noteth an error in Iosephus, who resembleth this nakednesse of Nebuchadnezzar, to Adams nakednesse before the fall, whereof he giueth this reason, that Adam vixit in simplicitate bestiali, Adam liued then in a brutish kind of simplicitie, as children before they hauehave vse of reason are not ashamed of their nakednesse, &c. But Lyranus argueth well against this assertion: that by this reason mans state should hauehave beene bettered by his fall, which brought vntounto him the vse of reason. This matter then may be further thus scanned, that there is an Angelicall kind of nakednesse (that I may so speake) such as Adam had before his fall, whereof he was not ashamed, because sinne was not yet entred into the world: there is a brutish nakednesse, which because beasts hauehave no reason at all, neither are subiect to sinne, is not vnseemely in them: there is an humane nakednesse between both, whereof men are not ashamed, either because the vse of reason is not yet come vntounto them, as in children, or they are depriued of it altogether, as naturall fooles, or for a time onelyonly, as madmen: Such was the nakednesse of Nebuchadnezzar which altered the state of his bodie.

3. Then followeth the effect of his nakednesse, and his lying in the ayer, and in the cold fields, enduring both heat, and cold: beeing carelesse of himselfe, his haire grewe stiffe, his skinne hard, and his nayles long and crooked, and so he became deformed.

4. The gesture of his bodie was answerable, he grewe crooked, and bowed together, and crept vponupon all fower like a bruite beast.

5. His foode and meate was hearbes and grasse, such as the bruite beasts feed vponupon. 6. his habitation was in the fields and woods among the bruite beasts. 7. he had no vse of his speach liuing among beasts, but made a rude noise like vntounto them. And thus he was changed euen in respect of his bodie, that although the fashion of his humane shape remained still in his head, hands, and feete, yet he was become verie deformed: as Rupertus collecteth, that seeing it is said he should eate grasse like an oxe, that he crept vponupon his hands and his feete, and pulled vp grasse with his mouth, as doth an oxe: and because his dwelling was among the beasts, he was in outward gesture as a beast, non enim besti… facile sociarentur illi sine aliqua similitudine, for the beasts would not hauehave accompanied with him if there had beene no similitude: and so he concludeth that this was the greatest change that is mentioned in Scripture, excepting onelyonly that of Lots wife, who was changed into a pillar of salt.

8. Now whereas ver. 33. as the vulgar Latine readeth, my figure returned vntounto me, or my shape, Sep. my forme. V. though it may be well vnderstood, in respect of his deformitie (not the change of his forme) which now was taken from him; as we see by experience, that madde men if they continue any time, are so changed, that they can hardly be knowne and discerned, Osian. yet this matter is made more cleare and out of doubt, if the word be rightly translated: for the Chalde word zivi, rather signifieth my glorie, beautie, as Iun. Mont. reade, then my forme, or figure: so the comelinesse and grace of his humane countenance and bodie, was restored vntounto him, and his deformitie taken away.

Quest. 31. ver. 24. How Daniel gaue counsell to the king to preuent this iudgement, seeing it was determined.

1. Pererius saith, that Daniel speaketh doubtfully, It may be God will forgiue thy sinne, as the Latine readeth, non fuisse eum certum, that he was not certaine, whether God would remit the punishment, which was thereatned: but Daniel knewe assuredly that the sentence and decree of God should stand, as is shewed before, vers. 14.

p. 1332. The most thinke that there was a secret condition annexed to this threatening, and Hierome maketh it like to the message of Isaiah to Hezekiah, that he should die, and the prophesie of Ionas against Niniue: which both were conditionall vponupon their repentance, so also Bullinger. But it may be gathered, v. 14. that it was certainely decreed in heauen, that this iudgement should befal Nebuchadnezzar, who, the Lord foresaw, would not otherwise be humbled.

3. Chrysostome giueth this solution, propter hoc prolata est sententia, vt non fiat, non vt Rex discat solum futura, sed vt caueat, therefore this sentence was pronounced, that it should not come to passe, that the king should not onelyonly know things to come, but preuent them, &c. ex Oecolamp. But this still is most euident, that God had certainely decreed this thing, and it could not be altered.

