Commentary on Daniel, Chapter 3 · Questions
1. The questions discussed.
Quest. 1. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image.
1. Some thinke that this was done not long after the former dreame, which Nebuchadnezzar had: as the Rabbines that imagine this image to be set vp by the king, as an amulet or defense to preuent the effect of his dreame. ex Caluin. But it is not like that the great impression, which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzars minde, could be so soone extinguished.
2. Theodoret and Chrysostome, in his sermon of the three children, following some greeke copie, reade, that this image was set vp in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne. But then it should hauehave beene made before the destruction and desolation of Ierusalem, which is not like: for when Nebuchadnezzar had made an ende of his conquests, then it is probable he set vp this image by way of tryumph: and Azarias in his prayer, (though that part be Apocryphall, yet it may hauehave some probabilitie, for matter of storie) maketh mention, that they had neither prince, nor sacrifice, or burnt offring: which sheweth, that this fell not out before the destruction of Ierusalem: likewise Theodoret, who saith that this fell out paruo tempore, a small time after the first dreame, which was in the second yeare, is contrarie to himselfe: for betweene the second and 18. yeare, there are 16. yeares, which is no small time.
3. Pererius also is deceiued, who thinketh that this was done after the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne: for the second yeare of his Monarchie he reckoneth to fall out in the 25. yeare of his raigne: but this is before confuted, quest. 1. c. 2. where it is further shewed, that this second yeare which is to be vnderstood of Daniels seruice and ministerie, was in the 5. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne.
4. Pellican saith this storie happened 16. yeares after the dreame; but that is vncertaine.
5. Wherefore here somewhat is certaine, that this storie came after the interpretation of the kings dreame set forth in the 2. chap. because ver. 12. mention is made of the aduancement of Daniels three fellowes, which was immediately after Daniel had interpreted the kings dreame, cap. 2. 49. somewhat is probable, that it was after the sacking and taking of Ierusalem, as is said before, Pap. for many of the Iewes were now in captiuitie, ver. 8. something is vncertaine, how long this historie followed after the interpretation of Daniels dreame.
Quest. 2. To whom Nebuchadnezzar errected this image.
1. Lyranus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image for himselfe, requiring diuine honour to be giuen vntounto it, as Caligula caused his image to be carried about the Romane Empire to be adored: so thinketh Hugo Cardinal. Pere. Pin. Pelli. But it is not like, that he which had so humbled himselfe before vntounto Daniel, could be so lifted vp in pride, to make himselfe a god.
2. Neither is it like, that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image of a good intention, to the honour of the true God, as Bulling. Osiand. for then he would not so cruelly hauehave persecuted the seruants, and true worshippers of God.
3. Therefore, as Caluin writeth, videtur hanc statuam consecrasse alicui deorum, It seemeth he consecrated this image to some of his gods, as to Bel, or some other: as it appeareth both by the kings speach, ver. 14. will ye not serue my god? and by their words, that refused to worship the image, we will not serue …hy gods, Pap.
Quest. 3. To what ende this image was set vp.
1. Some thinke, that by setting vp this image Nebuchadnezzar would retaine a memorie of that image, which he sawe in his dreame, thinking thereby to please God, Pap. But then he would not hauehave made such a cruell edict against the seruants of that great God.
2. Againe it may be thought, that he did it, to hauehave an vniformitie in religion, through all his dominions, which consisted of diuerse nations, but then he would hauehave commanded the like image to be set vp in eueryevery prouince.
3. Caluine thinketh he did it to this ende to settle the superstitious worship of idolatrie, least the Iewes might hauehave sought some innouation in religion.
4. But it is most probable, that Nebuchadnezzar did it by the aduise of his nobles, and princes, of enuie against the Iewes, especially those which were aduanced to place of gouernement, that they might thereby entrappe them: which may appeare so to be by these reasons. 1. by the like practise against Daniel, cap. 6. 2. by the generall accusation of the Iewes, ver. 8. 3. to what ende els tended the cruell edict of the king, but to be executed vponupon the Iewes, whom they imagined would be offenders, Inn. Polan.
5. Theodoret thinketh that he made this image all of gold, to disgrace and discountenance the image, which he sawe in his dreame, the head whereof was onelyonly of gold. But that dreame stroke him with such a terror, as that it is not like he would contemne it.
6. He might also in making such a huge and costly image intend therein to set forth the magnificence and riches of his kingdome; Pere.
Quest. 4. How it came to passe that Daniel …indred not the kings purpose, in setting vp this image.
1. Some thinke that Daniel beeing present, tacuit videns se nihil proficere, did hoid his peace seeing that he could preuaile nothing, but that the king was resolute in his purpose: Lyran. But Daniel had sinned if he had beene silent, be should hauehave vsed the meanes and left the successe vntounto God.
2. Osiander thinketh that Daniel vsed what perswasion he could, but seeing he was not heard he withdrew himselfe. But if Daniel had been present at all, it would hauehave beene suspicious, if he had now hid himselfe.
3. Pappus is of opinion, that Daniel was employed in some remote place of the prouince at this time: But though Daniel were now absent, he could not be ignorant of the kings purpose before, this great image was not made in a short time.
4. Wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that Daniel did discharge the office of a faithfull seruant vntounto God and counseller to the king before this, and did vse all meanes to stay this vngodly enterprise, so farre as he might goe, without exasperating of the king too much, which would hauehave kindled his anger against the whole nation: Therefore Daniel not preuailing, gaue way vntounto the time, expecting some other meanes how it should please the Lord to conuert the king.
Quest. 5. Of the place where this image was set vp.
Vers. 1. In the plaine of Dura. 1. Symmachus calleth the place Soraum, the Septuagint as Heirome saith interpreted foreign, which he translateth viuarium, a place enclosed to keepe beasts in; but these are farre wide, it is a proper name, called Dura.
2. The interlinearie gloss, and historia scholastica, take it for the name of the floode, which compasseth that plaine or field, where the Gyants after the flood first builded Babel.
3. Some thinke it was the towne Doraba, situate vponupon the riuer Euphrates in Babylonia.
4. But it seemeth rather to be that place, which Ptolome calleth Deera, situate between Chaltopis and Cissia, in the region Susiane: Ptolome lib. 6. Geograph. cap. 3. Iun. Polan.
5. It is like it was set in a plaine, where no hils were, that it might not be ouertipped by them, Pin.
Quest. 6. Of the greatnesse of this image compared with others and in it selfe.
1. Some greater images hauehave beene made in the world: as the image of the Sunne at Rhodes, called colossus solis, was 70. cubites high; which was 12. yeares in making, and cost 300. talents: 56. yeares after it was made, it was cast downe by an earthquake, and then the hugenes thereof appeared: few men could fadome that thumbe thereof, and the fingers were bigger then ordinarie images: it broke in peices in the fall, and great caues and hoales were opened, wherein were couched huge stones to keepe the image vpright, Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also then this was the colossus of Nero, which was an 110. foote long, and an another picture made of him in cloth, an 120. foote high: yet this image because it was of gold, in value may seeme to exceede all other: the ordinarie cubite is foote and halfe, but the Babylonian cubite as Herodotus saith, was 3. fingers greater then the common cubite: so that by this account, this image might be 67. ordinarie cubites high. Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon, which was 12. cubites high, which might be that image, that eueryevery stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the citie, as Philostrat. saith, de vita Apollin. cap. 19.
2. This image was made proportionable to a mans bodie, euerie part answerable vntounto the other in due forme and measure, by which proportion the greatnesse of euerie part of the image may be taken: there is the same distance betweene the endes of the fingers, the armes spread abroad, from one extremitie to the other, which is betweene the crowne of the head, to the soale of the feete, Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chinne to the toppe of the forehead, is the tenth part of the length of the bodie. And the face is diuided into three equall parts, from the chinne to the nose, the length of the nose, and the breadth of the forehead: the length of the eie from one corner to another is the 45. part, and so is the distance betweene the eyes: the length of the nose is the thirtith part, and the widenes of the nostrils the 180, part: the compasse of the eare and of the mouth, is the 15. part: the head from the chinne to the crowne, is the 8. part: the length and likewise the breadth of the breast, the sixt part: the nauill is in the middest of the bodie, diuiding it into two equall parts, the length of the hippes, thighes, and legges is almost the halfe part: the length of the foote is the sixt part, and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbowe, and from the elbowe to the hand: the hand is the 10. part.
