Commentary on Romans, Biblical exegesis 2 · Chapter 13 · Section 3

Commentary on Romans · Biblical exegesis 2 · Chapter 13 · Section 3

p. 5783. The questions and doubts discussed.

1. Quest. Of the occasion, which mooued the Apostle in this chapter to entreat of the dutie of subiects to the Magistrate.

1. Chrysostome. thinketh, that the Apostle hauing treated in the former chapter of patience, and not rendring euill for euill, doth very oppotunely now mooue obedience vntounto the Magistrate; multo enim magis illis, qui benefaciunt, &c. for much more ought we to obey them, which deserue well of vsus; if we should not be auenged of them, which doe euill.

2. Beside he giueth an other reason, that whereas the Christians had in those daies many troubles, tentations, and trialls, it was needlesse, van as tentationes superaddere, to adde vaine idle tentations and occasions of trouble, namely, in resisting the Magistrates.

3. Calvin thinketh, that this precept was added especially, because of the Iewes, to whom it seemed a very vnmeete thing, that progenies Abraha in servitute maneret, that the progenie of Abraham should remaine in seruitude vnderunder heathen gouernors: the same reason is touched by Peter Martyr.

4. Pareus addeth, that S. Pauls doctrine concerning Christian libertie, as he said before, c. 6. we are not vnderunder the law, but vnderunder grace, might hauehave beene misconstrued, as though Christiās should not be subiect to ciuil laws: & therfore he seasonably vrgeth ciuil obediēce.

5. Adde hereunto, that the Christians were defamed, as enemies vntounto the policie of Commonwealths, and ciuill Magistracie: which false surmise was the cause of the persecuting of Christians, as Clemens Alexandrin. lib. 4. stromat. therefore the Apostle to giuegive satisfaction to the Gentiles, thus exhorteth: this mooued Iustinus Martyr, in his 2. apologie vntounto Antonius the Emperor, to cleare the Christians by many arguments of this surmised imputation: Tolet.

6. And further, whereas the Apostle before had taught, that Christians should not avenge themselues: some might hauehave gathered thereupon, that it were not lawfull to vse the defense of the Magistrate against wrongs: nay that it was not lawfull for the Magistrate to take reuenge of euill doers, therefore the Apostle verie fitly falleth into this discourse: Gualter.

7. And lastly, because the Magistrates were then infidels, least that the faithfull might take themselues free from the command of Infidels, as subiects from their Magistrates, seruants from their Masters, the Apostle doth interlace this treatise, Calvin, Gualter: for these and such like reasons doth the Apostle so inculcate this doctrine of ciuill obedience, as in this place, and 1. Tim. 12. Tit. 3.1. and S. Peter agreeth, 1. Pet. 2.13.14.

Quest. 2. How euerie soule should be subiect to the higher powers.

1. Euerie soule. 1. The soule is put, a part for the whole, by the figure synecdoche, according to the phrase of Scripture: as Haymo giueth instance of that place Gen. 46. how Iacob went downe to Egypt with 70. soules: and Act. 27. there were 275. soules with Paul in the ship: as sometime the flesh, the other part of man is taken for the whole: as all flesh shall see the saluation of the Lord. 2. But Origens conceit is here somwhat curious, as Martyr and Erasmus note, that it is not said, eueryevery spirit, but eueryevery soule, for the spirituall man, which hath renounced the world, hath nothing wherein to be subiect to the superior powers: as the Apostle said, gold & silver hauehave we none: he that hath none of these, nō habet vnde subiaceat potestat ib. hath nothing wherein to be subiect to the powers, &c. But euen the Apostles thēselues were p. 579obedient vntounto them. 3. he saith, eueryevery soule, quia debet esse voluntaria subiectio, because this subiection must be voluntarie, not onelyonly in bodie, but in soule, Gorrhan. 4. and further by this is signified, that all mortall men, none excepted, should be so subiect; and therefore he saith, eueryevery soule. 5. Caietane yet noteth further, that not onelyonly our bodies, and our substance, but euen our soules should be subiect vntounto the secular powers, in ijs quae possunt legitime imperare, in those things, wherein they may lawfully command.

Be subiect. The word is foreign, which signifieth to be subordinate: where 1. is insinuated the order of gouernment, which whosoeuer resisteth, bringeth in disorder and confusion. 2. and Chrysostome noteth, that he saith not, be obedient, but be subiect; which is a generall word, comprehending all other duties and seruices. 3. but this must be limited vntounto those things, which are lawfully commanded: for otherwise, if they shall require any thing against the glorie of God, and our conscience, we must follow the example of the Apostles, Act. 4. to obey God, rather then man, Gualt. so Haymo well obserueth, that as man consisteth of bodie and soule, so he must inviolably in his soule, servare fidem Deo, keepe his faith vntounto God, and in his bodie serue the powers.