4. Calvine thus answereth, this counsell of Daniel was profitable to the king, though the iudgement were determined potuit aliquam veniam consequi etiamsi poenas dedisset, he might some way hauehave beene eased, though he were to endure the punishment, &c. so also Polan. cum resipiscentibus Deus benignius agit, God dealeth more gently with those which repent.

5. To this may be added, that Daniel here sustaineth a double person, both of a Prophet in interpreting the dreame, and shewing things to come, and of a faithfull counsellor, in aduising Nebuchadnezzar what course to take: that although the sentence against him was decreed, yet if he did in time humble himselfe, he knew it would not be vnprofitable vntounto him. So our Blessed Sauiour, though he knewe that indeede the bitter cuppe of death could not passe away from him, yet in his humane affection he desireth it to passe, yet with a subiection of his will to the will of God: and the like supposition had Daniel here, thus aduising and counselling, if so it stood with Gods good pleasure: not looking now into Gods secret counsell, but speaking in his louelove and zeale to Nebuchadnezzar, as Moses in zeale to the people of Israel forgetting himselfe, wished rather to be cut out of the booke of life, which in the iudgement of faith he knewe could not be.

Quest. 32. VVhether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almesdeeds.

1. Pererius with other Romanists doe ground their error of satisfactorie workes for sinne vponupon this place: for their opinion is, that there are tria genera operum, quae satisfactoria vocant pro peccatis, three kind of workes, which they call satisfactorie for sinne: and so they reade this text, redeeme thy sinnes. Contra. 1. The word is not well translated, to redeeme, for Pharak, properly signifieth to breake off, as R. Shelemo, and D. Kimhi thinke, and so is the word vsed, Exod. 33. 2. breake off your earings. 2. sinnes properly are not redeemed, but men. 3. And it had beene impossible for Nebuchadnezzar, who had raigned tyrannically 40. yeares to make satisfaction by his workes, for all the cruell murthers and other oppressions which he had committed.

2. Some giuegive this sense retaining the vsuall reading, that good workes are said to redeeme sinns, as they are said to iustifie, because they which are iustified, ex iustitia illa operum suorum probantur, are prooued and manifested by the righteousnesse of their workes, Bullin. so also Oecolamp. externa opera sidei testimoniū dant, externall workes doe giuegive testimonie of faith, which is not seene of men, but by their workes.

3. There is a third answer, that it is meant not of redemption or satisfaction of and for our sinnes before God, but before men: redimimus apud homines p…cata, dum illis satisfacimus▪ &c. we redeeme our sinnes with men, when we make them satisfaction, Calvin. this answer also is sufficient: but I preferre rather the first, which insisteth vponupon the right sense of the word: see more of this question afterward among the controversies.

Quest. 33. Whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying. v. 24. it may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged.

1. The ordinarie glosse here noteth that Daniel, though he had the knowledge of things to come, de sententia Dei dubitabat, did doubt of the sentence of God: and thereupon noteth their presumption, which doe certainely promise remission of sinnes vntounto any: But to say that Daniel, who had such a cleare reuelation of Gods wil, doubted thereof, were to make question whether he had the spirit of God or no.

2. Carthusian thinketh that Daniel was certaine that God vponupon his repentance would forgiue him his sinne, but he was not sure whether he would remitte the punishment: but the sinne beeing once remitted, the punishment also is pardoned, for it were not iust with God to punish for that, which now is acquited: there may some chasticement remaine, not p. 134as a punishment of sinne, but as an admonition and correction for amendement of life.

3. Pererius proceedeth further proouing from hence, nemini certam esse remissionem peccatorum, &c. that none can be certaine of remission of sinnes. But it is contrarie vntounto faith to be doubtfull or wauering, as our Sauiour saith vntounto Peter, Matth. 14. 31. O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt: and S. Ieames saith, let him aske in faith and wauer not: but of this question see more among the controuerses following.