3. After this proportion, the whole image beeing 60. cubites in height, the face must be sixe cubites, the chinne two cubites, the nose and forehead as much, the nostrills must containe halfe a foote, the compasse of the eare and mouth 4. cubites, and so much the necke: the breast 10. cubites, the length of the thighs and legges 29. cubites, the foote tenne, and the hand sixe: thus Pererius casteth the proportion of eueryevery part.
4. But herein is his error, he taketh the height of the bodie of the image to be 60. cubites, whereas, as Lyranus well noteth, in this measure is comprehended the foote also or foundation whereupon the image stood: for otherwise it should not be proportionable, beeing 60, cubites high, and but sixe cubites broad: for the length of a man is but sixe times to the breadth, and tenne times to the thicknes: If the bodie be sixe cubites high, it is but a cubite broad: then 6. cubites broad will hauehave but 36. cubites in height.
5. As this image was huge in the height and stature, so it was verie costly, beeing all of gold, though it be not necessarie with Hierome, to thinke that it was made of solid golde, but either the outside onelyonly of it, was gold, or it was made hollowe, as Lyranus well coniectureth.
Quest. 7. Of the mysticall application of this image.
1. Chrysostome by this golden image, would hauehave couetousnesse resembled, which S. Paul calleth idolatrie, Ephes. 5. 5. for the couetous man doth addict all his desire,18. hom. in 2. ad Corinth. and as it were consecrate his soule to the louelove of money.
2. Hierome compareth false doctrine vntounto this image,In hunc locum. which heretikes and false teachers doe adorne and set forth with their witte and eloquence, as this image is made of gold.
3. Irenaeus maketh this image a patterne of the worldly happinesse,lib. 5 aduers. haereses. which the deuill entiseth and seduceth men to embrace, and as it were worship, setting aside the desire of heauenly things.
Quest. 8. Of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles and officers here rehearsed. ver. 2.
1. The first are called in the Chalde tongue, achashdarpenaija, which R. Ioseph Kimhi deriueth of these three words, achash, which signifieth in the Aramites language great, and dar, to stay or remaine, and panim, the face: they were such as alwaies remained in the kings presence, and were next vntounto him. Montonus readeth, secund…s à rege, the next to the king: Satrapae, the great and highest men in the kingdome: L. V. Iun. Lyranus saith they are so called, tāquam satis rapientes, because they doe take and snatch from the people: but that is no fit annotation here: the Septuag. call them foreign, chiefe men, or of high place.
2. The second is signaia, which some translate, pontifices summons, the high priests: Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the cheife: but it seemeth here to be a ciuill office, as all the rest are: some read duces, captaines. V. as the Septuag. interpret, foreign, chiefe commanders or captaines, so also Bulling, princes, Genevens. it rather signifieth here magistrates, gouernours. L. A. so Polan. Antistites, men of preheminence, Iun.
3. The third are called pachavatha: pecah, as R. Dauid signifieth, a prouinciall, one set ouer a prouince: Iudices, iudges appointed to heare causes in their circuites. L. duces, dukes. I. A. P. Geneuens. the Septuag. call them foreign, they which were set ouer some speciall places and countries: praesides prouinciarum, the presidents of prouinces. V.
4. The fourth are Adargazaraija, which signifieth Senators, as R. Dauid, and R. Saadiah: so also Iun. Iudges, Geneuens. duces, dukes, L. rather foreign, the keepers of the lawes, to see that they were executed, Pag. Vatab. Bulling.
5. The fift are Gedaberaija, which signifieth those, which are set ouer the treasure, questores, V. P. the questors or receiuers, Geneuens. not tyraennos. L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute: but the word tyrant, is in this sense improperly vsed.
6. The sixt dethaberaija, deriued of dath, a sentence, and bari, pure or fatte, R. Saadiah: they were the lawyers or counsellers, I. V. so also Bulling. Polan. Geneuens. the L. readeth optimates, the nobles, but that is too generall a word.
7. The seuenth Tiphtaice, which I. translateth, exactores, the exactors: the executioners of iustice, V. Bulling. officers, Geneuens. such as had the charge and care to see iustice executed.
8. The eight shiltonee medinatha, the gouernours of prouinces, Gene. Iun. Vatab. of the word shelet, to rule: it is a generall name comprehending all those which had any office or gouernement in the prouinces.
Quest. 9. Why Nebuchadnezzar onelyonly called his nobles and officers.
1. All the people could not possibly come together to one place, therefore the nobles are called, vt per principes seducantur & gentes, as Hierome saith, that by the nobles the people might be seduced.
2. These are first summoned, vt regi consentientes, as consenting to the king, and most forward to followe his mind: Lyran. for such are the nobles, pendent à nutu regis, &c. & ad quaslibet flectuntur auras: readie to serue the kings humor, and are turned by eueryevery wind, Caluin.
3. And the Nobles are conuented for the greater magnificence and maiestie, that this image might hauehave the greater reuerence, and remaine as a monument for a long time after, Osiander.
Quest. 10. ver. 5. Of the diuerse kinds of instruments here rehearsed.
1. The first is in the Chalde called karna of keren, a horne: the Septuag. translate foreign, of the trumpet, tubam, Lat. which Lyranus taketh for the vsuall instrument, which is sounded in the warre: Pintus saith it was a croked instrument made of brasse: but it properly rather signifieth a horne or cornet: which is so called either of the matter, whereof it is made, or for the fashion, because it was like vntounto an horne. So the same word keren, signifieth the trumpet made of rammes horne, which Iosuah was commanded to make, when he compassed the walls of Ierecho: Iosh. 6. an other word chatzotzeroth, is vsed to signifie trumpets made of mettall, Num. 10. 2.
2. The second is called mashrokitha, which the Septuag, interpret by the word foreign, a pipe or whistle, of sherach to whistle: the L. readeth, fistula, a pipe or flute: an instrument made of woode, with diuers hoales, to be played vponupon with the hand, Pin. such as sheepe-heards vse, it is not a trumpet, as Geneuens.
3. The third is kathrom, whence commeth the Greeke word foreign, cithara, the harpe, we hauehave the like English word a citherne, but it is taken for an other kind of instrument: the harpe is an instrument well knowne: it is in forme like a triangle, played vponupon with the fingers, Lyran, made of woode, and the strings are seene on both sides, Pintus.
4. The fourth in the Hebrewe is called Sabca, the Septuag. foreign, which commeth neere the Chalde word: by the interpreters it is generally translated sambuca, which some thinke was triquetrum instrumentum imparibus sidibus, a threefold instrument with vnequall strings, Iun. tetrachordum, with fower strings, Athen. which was made of yron or brasse, and played vponupon with an yron rodde: Pint. But Lyranus rather thinketh it was a winde instrument, made of reede, and he deriueth it of sam, which signifieth the Suune, and buca, a trumpet, because it was vsed onelyonly in summer: but it is not like, that such rusticall oaten pipes were vsed in this solemne assembly. Hugo thinketh it was a kind of rurall harpe so called of the tree sambucus, whereof it was made, which was the elder tree: But I rather thinke with our english interpreters, Geneuens. that it was the sackebut, as the agreement with the Chalde word sabca sheweth.
5. The fifth pesanterin, foreign, Sep. the psalterie. L. A. P. I. nablium, V. which is the same with the psalterie: the word seemeth to be deriued from the Chalde, psanterie, with the change of one letter. Lyranus thinketh it was an instrument played vponupon with a quill, which we call a citherne. Pintus describeth it to be an instrument foure square with tenne strings: some thinke it was like an harpe, but of more pleasant sound, to the which they vsed to sing holy hymnes and psalmes, whereupon it had the name psalterie; such as Dauid vsed: and this is most like.
6. The sixt is called in the Chalde sumphonia, which is the very same word in the Greeke foreign, a symphonie, which R. Saadiah deriueth of the word foreign, a pipe, with a bagge ioyned vntounto it, a knowne rusticke instrument: but it is rather, as Lyranus thinketh, that vsuall instrument, which blinde men carrie about, and play vponupon it with their fingers: and with the other hande make it sound with turning about of an yron, Pintus.