To the superior or chiefe powers. 1. The vulgar Latin readeth, sublimiaribus, higher powers: which Erasmus and Beza thinke not to be so fit, because the word in the originall is not in the imperatiue: and this would giuegive occasion to some to thinke, that obedience should be giuen onelyonly to the chiefe magistrate. But they are called high in respect of the people, ouer whom they are set, not compared among themselues: for not onelyonly the King as the chiefe, but other inferiour officers and ministers are to be obeied; as S. Peter sheweth, 1. epist. 2.3.14. 2. Caietane obserueth, that this word high, or excelling, is added to exclude tyrants, who are not excelling Lords, and so he taketh the Apostle to speake de legitimis potestatb. of lawfull powers: but I preferre the ordinarie glosse, which vnderstandeth the Apostle of secular powers, sive bonis, sive malis, whether good, or euill: and Peter Martyr obserueth well, that here we must not inquire, quo iure, quave iniuria, by what right or wrong, these powers obtained their authoritie: for the Romanes by force, not by right, were at this time Lords of the world: but the Magistrates for the present are to be obeied. 3. Chrysostome also noteth well, that the Apostle speaketh not of the person of the gouernors, sed de ipsa re, but of the thing it selfe, of their authoritie, and power: that howsoeuer they are vnworthie of their authoritie, which abuse it, yet the power, which they hauehave, is to be obeied. 4. Lyranus, and Haymo before him, thinke this place to be vnderstood of spirituall gouernors, and Prelates, as well as secular and ciuill: but Chrysostome, and Basil. lib. de constitut. Monach. c. 23. doe better interpret this place of ciuill gouernors: and Basils reason is, because the Apostle afterward maketh mention of tribute, which is due onelyonly to the secular power: And therefore Calvine iustly taketh exception to the Romanists, which out of this place would conclude, that obedience is to be giuen also to the Prelates of the Church. Pererius here, disput. 1. numer. 3. opposeth Basil vntounto Calvin, who should thinke, that obedience to Prelates may be concluded out of this place: but Basil in the place before alleadged, directly sheweth, that the Apostle speaketh de potestatibus mundi, of the worldly, not of spirituall powers: onelyonly he reasoneth from hence, from the lesse to the greater; that if such obedience be to be giuen to temporall gouernors, quanto magis, &c. how much more to spirituall; and then for proofe hereof, he alleadgeth that place, Heb. 13.17. Obey those which hauehave the ouersight of you.

3. Quest. How the powers that be are said to be of God.

1. God in the beginning gaue a threefold power vntounto man: first ouer himselfe: God gaue vntounto man freewill, whereby he should gouerne all his actions: then he gaue him power ouer the other creatures: and thirdly, he gaue vntounto man power ouer man, first in families, as vntounto the father ouer his children, to the master ouer his seruants, to the husband ouer his wife: then in the politike regiment, of what kind soeuer it be, whether Monarchicall, of one, Aristocraticall, of many, and those the best, or Democraticall, which is the popular state: all these had their beginning from God, some mediatly, some immediatly. Pareus.

But it will be asked, how and when this order of gouernment, was first instituted of God: the answer is, that God imprinted in man by nature, this originall light, to see the necessitie of gouernment, without the which there would be no order: as we see, that the vnreasonable creatures, as the silly bees hauehave their gouernor, the cranes also, and sheepe: Chrysostome addeth further, maruell not, that God hath appointed rule and gouernment among men, cum istud in corpore fecerit, seeing he hath done the like in the bodie: for some parts p. 580are made to direct and guide the rest: this naturall instinct of gouernment the Lord estsoone confirmed by precept; as Gen. 9.6. Whosoeuer sheddeth mans blood, by man shall his blood be shedde: which is not vnderstood of eueryevery one, for God is not the author of confusion, but of the Magistrate, by whom the murther should be punished, Martyr.

3. Tolet here hath a very good distinction, betweene potestas, vsus potestatis, assumptio in potestatem, the power, the vse of the power, and the assuming of the power: for the power may be of God, when the abuse of the power commeth of the deuill, and of mans owne corruption: as Saul had his kingly power from God, but he abused it vntounto crueltie: and the assuming of that power, and the entring into it, is often vnlawfull; as Abimelech by crueltie aspired the gouernment, Iudg. 9.

4. Beside, the same author obserueth well a difference betweene the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall regiment: for the first is so from God, that yet the institution thereof may be deuised by man; as a king may in his kingdome according to the necessitie of the state, erect new officers and ministers, and therefore it is called, the ordinance of man, 1. Pet. 2.13. but the spirituall power is immediately instituted of God, and therefore the Apostle saith, Eph. 4.11. He gaue some to be Apostles, some Prophets, some Euangelists, &c. Thus farre Tolet goeth well: but this that is well said, he corrupteth with a dramme of his Popish dregges; that Christ gaue this power to make Bishops, and other Ecclesiasticall ministers to Peter, which power in successores eius amanavit, &c. did issue forth to all his posteritie: and so, saith he, all Ecclesiasticall power did not immediately come from Christ, but onelyonly prima potestas, the first power, out of the which the rest doe slow; but so is it not in the secular state.