4. These particles then, if so be that, it may be, and such like in exhortations and perswasiue speaches, are not words of doubting: but are vsed to these two ends. 1. to shewe the greatnesse and difficultie of the thing hoped for in respect of our selues, that the greater endeauour should be vsed, and all securitie laid aside, as Ioshu. 14. 12. Caleb saith, if so be the Lord will be with me, that I may driue them out, which he spake not doubtfully, for he had the warrant of Gods word to preuaile, giuegive me the mountaine whereof the Lord spake in that day: but he doth thus speaking, encourage himselfe to put his confidence in God with feare and reuerence. And Hierome to this purpose writeth vponupon these words, Ioel, 2. 14. who knoweth if he will returne and repent, &c. ne desperetis veniam scelerum magnitudine, &c. sed ne forsi…an magnitudo clementiae nos faceret negligentes, adiunxit, &c. despaire not of forgiuenesse for the greatnesse of your sinnes, &c. but least the greatnesse of clemencie should make them negligent, he addeth, who knoweth, &c. these phrases then of speach, doe not argue doubtfulnesse, but onelyonly serue to take away presumption and securitie, as the Apostle saith, worke out your saluation with feare and trembling, Philip. 2. 13.

Quest. 34. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did follow Daniels counsell.

Ver. 16. At the ende of twelue moneths. 1. Some thinke that Nebuchadnezzar did as he was aduised by Daniel, and gaue plentifull almes, whereupon for his humilitie, mansit adhuc annum in regno, he stayed yet a yeare in his kingdome, but afterward beeing lifted vp in pride, he was cast out of his kingdome, gloss. ordinar. ex Hieronym.

2. But I approoue rather the iudgement of Oecolampadius, quia Prophetae admonitionibus eum non poenituit, neque Deum sententiae suae poenituit, &c. because he repented not by the admonitions of the Prophet, therefore neither did God repent him of his sentence: for if he had humbled himselfe, it is not like that so soone he would hauehave so swelled in pride: and his minde beeing set so vponupon his magnificent buildings, it seemeth he little attended vponupon charitable deeds. So it is well gathered from hence that it is not in man to conuert his owne wayes, though the meanes be offered, except God by his spirit worke it, Genevens.

3. In that this iudgement was deferred a tweluemoneth, it was a signe rather of Gods long suffering, then of any change in Nebuchadnezzar, Bulling. to the same purpose Theodoret, dedit ei Deus locum poenitentiae, at ille abutitur eo in superbiam. God gaue him time and space to repent, but he abuseth it vntounto pride: to the same purpose Caluin.

Quest. 35. Of the greatnesse of the citie Babylon.

The greatnesse thereof is thus described by Herodotus, Herod. lib. 1.he writeth that the citie was foure square, and each square contained in length an 120. furlongs, so that the fower squares or sides made 480. furlongs, the walls were 50. cubits thicke, and 200. cubits high, and in the compasse of the walls there were an 100. brasen gates, with their hinges and posts: other writers doe somewhat varie from this description.lib. 6. c. 26. lib. 2. c. 4. Plinie maketh the walls 200. foote high, and 50. foote broad, and in compasse 60. miles. Diodorus saith that the wall was 360. furlongs in compasse, according to the number of the dayes in the yeare, so that eueryevery day a furlong of the wall was built, and the whole finished in a yeare, there beeing vsed thereto of workmen 13. hundred thousand; the walls were so thicke as 6. carts might meete in the breadth; the towers were 250. and the height thereof 365. foote, there was the space of two furlongs betweene the wall and the houses, for the more speedie building of the wall.

Strabo giueth vntounto the compasse of the walls 380. furlongs,lib. 16. the thickenes was 30. foote, the height 50 cubites, and the towers aboue the walls were 60. cubites high.

Q. Curtius saith the walls were in compasse 368. furlongs, in thicknesse 32. feete, that carts might meete thereon, they were an 100. cubits high, and the towers tenne cubites higher then the walls.