11. Quest. v. 5. Of their falling downe and worshipping this image.
1. Hierome vponupon these words, thus writeth,Hierome noted of great obliuion and forgetfulnesse. that vnlesse my memorie faile me, if I runne ouer the whole Scripture, I can not finde, quod sanctorum quisquam Deum cadens adoraverit, that any of the Saints falling downe worshipped God, but they which worshipped idols or the deuill fell downe, and worshipped, as Sathan said to our blessed Sauiour, All these things will I giuegive thee, if thou wilt fall downe and worship me, &c. to this purpose Hierome: so also following him the ordin. gloss. and Hugo.
2. But Hieromes memorie did here greatly deceiue him indeede: for it is more vsuall in the Scripture for the Saints to fall downe and worship God, then otherwise: as, Psal. 95. 6. the Psalmist saith, Come let vsus worship, and fall downe, and kneele before the Lord our maker: the three wise men, Matth. 2. fell downe and worshipped Christ: so did the blind man, Ioh. 9. the Angels, Apoc. 7. 11. fell downe vponupon their faces before the throne and worshipped: Pere. Abraham fell on his face, while God talked with him, Gen. 17. 2. so did Ezekiel, c. 1. 29.
12. Quest. That it is not lawfull to bow vntounto an image, though one in his heart abhorre it.
1. There are three sorts of men, which doe thinke they may be dispensed withall for the outward reuerent gesture yeelded vntounto an image, hauing their heart free: as they which doe it to conforme themselues to please the Prince, or for feare to escape the perill of death, or some other grieuous punishment: or such which doe come vntounto idolatrous seruice, onelyonly to see the manner of it, and the pompe of Papall superstitious ceremonies.
2. But all these are found to be in great error. 1. the Lord in the second commandement directly forbiddeth to bow downe vntounto such images. And the Lord saith to the Prophet Elias, that he had reserued seuen thousand, that had not bowed their knees vntounto Baal, 1. King. 18. 19. 2. Our bodies together with our soules are the temples of the Spirit, and therefore neither the one, nor the other should be defiled, but preserued pure and holy for the Lord, Polan. 3. It satisfieth the idolaters themselues, if men be but conformable in their outward gesture, to their idolatrous seruice: as here Nabuchadnezzer exacteth no confession of the mouth, or subscription with the hand of or vntounto this image, but onelyonly to fall down and worship it. Calv. 4. In the purer ages of the Church euen they were held to be idolaters, which beeing constrained by force, did yeeld the least outward seruice vntounto the idols of the Gentiles: as Origen, as Suidas writeth, was excommunicate of the Church, for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol. 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and seruice, where yet there is no externall obiect that may offend them, therefore much lesse should Protestants shew such weaknes to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples, which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes.
13. Quest. Of the malitious accusation of the Chaldees against the Iewes.
1. The malitious Chaldees were so incensed against the seruants of God, that refused to worship the image, that they could not stay at all, but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them. 2. They bend their accusation, not onelyonly against those three, whome they held to be offenders, but against the whole nation of the Iewes, v. 8. they grieuously accused the Iewes. 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselues to the king, that they might be the better heard, O king liue for euer, v. 9. 4. Then they subtilly seeke to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred, 1. by their nation and countrey, they were Iewes, the kings captiues and vassals. 2. by their vnthankfulnes for the benefits which the king had bestowed vponupon them, who had made them gouerners, and chiefe officers, Bulling. 3. by their apostasie, that beeing called by Babylonian names, Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego, and so incorporated into that nation, yet were of a diuers religion and vsage, Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime, which they obiect against them, which was threefold. 1. contempt of the kings commandement and decree. 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods. 3. mutinie and sedition, in being singular among the rest, in that they did not fall downe before the kings image.
14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serue thy gods, v. 12. when as there was but one image.
Lyranus thinketh, that this image is called in the plural, gods, after the manner of the Iewes, which vse to call an idol so, though it be but one: as they said of the golden calfe, Exod. 32. These are thy gods: but it is euident in the text, that by gods, they meane not the image; because they complain of 2. things, they would not serue thy gods, nor worship the image.
2. The ordi. gloss. which Hugo followeth, so also Pintus, thinke, that the gods here spoken of were diuers from the image: for this he set vp for himselfe to be worshipped in it; but his gods he worshipped himselfe. But that they were not here two such distinct things, it appeareth; because the kings decree was onelyonly that they should fall downe, and worship the image: which they transgressing, are said, therein also to hauehave refused to serue the kings gods.
3. Wherefore it is euident, that this image was set vp by the king to the honour of his gods, Calvin. which are so called in the plurall, because they worshipped many gods: so that in one and the same action, in refusing to bow vntounto the image, they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods.
15. Quest. Why these three, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego are onelyonly accused.
1. It may seeme that the principall and chiefe men were onelyonly or especially called, and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present: or at the least, the principall men were most marked, and obserued, whose example the rest might follow, Pere, but it seemeth, by their general accusation of the Iewes, v. 8. that there were more Iewes present then these three.
2. It may be also supposed, that the vulgar sort of the Iewish people, which were present, did for feare doe as the rest did, fall downe and worship, therefore they were not complained of, Perer. It is very like indeede, that many Iewes did fall away in time of captiuitie to worship the Chaldean images, because many of them had beene idolaters in their owne countrey, for the which they were carried into captiuitie: but that some other of the Iewes beside these three, refused to fall downe, may be gathered by the generall accusation against the Iewes, but principally against these three.
3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause, why these three are singled out, because they were aduanced to honourable place of gouernment, and for this cause were enuied and maligned of the Chaldees: and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation, v. 12. wherin they specially vrge that point, that the king had set them ouer the prouince of Babel, that seemed to be an eye-soare and a griefe vntounto them. Why Daniel was not accused with the rest, it was by reason of his absence, as is shewed before, quest. 4.
16. Quest. What age these three were of, when they were brought before the king.
1. Chrysostome thinketh, that these three were infantili aetate, but as infants and children, when this was done, homil. de trib. pueris. Augustine also, hom. 24. calleth them pueros, children. But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of gouernment: for before this, at Daniels request, they were made gouernours ouer the prouince of Babel, c. 2. 49.
2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men, in aetatis vere, in the spring, and (as we say) in the floure of their age.
3. Pererius thinketh they could not be lesse, then 35. yeares of age: for he supposeth they might be 10. yeare old, when they went into captiuitie, and in the 25. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dreame of the image: But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age, yet his ground is vncertaine: for the second yeare mentioned, c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne, as is shewed, c. 2. qu. 1.
4. But Pererius laboureth to cleare this point, because in their Missals they are called the three children: either for that they were children at their first going into captiuitie, or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture, that young men, and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri, as Iosua, Exod. 31. beeing then aboue 40. yeare old, is called puer, the lad or seruant of Moses.
Contra. 1. The word puer, when it is so applied, is referred rather to their ministerie and seruice, then age. 2. we doe not stand vponupon it how they are called in their Missals, it sufficeth vsus, that in the Scripture they are not called children, but gubhraia, men, v. 23. of the word gabbar, to be strong: they were then men of perfect age and strength.
17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends.
1. They which thinke Daniel was present, and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his owne image, as gloss. ordin. Hugo. or that they did forbeare to accuse him, because he was in great grace and fauour with the king, Polan. which conceits see refuted before, quest. 4. those which affirme Daniel to be present, consequently must hold, that Daniel was silent, and spake not in the behalfe of his friends: and Lyranus saith, vidit regem obstinatum in malicia, & ideo tacuit, &c. he saw the king setled and obstinate in his malice, and therefore held his peace. But Daniel had offended much, if beeing present, he should by his silence and connivence hauehave betraied these innocents, as the wise man saith, Prou. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserue them, that are lead to be slaine?
2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel beeing a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliuer them out of this daunger by some great miracle, that thereby the power and glorie of God might be set forth: as our blessed Sauiour suffered Lazarus to die, that he might get greater glorie by raising him vp againe out of his graue.
Contra. 1. Our blessed Sauiour and Daniel, the master and the seruant, are not well matched together: Christ had all power and knowledge in himselfe, so had not Daniel. 2. he knew not of his deliuerance from the Lyons himselfe, when he was cast into their denne: for then it had beene no triall of his saith, if he had bin sure to be deliuered, much lesse is it like, that he foresaw the miraculous deliuerance of these.
3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence, and ignorance: he neither was present, and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened, beeing done speedily and in hast: see before qu. 4.