Lyranus out of Hierome thus setteth it downe, that Babylon was fowre square and euerie side contained in length 16. miles: for within the citie the houses were not close built, but eueryevery one had his vineyards and fields, that they might sowe in the time of famine or siege, and maintaine themselues within the citie.

p. 135Aristotle making mention of Babylon,… 2. saith it had the compasse rather of a countrie then a citie, beeing of such greatnesse that some part of it was taken three dayes before the other heard of it: and therefore a citie he would not hauehave to be esteemed by the walls.

But though the reports of writers are somewhat diuerse, it is out of doubt that it was a great citie, and the walls thereof both of great thicknesse and height: as the Prophet Ieremie witnesseth, cap. 51. the thicke wall of Babylon shall be broken, and the high gates burnt.

There was also in the middes of the citie a great tower, which was the Temple of Belus, with brasen gates, which Herodotus saith remained vntill his time,lib 1. it had in compasse eueryevery way beeing foure square 2. furlongs, and in the mids thereof a turret of a furlong high, and an other aboue that of the same height, vntill they came to the eight.lib 3 c. …. Diodorus saith it was so high, that the Chaldeans thereon made obseruation of the starres toward the east and west. Curtius saith, that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compasse,lib. 5. the foundation whereof was 30. foot deepe in the ground: By these euidences it appeareth, that this Babylon was a citie of huge bignesse, and therefore the king calleth it here great Babell.

Niniue had beene as great a citie or greater, beeing 60. miles in compasse, the walls were an 100. foote high, and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150.Strabo. lib. 16. but Niniue was now much empayred and decayed, and Babylon was made the chiefe citie of the kingdome.

Quest. 36. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel.

Ver. 27. Which I hauehave built for the house of my kingdome, &c. 1. There are diuerse opinions hereof, who should be the builder and founder of Babel. Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdome,lib. 9. de praepar. Euang. cap. vit. Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius, out of Eupolemus, saith that it was built by the gyants after the flood. Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof, as Eusebius saith: the most of the Grecians, doe giuegive the honour thereof vntounto Semiramis the wife of Ninus, as Herodo. lib. 1. Diodo. lib. 3. Strabo. lib. 16. Iustine with others.lib. 10. cap. 11. Iosephus out of Berosus maketh Nebuchadnezzar the builder of Babel, and therfore findeth fault with the Greeke writers, for ascribing it vntounto Semiramis.

2. But all these may easily be reconciled. 1. Nimroth is held to be the same, who of forreine writters was called Belus: for this Belus was the first, that brought in idolatrie,lib. 3. aduers. Iulian. as Cyril saith: and so was Nimroth: for hence it is, that most of the idols of the Gentiles tooke their name from Bel, as the first founder of them, as Belial, or Baal, the God of the Sidonians, Beelzebub the god of Ekron, Beelphegor the god of the Moabites, Numb. 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians, as Augustine saith: so then it may well stand togethet,q. 16. in lib. Iudic. that Nimroth and Belus,Hexap. in Gen. cap. 10. que. 14.Gen 10 beeing both the same man, as is more at large shewed elsewhere, were the founders of Babylon.

2. And seeing Ninus was the captaine and chiefe of the Gyants, they might be assistant vntounto him, in building of the tower of Babel, and he a tingleader vntounto them.

3. It may also verie well agree, that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon, which was enlarged by Semiramis.

4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon, & made Niniue the cheife citie of their kingdome, by this meanes Babylon was decayed and lay wa…t, which last of all was reedified and beautified by Nebuchadnezzar, lib 10. antiq. … lib 1. contra App…on.who as Iosephus out of Berosus writeth in these fiue works added to the buildiug of Babylon. 1. he repayred the old citie and the temple of Belus. 2. then he built a new citie adioyning vntounto it. 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defense, with towers and gates. 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next vntounto the Palace of his father, and finished it in 25. dayes. 5. he made certaine artificiall rockes and mountaines, with orchards and gardens vponupon them, to satisfie the desire of his wife, who beeing a Median, desired to see such hillie prospects, after the manner of her countrey: Because Nebuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the citie, he maketh himselfe the builder of it.

Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars pride in saying, which I hauehave built for the house of the kingdome.