18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers speech vntounto those three brought before him.
1. The equitie of the king herein deserueth commendation, that would not presently giuegive sentence against these persons, till he had heard their defense: as it was the commendable custome of the Romanes not to deliuer any vntounto death, before he that was accused had place to defend himselfe, Act. 25. 16. Bulling.
2. But herein appeareth the wilfull blindnes of the king, that beeing seduced to set vp such an abominable idol, he proceedeth to maintaine it with crueltie. Pellican.
3. He doth first seeke to win them by gentle speech: as though he could not beleeue it to be true, that they had done this thing, or if they did, it was of some ouersight, rather then of purpose: which he was content to pardon, if now they would worship the image: but beside these faire speeches, he addeth also threatning. Bulling.
4. He peremptorily enioyneth obedience to his decree, not suffering it to be disputed or called into question, whether it were iust or lawfull: but it was his will so to be. Calv.
5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemie, extenuating the power of that great God, whome before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods, c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah, that the Lord could not deliuer Ierusalem out of his hand, 2. king. 18. 35.
19. Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king.
They answer with godly resolution and courage to eueryevery part of the kings speech.
1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himselfe, as though he did not beleeue, that they would doe such a thing, and thereby suggesteth vntounto them, that they should be better aduised: which kind of humane and fauourable questioning Suetonius noteth to hauehave bin much vsed by Augustus, who in examining those which were guiltie, would seeme as though he beleeued not any such thing to be done by them: to this vncertentie in the kings demaund, they answer resolutely, that they needed no consultation in that matter, they had their answer readie, and were determined both what to say and doe, to answer and suffer, We are not carefull to answer thee in this matter.
2. To the kings blasphemie, that there was no God to deliuer them out of his hand; they replie, that their God, whome they serued, was able to deliuer them out of his hand.
3. Touching the kings threatning of the fierie fornace, they answer in effect that it did not mooue them, they feared it not, though their God for some causes knowne to himselfe, should leaue them in his hands, yet they would not worship the image.
4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree, but would hauehave it absolutely obeied: so they could not be remooued from their religion: neither desired to hauehave the same discussed or sifted: they would by no meanes consent to worship the image.
20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall daungers.
v. 18. But if not: These valiant seruants of God, were certen of Gods fauour, that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glorie, but they could not certainly promise themselues temporall deliuerance: wherein the Lord alwaies sheweth not his power for these reasons.
1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliuerance, ridde his children out of danger; then would not the miracle be so great, and so neither Gods glorie nor power therein so much magnified, nor men thereat so much mooued. Perer.
2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporall daungers, for the triall and probation of their faith and patience.
3. Thereby also God doth chastice his seruants, to bring them to more effectuall repentance. Papp.
4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried, inuisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo, to bring them inuisibly vntounto euerlasting glorie. Lyran. ex Augustin.
21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image.
1. The godly Hebrewes were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses, and the Prophets, not to bow vntounto, or worship images, as Exod. 20. in the second commandement. Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and Ierem. 10. and in many places beside: that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly giuen them in charge.
2. They had the example of the godly Patriarkes and kings, and other holy men, who had a perfect detestation of idols: as Iaacob burned all the images in his house vnderunder an oak, Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brasen serpent, when they began to abuse it to idolatrie.
3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their returne out of the captiuitie, the Iewes abhorred images: for when Pilatus and Petronius the presidents of Iewrie had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the citie, to be worshipped of the Iewes, they manfully resisted, offering their necks and liues, rather then they would contrarie to their law worship any images. Ioseph. lib. 18. antiquit. c. 4. & 10. who further writeth, l. 2. cont. Appia. that when Alexander the great would hauehave repaired the Temple and sepulchre of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon, and therein vsed the helpe of the Iewes, they vtterly refused.
4. Therefore that is a most malitious lie reported by Appollonius, Appian the Grammarian, and Cornelius Tacitus, that the Iewes in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold, which they worshipped. ex Perer.
22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to roote out them which are of contrarie religion.
v. 19. Nabuchadnezzer commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fierie ouen: wherein he offended three waies: 1. in the action it selfe, in forcing his religion by torment of death. 2. in the manner, he did it in his rage. 3. in respect of the persons persecuted, they were innocent, they suffered for keeping of the law of God: But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment, it may be thus perswaded.
1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced vntounto by violence: doceri non cogi vult fides, religion must be taught, not enforced. Polan.
2. Idolaters, heretikes, and persecutors of the true faith, by vnspeakable torments, and cruell death, did vrge their heresies, idolatrie, and superstitions to be kept: As this was the engine, wherewith the heathen Emperours assaulted the Christians, persecuting them by fire and sword: As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero, that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night, in vsum nocturni luminis, in stead of night lampes: So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons, wherewith false religion fighteth: for the fruits of the spirit, are louelove, peace, gentlenes, Gal. 5. 22.
3. But it therefore followeth not, because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death, that therefore eueryevery one is to be left vntounto himselfe: there are other forcible meanes by penall lawes to containe men in an vniforme profession of the true faith, then by death. Iosias put downe the Chemarims idolatrous Priests, but he put them not to death. 2. King. 23. 5.
4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretikes, are to be cut off by the sword, as Servetus was at Geneva: so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion, a double difference is to be made: 1. between those, which do maintaine manifest heresie and blasphemie, and such as hold other vnsound opinions: and in the first sort, betweene such as are obstinate and peruerse, and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicitie.
23. Quest. Of the extraordinarie beating of the fornace.
v. 19. He charged, that they should heate the fornace seuen times more. 1. In the Apocryphall narration here inserted in the Greeke translation, it is added further, that the king commanded the fornace to be made hoat with pitch, and towe, and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha, and small twigges and spriggs of vines, or such like called malleoli, which some take for the small brush wood, apt to be set on fire, as Theodoret: some for such stuffe besmeared with pitch, as Pererius sheweth out of Nonius Marcellus.
2. And concerning naptha, whereof there are fountaines in Babylon, which is an hoate countrey full of brimstone, and in diuers places flaming out with fire: and as Plutarke writeth, the earth is so hoat, that they are constrained to lie in water: this naptha is of such force, that whatsoeuer is besmeared therewith, taketh fire in such sort, as that it can not be quenched but with vineger and allume, and such like, as Sirabo writeth, lib. 16. how Alexander to take triall of the nature thereof, caused a boy beeing in the water to be annointed with naptha, and so a candle put to him, who so burned, that if they had not with much water, mire, and such like, quenched it, he had beene consumed before them. Plutarke also in the life of Alexander reporteth, how the Barbarians, to shew the operation of this naptha, did cast certaine droppes vponupon the way, which in the night tooke the flame one from an other, that all the way seemed to be of a light fire.
3. But because in the originall historie there is no mention made of these things, that the fire should be tempered with: nor yet that the fornace should flame 49. cubits, v. 46. in the Apocryphall addition; we neede not busie our selues with searching out the nature of these things: it sufficeth to know, as it is in the text, that the fornace was made hoat 7. times more, then vsually it was.
24. Quest. Of the exquisite crueltie and torments which these three were put vntounto.
1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders, Tyrants hauehave satisfied themselues with simple death; in the persecuting of the seruants of God, they vsed exquisite torments: as here the fornace is made seuen times more hoat: if any malefactour had bin condemned to this punishment, the ordinarie heat would hauehave sufficed. Bulling.
2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to binde them, that they might vse no resistance, and might be more strongly bound: and God so disposed, that the king should vse the ministerie of his most valiant men, that both the miracle might be the greater, in that the flame consumed these men, & exercitus cladem persentisceret, & he should be punished in the losse of his martiall men: Lyran. and here appeareth the madnesse of persecutors, who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselues of Gods seruants, which they would be ashamed to doe in the execution of ordinarie malefactors, Osiander.
3. They are bound in their apparell, vt nihil ex illis reseruandum, &c. that nothing might remaine or be reserued of them: and because they were in such hast.