Nebuchadnezzars pride diuersely appeareth. 1. because he thinketh that by his owne power and strength he had raised those great buildings, as though by his owne witte and strength, he had attained vntounto that power & riches, to be able to compasse such great works, p. 136whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house, they labour in vaine that build it, Caluin. 2. he considered not how to compasse such a great worke, innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit, he had wasted the substance of a number of poore, and wearied their bodies, Oecolamp. 3. He robbeth his father and auncestors of their due praise, who had builded much before him, he taketh all to himselfe, Polan. 4. then he sheweth his contempt against God, as though he should hauehave said, hauing now made Babylon inuincible, as he thought, quis inde me posset deijcere, who can cast me out of it, no not God himselfe, Lyran. Iun. 5. then he addeth further, he built it not for Gods honour, but his owne, he neither respected Gods glorie, nor the good of the commonwealth, but his owne fame and magnificence, Osiand. Caluin. 6. whereas the Septuag. readeth as he walked foreign, in the temple, Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would hauehave beene counted for a God, Oecolampiad. 7. But the kings great securitie appeareth herein, deambulat otiosus, he walketh idlely, as though in such a great kingdome there had been no businesse for him, and he museth of nothing but his owne greatnesse, Pellican. 8. nemo interrogat, &c. …pse primus su… encomia decantai, no man asketh him any question, he first soundeth out his owne praise, wherein he bewraieth his vanitie and selfeloue, Oecolamp.

Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen.

1. The Lord dealeth with Nebuchadnezzar by degrees, first, he spake vntounto him by dreame, then by the voice of his Prophet, and seeing he was not mooued by any of these, now the Lord thundreth from heauen.

2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars eare, but in the hearing of all that stood by, Iun. vt Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo, that all the people might see and vnderstand, how the Lord tooke reuenge of him for his pride, Lyran.

3. And it commeth from heauen, both to shewe the authoritie and power, the voice came from heauen, quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam, as a mightie weight pressing downe his pride, Lyran. as also the certaintie, that those things beeing pronounced from heauen should vndoubtedly come to passe, Iun.

4. And this voice commeth of a sudden, euen while that proud speach was yet in his mouth, to shewe that God neuer punisheth without cause, and that all his iudgements are iust, Bulling. and further to testifie that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience, as Nebuchadnezzar here did, shall suddenly be cut off: and that when men are come to the height of pride, the Lord will no longer forbeare, Polan.

Quest. 39. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuchadnezzar.

1. The circumstances of the sentence are described. 1. the time, that the voice came while Nebuchadnezzar was yet in speaking. 2. the manner, it was vttered by a voice. 3. the place, from heauen. 4. the person to whom, to Nebuchadnezzar by name▪ by the which he is conuented, as before his superiour Iudge: his title is added, O king, to taxe him for his ingratitude, that was vnthankfull to God, who had exalted him to that state.

2. Then the matter of the sentence is declared, which consisteth partly in his depriuation both of his kingdome, and of the societie and companie of men, partly in the denouncing of certaine calamities, namely, these two, his cohabitation with beasts, and then his manner of foode, he should eate grasse like an oxe.

Quest. 40. ver. 30. Of the execution of the sentence vponupon Nebuchadnezzar: he did eate grasse as the oxen.

1. This was neither a chaunge in shewe; such as Plinie reporteth out of Euantes, howe among the Arcadians they vsed to take one by lot out of a certaine familie,lib. 8. cap. 22. who going vntounto a riuer, leauing his clothes behind him, and swimming ouer was changed into a wolfe, and nine yeares keepeth among them, and then swimming ouer againe receiueth his former shape: the like he alleadgeth out of C…pas, that one Demetrius Parrhesius offring a childes flesh in sacrifice to Iupiter Lyceus tasting thereof was turned into a wolfe, and so continued 10. yeares, and afterward receiued his humane shape againe. The like is that,lib. 18. de ciuita. Dei. cap. 18. which Augustine writeth of certaine women in Italie, which vsed to giuegive vntounto the trauailers some intoxicated cheese, whereby they seemed to be transformed into beasts, and caried their burthens: These transformations were either fabulous tales, or else illusions of Sathan.