4. They are cast into the middes of the fornace, that the fire might hauehave the greater power ouer them, Bullinger.
25. Quest. Of the apparell, which they were cast into the fire with.
1. The first garment is called sarbal, which the Septuag. interpreteth foreign sarabaris, by the change of one letter: Hierome readeth, cum braccis, with their breeches or hose: for so he saith, that saraballa in the Chalde language, signifie the thighes: so also Hesychius interpreteth foreign, to be the couerings of the thighes: and in the Sclavonian tongue, the wide slippers are called sarabarh, Polan. so also Pagnin. But it seemeth rather to signifie the close coat, which couered not onelyonly the nether but the vpper parts: as Tertullian. in lib. de pallio, writeth thus of Alexander, triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit, that laying aside his triumphant complete harnesse, he went vp & downe in a captiue garment called sarabara, &c. it seemeth then it was such a garment, which couered those parts which vsed to be harnessed, the breast and vpper parts, as well as the neather. Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the vpper garment, but that is rather the last, here named: it is more fitly taken for the coate, Genevens. or the short cloake and inward garment, as Iunius and Vatablus expresse it by the word chlamys, which signifieth a short cloake.
2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches, fem…ralia, Mont. tibialia, the hose, Vatab. Genevens. subligacula, their slops: but the word petaschon, their bonets, commeth neere the word petasus, which signifieth an hat or bonet: and so the Septuagint and Hierome expresse it by the word tiara, a bonet, Polan. Lyran. and Hugo Card. thinke that tiara signifieth both pileum, and palliolum, an hat, or Persian cloake: but it rather here signifieth the couering of the head: the other garments are here named beside: and it is the vse of the Turks to this day to vse certaine bonets of fine linnen wrapped together. Calvin.
3. The last word chirbelathhon, some interpret, tiaris, their bonets. V. cucullis, their boods, Montan, some, their shooes, L. bootes, sep. but it rather signifieth their cloakes, Genevens. and vpper robes, paludamenta, Iun. for so the word chirbel signifieth to couer, Polan. as Pagnin translateth operimenta, their couerings.
26. Quest. Why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest.
The diuers opinions here of this matter, are of two sorts: some thinke that Daniel was absent, some that he was present.
1. They which hold him to hauehave beene absent, 1. some thinke he might be deteined by sicknes, and infirmitie, Lyran. but that is a meere coniecture. 2. some thinke he was employed in the kings offices, in some remote countrey, Papp. but Daniels office was to sit in the kings gate and to attend the court, c. 2. 49. 3. some thinke that Daniel, seeing the king fully bent to goe forward, withdrew himselfe home, and would not be present, Osiander. but this he could not hauehave done without the kings great displeasure. 4. some that the king in fauour sent him backe, that he should not be brought into danger, Hug. Card. But the kings furie was such, that he would hauehave spared none, that misliked his proceedings.
2. They which thinke Daniel to hauehave been present: 1. some iudge, that the Chaldeans would not accuse Daniel, because he was in such fauour with the king, Calvin. Polan. but he was in as great fauour afterward with Darius, and yet he was cast into the lyons denne, c. 8. 2. some thinke that Daniel stood by the king, who did not worship his owne image, and so Daniel doing as the king did, beeing the next man vntounto him, was not found fault withall. But the text ouerthroweth this conceit, the decree was generall, v. 11. that whosoeuer did not fall downe, should be cast into the fierie fornace: Daniel then could not be exempted from so generall a decree. 3. some thinke that Daniel did in outward gesture doe as the rest did, and by this example the Nicomedians would iustifie their dissimulation, in bowing their knee vntounto an idol, and yet keeping their heart for God. But seeing Daniel refused to defile himselfe with eating the kings meate, much more would he hauehave counted this a pollution, to hauehave bowed to this filthie idol.
3. Wherefore the safer opinion is, that Daniel was not at this time present: his charge was to keepe the kings palace, and he was chiefe gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel: the king then beeing absent from Babylon, to solemnize the dedication of this image which was in the region Susiane, by all likelihood committed vntounto Daniel the gouernment of the citie and prouince of Babel, till his returne.
27. Quest. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings crueltie.
v. 22. The flame of the fire slew those men, &c. 1. Lyranus well obserueth, that this is set downe by anticipation: for first the three men were cast into the fierie fornace, and then at the comming of the Angel, the fire was kept from their bodies, and raged vponupon their enemies.
2. It is like that these men had beene the chiefe perswaders of the king, to deuise this torment, and were the most forward in this cruell execution, and therefore they tast of the same punishment, which they had prepared for others: as they which accused Daniel, and caused him to be cast into the lyons denne, themselues were deuoured of the lyons, Pintus. and they are iustly punished, because they yeeld obedience to the king, in re scelerata, in a wicked matter, Bulling.
3. It pleased God, that the fire should first destroy these wicked instruments, both for the more certentie of the miracle, seeing the same fire preserued some, and consumed others: and that the king might be more nearely touched: punitis principibus rex corripitur, the king is touched and chastised by the punishment of his Princes. gloss. Hug.
28. Quest. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued.
1. Some thinke, that the fire was by the power of God kept from their bodies, and so issued forth vponupon them which were without: so Theodoret, ex hac dissipatione flammarum & …epulsione à corporibus in tantum ignis è fornace essusus est, &c, by this dispersing of the flames, and repelling it from their bodies, the fire was shedde out so farre out of the fornace, that it went out 49. cubites: but first this opinion is contrary to the text, which saith they walked in the middes of the fire, and had no hurt, vers. 25. there was then fire, in the middes of the fornace where they were. 2. they were cast into the fornace bound hand and feete, bu… as soone as they came neere the fire, it burnt the bands wherewith they were tied, so that they walked loose, the fire then was neere them: Pintus answereth, that as they entred into the fornace, their bands were loosed by the fire.
Contra. The text is otherwise, that they fell downe bound into the middes of the fornace, ver. 23. they were then in the middes, before the fire consumed their bandes.
2. Some thinke, that the Angel did cause a cold ayre to blowe in the middes of the fornace, and so they were deliuered from the heat of the fire, interponendo corpus frigidum, by the enterposing of some cold bodie, Perer. this also is affirmed by the Apocryphall storie, ver. 49. fecit medium fornacis quasi ventum roris flantem, &c. the Angel made the middes of the fornace as it were windie with a dewe.
Contra. 1. But this were to adde miracle to miracle: for as it was one miracle, that the fire did not so much as touch their garments, as they passed through the flames, so it should be another, for the fire not to be quēched with this dew: but miracles must not be multiplied without cause. 2. this also derogateth from the power of God, as though he could not immediately by his owne power restraine the force of the fire, but by the ministerie of another creature.
3. The third opinion is, that God restrained the burning qualitie of the fire: for he that first endued the elements with their seuerall qualities, can withhold and suspend them at his pleasure: thus thinketh Basil, that vis vrendi, the force of burning, did not fungi suo munere, in Psal. 28.at this time exercise his force; like as the fire which Moses sawe, consumed not the bush: of this opinion are also Albertus magnus, & Dyonis. Carthusianus, which is the most probable.
Quest. 29. Of the seauen miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire.
1. The first is, that whereas the fire hath two properties concurring together, the light and the heat, that now by the power of God they are separated: here is light without burning; and in hell fire there shal be burning without light: as Basil noteth in the former place, talis est ignis inferni, vt cum maxime vret, minime tamen luceat, &c. such is the fire of hell that when it burneth most it giueth least light, Pere.
2. This fire hath contrarie effects, it preserueth those which are within, and consumeth those which are without: like as the waters of the redde Sea, were a defense vntounto the Israelites, and a confusion to the Egyptians: and the lyons which spared Daniel, deuoured his accusers, Bulling.
3. The fire burned asunder their bands, but their bodies and garments, it had no power to touch: so obserueth Hierome, ardent vincula, sed vinctorum corpora non tangit, &c. their bands are burnt, but the bodies of thē which were bound the fire toucheth not: so also Chrysostome, 4. homil. ad popul. Antioch. lib. 3. dialog. cap. 18.Compedes disrupit ignis, talos non tetigit, the fire brake their fetters, and yet touched not their ankels; so Gregorie, vt haberet flamma virtutem ad solatium, non haberet ad tormentum, &c. so that the flame had it force for their comfort, but not to their torment.
4. In the fire they breathed and walked, whereas the fire and smoake vseth to suffocate, and stoppe the breath: Pererius addeth further, that in the mids of the fire, they made an extemporall song or psalme, to the praise of God. It is not to be doubted, but that they praised God; but that long himne, which is extant in the vulgar Latine edition, it is not like they vttered: because it is not extant in the originall: so that it seemeth to hauehave beene added by some interpreter to set forth the pietie and deuotion of these holy men.
5. Pererius following the vulgar Latine, maketh this another miracle, that a pleasant coole winde with a moist dewe was sent of God into the middes of the fornace: But no such thing is extant in the originall: thus much may be gathered out of the text by their walking in the middes of the fire, that neither the smoake nor heat, was any annoyance vntounto them at all, but they had their free libertie, as though they had walked in the coole and fresh ayre.
6. This was admirable, that not onelyonly their bodies, but their garments, yea the haire of their head, was kept from the fire: and there was not so much as the smell of fire about them, ver. 27.
7. Lastly, it seemeth that Nebuchadnezzar onelyonly, whose conuersion the Lord principally intended by this miracle, sawe the Angel of God walking in the fierie fornace in the forme of man.
8. The like narration Pererius reporteth out of Gregorie, lib. 3 dialog. cap. 18.of a young man called Benedictus, who kept in a cell in Campania, within 40. miles of Rome: whom the Gothes assayed to burne in his cell, and set fire round about it, but all other things beeing consumed, his cell remained vntouched; whereupon they drewe him out, and cast him into a fierie ouen: but he the next day was found without any hurt of the fire, not so much as his garments touched. But the report of this miracle I leaue to the iudgement of the vnderstanding reader: this we knowe, that that age was giuen too much to such miraculous reports: and that many fabulous narrations hauehave beene thrust vnderunder the name of the fathers.
Quest. 30. Whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire, beeing in the flames thereof.
1. Some doe thinke that by naturall meanes certaine things are and may be exempted from the violence and rage of the fire: Plinie writeth of the stone Aetites, lib. 10. c. 3. histor. natural.which is found in a certaine kind of eagles nest, that it endureth the fire, & wasteth therein nothing at all. And in another place he maketh mention of Pirrhus, whose body being consumed by the fire, yet the great toe of his right legge could not be burned: the same author reporteth,lib. 7. cap. 2. that their hearts, which die of poyson, or morbo cardiaco, the disease of the heart, cannot be burnt. Aristotle writeth of a certaine stone called anthrax, which the fire cannot worke vponupon,lib. 11. cap. 37. no not so much as to heate it: the same author also writeth of a certaine little beast with feete, and yet flieth,lib. 5. de histo. animali. cap. 19. about the bignes of a flie, which commeth out of the brasse furnaces in Cyprus, which as long as it is in the fire liueth, but if it flie farre from the fire it dieth: The like report there is of the Salamander, that it extinguisheth the fire, non alio modo, quam glacies, like a peice of yce, Plin. lib. 10. cap. 67. so also Aelianus, lib. 2. cap. 20. And Olympiodore the philosopher confirmeth the same by his experience, that they which kept fornaces in his time, would shake the faggots which thy burned, least the Salamanders might be among them, which by experience they found to put out the fire. Iamblicus writeth,Iamblic. de myster. Egypt. that the Egyptian Prophets, when they were inspired of their gods, could walke through the middes of the fire,lib. 7. cap. 2. and not be burned: Plinie also maketh mention of certaine families among the Faliscians called Hyrpiae, which in the yearely sacrifice of Apollo, could passe through an heape of wood, set on fire, and not be burned.
2. 1. Concerning those stones giuen in instance, it is like because of their colde and solid constitution, that they a good while may resist the fire, but at the length, the fire by the extreame heat thereof will worke vponupon them. 2. touching those beasts which are said to liue in the fire, it must be so vnderstood, that they liue in hoate places, neere vntounto the fire, but not in the flames, as those little creatures which we call crickits, doe keepe altogether in ouens, and chimnies, and other hoate places, but they cannot endure the flames of the fire: and it is Aristotles principle,lib. 2. de genera. animal. c. 3. nullum animal nasci, vel viuere posse in igne, that no creature can be engendred, or liue in the fire.
3. As for the Salamander, by reason of the cold constitution thereof, it may resist the fire, and somewhat slake the heat of it, as any other thing will, that is extreame cold and moist; but at the length the fire will consume it: as Mathiolus writing vponupon Dioscorides, lib. 2. cap. 56. saith he found by experience.
4. These examples giuen in instance of such as walked through the fire without hurt, are either not to be credited, as many such fabulous tales are reported by the heathen writers: or els such things were done by the operation of Sathan: who either by slaking the force of the fire, or by suborning some imagined fire, or by interposing some cold bodie, or by some like meanes, can worke such feates. So then it remaineth a strong and firme conclusion, that without a miracle, nothing can endure the fire without wasting and consuming. ex Perer.
Quest. 31. That those three were true Martyrs, though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death.
1. There are three things required to make a Martyr, the goodnesse of the cause, the present danger of death, and a willing resolution to suffer it: all these three here concurred: the cause was for the maintenance of Gods glorie, the danger of death was present, and without Gods miraculous deliuerance ineuitable, and their resolution was constant to die. This testimonie Cyprian giueth of these martyrs, and of Daniel, who escaped the lyons: In confessoribus Christi dilata martyria non meritum confessionis minuunt, sed magnalia diuinae protectionis ostendunt, &c. 3. lib. epist c ….in the confessors of Christ the deferring of their martyrdome doth not diminish the worthinesse of their confession, but setteth forth the greatnesse of the diuine protection, &c.
2. So as Thomas distinguisheth them, there are three kinde of Martyrs: 1. they which are so onelyonly in feruent desire. 2. such as are in the present perill of death,in lib. 4. sent…nt distinct. 49. which they cannot escape without the miraculous deliuerance of God. 3. they which are offred vntounto death, and doe suffer it.
3. Bernard also maketh three kinds of martyrdome: some are voluntate martyres, & non opere, martyrs in will, and not in act, as Iohn the Apostle: some opere, non voluntate, in act, though not in the will and purpose,sermon. de nata. Innocent. as those innocents, which were put to death for Christ: some are both opere & voluntate, martyrs both in will and worke, as the holy Apostles, all saue Iohn.
Quest. 32. Whether all those are to be held Martyrs which die constantly and couragiously.
1. They which shewe a kind of fortitude and courage in enduring of torments, their cause beeing not good, are not held to be martyrs, as the Anabaptistes shewe themselues verie resolute in suffering for their wicked heresie and sect. Balthasar Gerardus the Burgundian, which slewe the prince of Orenge, Ann. 1584. the 30. of Iune, endured very grieuous torments, but it was pertinacie in him, rather then patience, a stupiditie of sense, not a soliditie of faith, a wretchlesse desperation, not a confident resolution. Augustine saith well,sermon. 50. de sanctis. ibierat Christus vbi latrones, similis causa, sed dissimilis poena, Christ was in the same place where the theeues were, the cause was like, but the punishment vnlike: therefore S. Peter, discerning the cause wheresore one should suffer, saith, let none of you suffer, as a murtherer, or as a thiefe, &c. 1. Pet. 4. 15.
2. They which hauehave a good cause, may faile also in the manner, as if they doe procure their owne death, and lay violent hands vponupon themselues: when any are vrged mala facere, vel mala pati, to doe euill, or to suffer euill, they must rather choose to suffer euill, and to yeeld themselues into the hands of their enemies, as those three men did: but they which kill themselues, are now doers of euill, and not sufferers: the deuill tempted Christ to cast himselfe downe from the pinacle, but he resisted him: all such motions then tending to voluntarie death, are diabolicall. Augustine hereof thus writeth,Cont. Ga…nt. cap. 2. When Iob was striken with botches from the head to the foote, vtique hoc vestrum compendium habuit in promptu, &c. he might hauehave vsed this compendious way if he would, &c.
Quest. 33. VVhy it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of danger, as he did these and at this time.
Rupertus mooueth the like question,lib. 6. de victor. verb. c. 25. why the Lord did not as well defend his Temple from the fire, as the bodies of his seruants here.
1. If God should doe so ordinarily, then the miracle should not seeme so great, not the power and glorie of God so much thereby aduanced.
2. It is in God hand, and in his choice, whether to deliuer his Saints from temporall daunger, or to translate them to immortalitie: he best knoweth what is fit for eueryevery one.