2. Neither was Nebuchadnezzar in truth changed into a beast, as Bodinus thinketh, as is before shewed, quest. 27.

3. Nor yet was it onelyonly a madnesse and phrensie of minde as Ericus king of Sueland p. 137beeing expelled his kingdome, for verie griefe fell madde.

4. But beside the bruitish change of his minde, his bodie was much chaunged and altered, in feeding and liuing among bruit beasts: as Ab. Ez…a writeth of one in Sardinia, that was carried into the woodes by his parents among the hindes; and so liued a great while among them, going vponupon all fower his hands and feete: who beeing at length taken by the king in hunting, was brought to his parents: but he said nothing to them: they offred him wine and meat, but he rufusing both, did eat of hearbs, and in the night fled againe to his old companions the bruit beasts, Oecolampad. The like narration hath Dresserus in his booke of newe and auncient discipline, of a man taken in the countrey of Hesse in hunting beeing among other wolues: who retayning yet some shape of a man, was kept and made tame, and went vpright, whereas he before did goe and runne on all fower: he also at the length spake as a man distinctly, vsing to houle as a wolfe before: and beeing thus come to himselfe, he reported, how he was lost in the woods when he was a child, and brought vp among the wolues, and was nourished by that which they got for their prey: this was done in the yeare, 1544.

Philippus Camerarius in his historicall meditations, c. 75. hath the like report of a child of twelue yeares of age, which was taken in the same countrey, in the farme of Echtzeb, as he ranne among wolues. Goulartius in his booke of the memorable histories of these times, hath this relation, how a man was taken in France in the forest of Campeigne, and was brought to the la…e king Charles the 9. he went vponupon all fowre like a beast, was swifter then an horse, did houle like a wolfe, had an hard skinne, and was couered almost all ouer with haire; he had a terrible looke, with his teeth he strangled dogges, and was fierce toward men: such like change and alteration there might be both of minde and bodie in Nebuchadnezzar.

Quest. 41. v. 31. After the ende of what dayes Nebuchadnezzar was restored.

V. 31. At the ende of these dayes. 1. The author of the scholasticall historie, as Hugo Cardi. here noteth, thinketh that at the prayer of Daniel, the 7. yeares were turned into seauen moneths, whereof 40. dayes Nebuchadnezzar was madde, and 40. other dayes he came to himselfe and wept exceedingly for his sinne, so that his eyes were become as a peice of flesh: then 40. dayes more he was in his madde fittes: and so after 7. moneths he was restored to his right minde, but yet had not the kingdome, till 7. yeares were expired, but there were 7. Iudges appointed for him, and he in the meane time, neither did eate flesh, nor drinke wine all those seuen yeares, but did eate pulse, and hearbs, as Daniel counselled him, and so did as it were penance.

2. But this opinion is contrarie to the text. 1. because the seauen times which were to passe ouer him, were fulfilled, as appeareth, v. 31. at the ende of the dayes (that is the dayes before appointed, which were called 7. times) then I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes, &c. and not before, there was then no part of this time cut off. 2. After that his vnderstanding came to him, he fell not againe into his madde fittes, as is euident, ver. 33. 3. when his vnderstanding was come to him, he was withall restored to the honour of his kingdome, and his counsellers sought againe vntounto him: he then tooke the gouernement presently vponupon him, after his returne and restitution, it was not gouerned by others. 4. This also is an euident argument, that Nebuchadnezzar continued longer then seauen moneths in his humiliation, because in so short a time his haire could not growe as eagles quilles, nor his nailes as birds clawes: neither is it like that in so short a time he would hauehave beene brought to knowe himselfe, Caluin.

Quest. 42. Of the restitution of Nebuchadnezzar.

As there were two degrees of his humiliation, he was depriued without of his kingdome, and of the companie of men, and in himselfe of his vnderstanding; so there are two degrees of his restitution: first, to his humane vnderstanding, and then to the glorie of his kingdome, and each of these are set forth with their effects.

1. First, he is restored to his humane estate and condition, both in bodie, that whereas before he went groueling, and crept on all fower as a beast, now he reareth vp his bodie, and lifteth vp his eyes to heauen: then in his minde, mine vnderstanding was restored vntounto me, but that is here put last which was done first; for he was first restored to his vnderstanding, before he lift vp his eyes, Bulling. and as before he cast vp his eyes in pride, so nowe he lifteth p. 138them vp in humilitie, Caluin.

Secondly, the effect of this his restitution to his reason and vnderstanding, is the praysing of God, with the reason thereof taken from the eternitie of the power and kingdome of God, both which are amplified, 1. comparatiuely, All the inhabitants of the earth, are as noth…ng before him: 2. by the effects, he doth what he will, and none can gainsay.

2. Then followeth the second part of his restitution, both to the societie of men, and to the honour of his kingdome, v. 33. And the effect thereof, his praising and extolling of God, with the argument of his praise, taken from three properties, and adjuncts of Gods workes, the veritie and truth, iustice and equitie, and the power and omnipotence, in these words, Whose workes are all truth, and his waies iudgement, and those that walke in pride he is able to abase, v. 34.

43. Quest. That God onelyonly is without checke, and not to be controlled in his workes.

v. 32. None can stay his hand, nor say vntounto him, What doest thou? 1. They which profanely obiect that God sheweth himselfe as a Tyrant doing what he list, his will standing for law, may easily be answered, that this proposition, they whose wills onelyonly stand for law are Tyrants, is true onelyonly among men, it concerneth not God: and the reason of this difference is, God is a law to himselfe, quia voluntas eius est perfectissima iustitia, because his will is most perfect iustice: Calvin. he can will nothing, but that which is holy and iust. So is it not with man, whose will is corrupt and peruerse, and therefore it had neede of a rule and law to guide it.

2. It is a question among the Ciuilians, whether the Prince hauehave not an absolute power in his kingdome, statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu, &c. to appoint all things according to his will, and so they would hauehave the Prince to be foreign, without checke and controlment: of this opinion are Bartolus, and his followers: others doe hold, that euen the Emperours themselues are bound vntounto their lawes: for they doe thus professe, digna vox est maiestate regnantis, legibus alligatum s… principem profiteri, adeo de authoritate iuris nostra pendet authoritas, it is a voice worthie the maiestie of him which ruleth, for the Prince to professe himselfe bound vntounto the lawes, in so much that our authoritie dependeth of the authoritie of the law, &c. Polan.

3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled, that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdomes to keepe the lawes and customes of the countrey, and in policie also doe subiect themselues to their owne lawes for the example of others, and beyond all these, they are tied by a straiter bond of Gods word; yet they are without checke of their subiects: their doings are not of eueryevery one to be called in question, as the Preacher saith, c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is, there is power, and who shall say vntounto him, what doest thou? where Princes hold immediatly their kingdoms of God, there they are only to giuegive account vntounto God. But God is not to giuegive account vntounto any: and therefore of him onelyonly, simply, and absolutely it is true, that none can say, What doest thou? both because of his perfect iustice, that none can finde fault with his workes, and his absolute power, that he is not subiect to the checke of any.

44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saued.

1. It may be obiected that he was not, out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought downe to hell, to the sides of the pit: which beeing spoken of Nebuchadnezzer sheweth his euerlasting destruction in hell: and the rather, because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer, who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast downe to hell.

Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and graunted, that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer, yet it is not necessarie, that all things which are expressed in such typicall predictions, should agree vntounto the type: for some things are so spoken, that they may fitly agree both vntounto the type and figure, and to the thing prefigured, some vntounto the signe onelyonly, some vntounto the thing prefigured onelyonly: as in the 2. Psalme, where Dauid is a type of Christ: the 2. verse, The kings of the earth band themselues, &c. agreeth vntounto both: and v. 6. I hauehave set my king vponupon Zion: but these words, v. 7. Thou art my Sonne, this day hauehave I begotten thee, can onelyonly be applied vntounto Christ: So in this place, this casting downe to hell may be vnderstood onelyonly of Lucifer here prefigured: Perer. but there are better answers then this.