3. God doth send temporall deliuerance to such instruments, as he purposeth still to vse in his seruice: as these three were deliuered, because they were speciall meanes to set forth Gods glorie among the Chaldeans: but when any hath finished their course, and accomplished that seruice for the which they were sent, then the Lord thinketh best to receiue them into his kingdome, as Peter was deliuered out of prison by the Angel, Act. 12. because the Lord was yet to vse him in his seruice: but afterward when he had finished his course, the Lord suffered the persecutors to depriue him of his temporall life, Polan.
4. Further it must be here considered, that there are two kinds of deliuering the seruants of God, there is occulta liberatio, & manifesta, a secret deliuerance, and a manifest: the secret deliuerance concerneth their soules, whom the Lord translateth to glorie: wherein the Lord sheweth two great workes, both in giuing them strength by their patience to tryumph ouer the crueltie of their persecutors, and in bringing them vntounto glorie. And the Lords power is no lesse seene intheir patience,… then if he had temporally deliuered them: as Rupertus speaking of the holy Martyrdome of Laurentius▪ who was broyled vponupon a gridyron, saith, gloriosius in eo triumphauit, quam si excussisset carbones, the Lord did more gloriously tryumph in him, then if he had put out the coales. The other kind of deliuerance is notorious and manifest, which is seene in the safetie of their bodies, as these three were now deliuered out of the fire: which kind of deliuerance God sometime sendeth for the confirmation of his Saints, and for the confusion of the wicked, Polan.
Quest. 34. vers. 25. In what sense the king saith, that the fourth was like the sonne of God.
1. Some thinke that the king imagined, that the fourth was like the sonne of God, that is, was one of the inferiour or second sort of gods: for the Gentiles thought, that the gods begat children of women, as Iupiter had Hercules and Apollo, and these were called semidei, halfe gods: this opinion is mentioned by Dyonis. Carthusian. and so Osiander saith, that the king thought, that the gods had sent, quendam ex minoribus dijs, some one of the lesse or inferiour gods. But this sperstitious and impious conceit of their halfe gods, was afterward taken vp by the Greekes, it was not at this time currant among the Babylonians: whose chiefe God Bel was, and next to him they adored and worshipped the Sunne and the starres.
2. Some doe indeede take this to be vnderstood of an Angel, as Hierome, Angeli filij Dei nuncupantur, the Angels are called the sonnes of God: as Iob: 1. 6. and psal. 89. 7. so also Calv. Perer. Polan. and their reason is, because the king afterward saith, that God had sent his Angel, v. 28. But 1. it is not vnvsuall in Scripture, for the sonne of God to be called an Angel, as Malach. 3. 1. the Angel of the couenant. 2. and though this phrase be vsed in Scripture, to call the Angels the sonnes of God, yet it may be doubted, whether the Gentiles vsed so to speake. 3. And though the king might take him to be an Angel, yet the question is, whether he were an Angel, or indeede the sonne of God.
3. Some adde further, that this was an Angel, but likened to the sonne of God, because he was a type of the incarnation of the sonne of God: that the sonne of God should descend from heauen, suos è peccatorum flammis erepturus, to deliuer his out of the flames of their sinnes: Pintus, and before him Apollinarius. But although this typicall application may be made of it, yet Nebuchadnezzàr beeing vtterly ignorant of the mysterie of redemption, could not so vnderstand it.
4. Some doe thinke that Nebuchadnezzar meaneth Christ the sonne of God: and this opinion is deuided: some take it, that Nebuchadnezzar had learned the mysterie of the incarnation of the Sonne of God of Daniel, as it was in some sort declared vntounto him, in the interpretation of his dreame, Pintus. But Nebuchadnezzars grosse superstition and idolatrie, euidently sheweth, that he had no such knowledge of Christ to come, Rupertus thinketh, that mente non sua locutus est, Nebuchadnezzar spake he knewe not what, as Saul and Caiphas prophesied: and addeth further, that it pleased God by the mouth of an heathen man, to reueale this mysterie, non enim tutum erat, aeternam filij ex patre Dei generationem Iudaeis carnalibus enuntiare, for it was not safe to declare vntounto the carnall Iewes, the eternall generation of the Sonne from God the father, Rupertus ibid.
But 1. it is euident by the text, that Nebuchadnezzar knew what he said, calling him afterwards an Angel, whom here he saith, was like to the Son of God. 2. and the mysterie of the Trinitie, and of the incarnation of Christ, could not be more strange no not to the carnall Iewes (among whom notwithstanding were many beleeuers) then vntounto the Gentiles.
5. Some take it, that this was but a phrase of speach to liken him to the sonne of God, that is some excellent person, as excellent and eminent things are so named; as the mountaine of God, the armie of God; that is, a great mountaine, a great armie, Perer. as Homer called such foreign, like vntounto God, or borne of God, Iun. he sawe in the countenance of the fourth, supra vultus humani splendorem radiare aliquid, something to shine beyond the brightenesse of mans countenance, Hug. Car. so also Lyranus. This is true, but not all.
6. Therefore these two things may be safely here affirmed, 1. that Nebuchadnezzar here in this saying determineth not what manner of person it should be, whether God, or an Angel precisely, but in generall, that it was some diuine presence. 2. yet in truth and in verie deede it was Christ the sonne of God, who appeared at this time in humane shape, and came to deliuer his seruants: As Rupertus thereof yeeldeth this reason, it was a signe of that which the Sonne of God was to doe in his Church; quando enim non adfuit filius Dei agonizantibus? for when was not the Sonne of God present with his seruants in their agonies? &c. This application is better then that of Lyranus, who also vnderstandeth that this was Christ the Sonne of God, but would hauehave thereby prefigured Christs descension into hell, vbi animae sanctorum tenebantur, &c. where the soules of the saints were held, but not burnt, that they might be deliuered, &c. But this is newe and strange doctrine, that any in the flames of hell should be deliuered, or that the flames of hell should not burne: of this opinion also are Pellican, and Osiander, that this was Christ the sonne of God, their reason is, because he often before appeared to Abraham, and Moses, and other Patriarches and Prophets, assumpta humana forma, assuming humane shape.
Quest. 35. Of the apparition of Angels in humane shape, what manner of bodies they appeared in.
Because the opinion of the most is, that this was an Angel, which was here seene in the middes of the fornace by Nebuchadnezzar, it shall not be amisse to insert something of their manner of apparition.
1. That Angels, yea and the sonne of God himselfe sometime appeared visibly vntounto men, though in their nature they are invisible spirits, it is most euident by the manifold visions and apparitions, which were shewed vntounto the Patriarches, and Prophets, so that this needeth no further proofe.
2. They appeared not in shewe onelyonly, as it were in imaginarie, and fantasticall bodies, as Marcion held, whom Tertullian confuteth, but in verie sensible and palpable bodies, which might be felt, handled, and touched: such bodies had those Angels, which came vntounto Lot.
3. Nor yet were their bodies taken out of any celestiall matter, such as the starres are made of, which was the fansie of Apelles, whom Tertullian confuteth, lib. de carne Christ. but rather they consisted of some terrene matter, because their bodies were palbable, and they did eate and drinke.
4. Neither were these the proper bodies of Angels, which are of a spirituall nature: we must not thinke, Angelos propriam carnem gestasse, that the Angels did beare their owne flesh, neither was it hypostatically vnited vntounto them, as part of their person, but as Augustine saith, tanquam vestes sumebant & dep…nebant, they did assume them, and lay them downe againe as garments.
5. Great difference there was betweene the bodies, wherein the Angels appeared, and the bodie which Christ walked in: for this bodie Christ tooke by birth; so did not the Angels, as Tertullian saith, non venerant mori, ideo nec nasci, they came not to die, therefore they needed not to be borne.
6. And some difference there was betweene the bodies, which the Angels assumed, and wherein Christ manifested himselfe in the olde testament: for Christ made vntounto him a bodie for the time of nothing, and layd it downe againe, as it pleased him: but the Angels could not make their bodies, but they were prepared of God, either of nothing, or out of some preexistent matter: but this beginning rather their bodies had, the other of nothing was Christs: Tertullian then hath here a bold assertion,lib. 3. aduers. Marcion. proprium esse Angelicae potestatis, ex nulla materia sibi corpus sumere, that it is proper vntounto the Angelicall power to take vntounto them a bodie of no matter, &c. but this power belongeth onelyonly to the creator.