2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally vnderstood: that vnlesse he repen…ed, he should be cast downe to hell.

p. 1393. As it may be an allegoricall speech shewing his great abasement, as that other is, I will ascend aboue the height of the cloudes.

4. But yet it may be further and better answered, that it is not necessarie to vnderstand this prophecie of Nebuchadnezzer, but rather it was performed in Balthazar: for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon, which continued many yeares after the death of Nebuchadnezzer.

5. And lastly, the word translated hell, signifieth also the graue, and so better interpreted here, because there is mention made of the pit.

2. Wherefore the more probable and certen opinion is, that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saued: as may appeare by these reasons.

1. Iosephus saith, that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God, and gaue praise and glorie vntounto him. 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius inferre as much vponupon his afflictions, that God therefore chastened him, because he would not hauehave him perish. 3.lib. de …. Augustine sheweth as much by the diuers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer, that he was hardened in his sinne, and so giuen ouer to destruction, the other was humbled vnderunder Gods hand, and so saued. 4. Theodoret likewise moouing the question, why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers for a time, but Balthazar with sudden death, maketh this answer; because the Lord did foresee, that the one would be amended by his corrections, but the other was irrecorrigible. 5. Lastly, Lyranus addeth this reason, scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione, &c. & fidei confessione, the Scripture endeth this storie in his humiliation, and confession of faith: which it vseth not to doe in them, that afterward fall away, and are lost.

45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saued, and not Pharaoh, both beeing in the same cause.

1. Augustine putting forth this question,de gratia. c. 15. sheweth wherein both of these were like: quantum ad naturam, ambo homines, &c. in respect of their nature, they were both men: for their dignitie, they were both kings: their cause was the fame, they both held the people of God captiue: quantum ad poenam, and for their punishment, they both were gently admonished with Gods scourges: and yet their ends were diuers: the question is, cur medicamentum vnius medici manu confectum, alij ad interitum, alij valuerit ad salutem, &c. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physitian, should be effectuall to the destruction of the one, and for the health of the other.

2. His answer is this, because the one was humbled vnderunder the Lords correction, the other hardened: but then it will be asked, why the one was humbled, the other hardened: the answer must be this, illi vt mutaretur adfuisse diuinum, huic vt iudicaretur, defuisse praesidium, that the one had Gods helpe to change him, the other wanted it, and so was hardened. But if any thinke further that this is vniust, that God should assist one, and not an other, the Apostle answereth, The Lord hath merciemercy on whome he will, and whome he will he hardeneth, Rom. 9. And so he concludeth, omnia illa adiuvante Domino perfici, vel deserente permitti, nolente vero Domino nihil prorsus admitti, &c. that all these things are perfited and brought to passe, God so helping, or permitted God so forsaking them, but nothing is committed God beeing not willing.

46. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer beeing thus conuerted, the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered, nor Iehoiachin released out of prison.

1. Though Nabuchadnezzer beeing thus brought to acknowledge God, did incline also to sauour his people, which in all likelihood was the more encreased by Daniels meanes, who was greatly honoured of the king, yet the people remained in captiuitie still, either because Nabuchadnezzer liued not long after this, and so could not perfit his fauour toward them; or rather this was the cause: Daniel knew by the prophecie of Ieremie, that 70. yeares were determined for the captiuitie of the people, and therefore expected the ende and expiration of that time, and therefore before would not attempt any thing.

2. But an other reason is to be yeelded for Iehoiakims imprisonment: that either Nabuchadnezzer intended before his death to set him at libertie, and therefore his sonne did it, to fulfill his fathers minde, as soone as he came to the kingdome: or els it pleased God by this long time of restraint to punish the sinnes of Iehoiakim: who beeing but 18. yeare old followed his fathers sleppes, and did euill in the sight of the Lord, and therefore he raigned but p. 140three moneths, 2. king. 24. 9. but continued in prison 37. yeares, 2. king. 25. 27.