7. Now these bodies, if they were made of nothing, they were annihilated againe; if out of some matter, they were resolued againe into it, as Tertullian saith, corpus Angelorum eadem ratione interceptum est, qua & editum, the bodie of Angels was by the same meanes intercepted, and dissolued, by the which it was made and came forth: si non fuit initium visibile, nec finis, as the beginning of them was not visible, so no more the ende, Polan.
Quest. 36. Why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape.
1. One reason is, because of all sensible and visible creatures none commeth neerer the nature of Angels, then man, and therefore Angels hauehave assumed vntounto themselues the shape of man. 2. If the Angels should in any other forme hauehave appeared, vsing the speach of man, it would hauehave seemed monstrous. 3. And by this the Angels did testifie their louelove vntounto man, similitudo conciliat amorem, for likenesse of things begetteth louelove. 4. Because Angels doe count men their fellowe seruants: they propound vntounto them both the same ende, euerlasting glorie in heauen: they are both vnderunder the same head Christ. 5. the Angels did so appeare for the honour of Christs incarnation, who they knewe, should take our nature vponupon him: they therefore by this meanes did dignifie the nature of man. 6. Beside, the parts of mans bodie doe expresse and set forth diuerse Angelicall properties: as the head their vnderstanding, the eyes their knowledge, the hands their ministerie, the feete their readines and agilitie, &c. these reasons may be rendred, why it pleased God, that the Angels should manifest themselues in humane shape, Perer.
Quest. 37. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzar with the parts thereof.
Nebuchadnezzars conuersion appeareth both by his religious actions toward God, and by his thankefull rewarding of his seruants, ver. 30.
1. His religious actes consist. 1. in his confession of the praise of God. 2. in the decree which he made concerning the name and worship of God.
1. Gods praise is set forth: both by his owne worke in the deliuering of his seruants, by sending his Angel; and by the constancie of his seruants, set forth by two effects, in that they refused to obey the kings commandement, and because they did rather chose to giuegive their bodies to the fire, then to worship any sauing the Lord.
2. In the decree, there is first expressed the offence, if any should blaspheme the name of God: then the punishment, which is twofold, vponupon their bodies, they shall be drawne in peices, and on their houses, they shall be made a iakes: then the reasons added from the power of God.
2. Then is expressed, ver. 30. how Nebuchadnezzer promoted these three men in the prouince of Babel, ver. 30.
Quest. 38. Whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzar.
1. Pererius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was truely and indeede conuerted, which he would prooue by the effects thereof, namely these fower. 1. the confession of his error. 2. the aduancing of true religion. 3. the exalting of those that feared God. 4. and seuere punishing of all blasphemers and enemies vntounto God. But these were temporarie effects, they continued not, they were therefore no signes of a true conuersion.
2. The truer opinion then is, that Nebuchadnezzar was but mooued and affected for a time, by the strangenesse of this miracle, he was not truely conuerted. 1. As were the effects of his faith, such was his faith; but the effects were but temporarie, they lasted but a while, for presently after in the next chapter, he seeketh againe vntounto his sorcerers, for the interpretation of his dreame, Iun. 2. he could hauehave no true faith, because he had no true knowledge of God, seeing in the same houre as it were, a little before, he had commanded the golden image to be worshipped. 3. permiscuit idola sua vero Deo, he did ioyne his idols with the true God, Calvin. yet some thinke that he not long after caused the image to be pulled downe, Osiander. It is more like he did not, because he continued in his old superstition, in beeing addicted still to his enchanters, and sorcerers. 4. here was onelyonly a naked miracle, which is but a preparatiue vntounto faith, here was no doctrine or instruction out of the word of God, whereby faith is begotten in vsus, Caluin.
3. But Rupertus, although his opinion be right,lib. 6. de victor. verb. c. 23. that this confession of Nebuchadnezzar, was tota respersa fermento tumidae vanitatis, besprinckled with the leauen of swelling vanitie: yet his reason is not good, because he saith, placuit mihi, it pleased me to declare the signes, which God had wrought, apud me, with me, as though he should hauehave said, nisi ob gratiam mei, he did them onelyonly for my cause, whereas they were wrought against him. Contra. 1. the words well interpreted are, it became me, not it pleased me. 2. And these miracles and signes were wrought toward him or with him, because he was thereby brought to acknowledge and confesse his error, and to giuegive the praise vntounto God.
4. But Oecolampadius goeth yet further, and giueth such commendation of this confession of Nebuchadnezzar: fungitur in hoc non solum poenitentis, fed & Apostoli offici…, he herein dischargeth not onelyonly the dutie of a penitent person, but euen of an Apostle also in writing of epistles, &c. But the king confessed as much in effect before, cap. 2. 47. that the Lord was a God of Gods, and the Lord of kings, and yet after that he made the image.
5. Yet on the other side, are we farre from the opinion of Apollinarius, that the king regio fastu condiderit hanc legem, &c. of princely pride and vanitie did make this lawe against blasphemers: But although these were but temporarie effects and fruits of his faith, yet for the time they were in truth: for if the king had sought his pompe, he would not in this manner hauehave laid open his errour to all the world, and praised the constancie of these men.
39. Quest. Whether blasphemie is to be punished with death.
1. Apollinarius thus obiected, that the punishments which the Lord inflicteth in his law, are executed foreign, by way of amendment, not foreign, by way of retribution: for no punishment can counteruaile the greatnes of sinne: and therefore in such sinnes such seueritie is not to be vsed.
2. Contra. 1. Deus internam pravitatem suo iudicio reservat, &c. God reserueth the inward impietie for his owne iudgement, but the outward offence the Magistrate is to restraine by law, Oecolampad. 2. By the law of God the blasphemer was put to death. 3. And if an heathen Prince, did decree such a seuere punishment against blasphemie, much more ought a Christian Magistrate, Polan. 4. Origen saith,Hom. 11. in Lev. si patri maledicens morte multatur, &c. if he that curseth his father be put to death, how much more he which blasphemeth God our heauenly father: the Canon saith,Can poenit. … blasphem…us secundum legem est decapitandus, secundum canonem anathematizandus, a blasphemer according to the (ciuill) law is to be beheaded, according to the Canon, to be anathematized and held accursed.
In the Laterane Councill thus it was prouided against blasphemers,A notable decree against blasphemers. Concil. Later. sess. 9. si munus publicum gesserit, &c. if he bare a publike office, the first and second time he should loose the benefit of his office for three moneths, the third time he should be depriued: si Clericus, if he were a Cleargie man, the first time he should loose the profits of one whole yeare, the second, he was to be depriued of his benefice: and the third time, inhabilis reddatur, he was made vncapable of that function: si nobilis, &c. if he were a noble man, the first time he should pay 25. ducats, the second 50. the third time that he offendeth, nobilitatum perdat, he should loose his nobilitie.
If he were a common person, he should be imprisoned: if he offended more then twice, he was to be enioyned to stand one whole day before the Church doore: if yet he continued in the sinne of blasphemie, ad perpetuos carceres, vel ad triremes damnetur, let him be condemned to perpetuall prison, or to the gallies.
40. Quest. Whether the three last verses doe belong vntounto this second chapter.
v. 31. Nabuchadnezzer vntounto all people, nations, and languages, &c. The vulgar Latine following the Septuag. so also Pererius, doe make these three last verses part of the third chapter: some also of the Hebrewes doe the like. But they are better referred vntounto the historie of the next chapter, as Iun. Vatab. Calvin. Oecolampad. Pellican. Osiand. Bulling. so also Lyran. gloss. ordin. Hugo Cardin. doe thinke that this Epistle was written by the king, after the Lord had humbled him, and depriued him of his vnderstanding, and afterward restored him againe, as it followeth in the next chapter: the reasons for proofe herof are these.
1. Because the style and manner of writing in the first person, the epistle beginneth thus, Nabuchadnezzer king, To all people, &c. and v. 32. I thought it good: agreeth with the first words of the next chapter, I Nabuchadnezzer, &c. 2. He intendeth to declare the signes and wonders, which God wrought toward him, such as specially concerned him, and none did more particularly touch him, then his transformation into the life of a bruit beast. 3. If this epistle should not hauehave coherence with the narration following, it should be much imperfect: for he saith, I thought good to declare the signes and wonders: and yet he declareth none, if this epistle should not hauehave relation to the next chapter: Seeing then that these 3. last verses are a part of that chapter, the questions here arising, shall be there handled.