Contra. 1. As though the other Apostles did not as well constitute Bishops, Elders, and other officers, as well as Peter: the Deacons, Act. 7. were chosen by the common consent of the Apostles: and Paul and Barnabas ordained Elders in eueryevery Church, Act. 14.23. 2. it will be hard for him to prooue the Pope to be Peters successor, and to succeede in his Apostolicall power. 3. If the originall Ecclesiasticall power onelyonly were immediatly from Christ, so is it in the secular also: for that originally hath Gods immediate warrant, that there should be rulers, and gouernors ouer the people: and so there should be no difference at all in this behalfe. 4. Wherefore we acknowledge this a true difference betweene the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall state propounded by Tolet, but againe reiected, and disavowed by him; that eueryevery Ecclesiasticall office and ministrie was immediatly instituted by Christ, and his Apostles, though now mediatly by the Church, men are assumed to these offices; but in the Civill gouernment, the institution onelyonly in generall is from God, many particular offices hauehave beene inuented by men.

4. Quest. Whether eueryevery superiour power be of God.

That eueryevery Magistracie and gouernment is not of God, it may be thus obiected.

1. The Lord saith by his Prophet Hoshea, 8.4. they hauehave set vp Princes, but not by me: they hauehave made Princes, and I knew it not.

2. A tyrannicall gouernment is not of God, but many gouernments in the world are tyrannicall, as of the Turks and Mahometans.

3. Magistrates are created, and appointed by men, and S. Peter calleth them humane ordinances, 1. Pet. 2.13. therefore they are not all of God.

4. Sathan is called the prince of the world, Ioh. 14.30. yea the god of the world, 2. Cor. 4.4. and he taketh vponupon him to distribute the kingdomes of the world, Matth. 4.9. therfore they are not of God.

5. And if eueryevery power were of God, then the supreame authoritie, which the Pope challengeth ouer the vniuersall Church, should be of God.

Ans. First in generall this distinction is to be premised, which may serue to dissolue eueryevery particular obiection: we must make a difference betweene the power in it selfe considered, and the way of attaining vntounto that power, and the vse or manner of execution: the first is alwaies of God, but not the second, and the third, for when any by briberie, crueltie, or any other corrupt meanes, attaineth vntounto any Magistracie, or if he abuse his power to the maintenance of superstition, and to oppresse the people of God, in neither of these respects, is it said to be of God. Origen doth thus illustrate this, by the similitude of the parts of the bodie, as the sight and hearing, are naturall faculties giuen vsus of God, and yet men may abuse them ad impia & iniqua ministeria, to wicked and vngodly seruices: Chrysostome sheweth p. 581this difference by the example of mariage: carnall copulation lawfully vsed in marriage is of God, yet there may be an vnlawfull cohabitation and copulation with women, which is not of God: so in the Magistracie, we must distinguish betweene the institution and the abuse thereof, the first is of God, so is not the other: now for a further answear in particuliar we say,

1. To the first place obiected out of Hoshea, diuerse answears are made. 1. Hierome thinketh that the Prophet speaketh of Saul, who was chosen errore populi, non voluntate Domini, by the error of the people, not by the will of God: but it is euident, that the Prophet in that place toucheth the preposterous setting vp of Ieroboam and his idolatrie, as v. 5. Thy calfe O Samaria did cast thee off. 2. Wherefore the better answear is, that concerning the thing it selfe, the renting of the kingdome from Salomon, and giuing of tenne tribes to Ieroboam, was the Lords owne act, as the Prophet Ahiah saith, 1. King. 11.31. but in respect of the circumstances, as the rebellion of the people against their lawfull king, and their falling away from his obedience, without consulting with God, so was it not the Lords act, Pareus. 3. Pet. Martyr saith further, that he is said to hauehave raigned but not by God, in respect of the manner of his gouernement, quia se non accomodavit ad scriptam & patefactam Dei voluntatem, because he applyed not himselfe to the written and reuealed will of God. 3. Faius putteth both these answears together, that Ieroboam and such other gouernours, are said to raigne, but not by God, because they invade the kingdome, praeter ordinem, &c. beside or contrarie to the order instituted of God, & sibi non Deo regnant, they raigne for themselues, not vntounto the honour and glorie of God: yet the power it selfe which they hauehave is of God: to this purpose Gregorie writeth well, as he is alleadged in the ordinarie glosse, tumoris elatio, non ordo potestatis in crimine est, potentiam Deus distribuit, elationem potentiae malitia nostrae mentis invenit, the swelling pride, not the orderly power is to be blamed, God giueth the power, but the proud vsage of the power, the malice of mans minde hath found out, &c.

2. Tyrannicall gouernement, as it is tyrannicall is not of God, for that is the fault and corruption of the gouernour: but the power it selfe of gouerning is notwithstanding of God: riches gotten by vsurie, extortion, and other euill meanes, cease not to be the gifts of God, and good in themselues, though they are not good to them, which get them euill: so we must here discerne betweene the right which God hath in such things, which alwaies remaineth in God, and his iudgements, whereby he so distributeth such things, as the corruption of man often concurreth in them, and the vniust vsage or vsurpation, or acquisition, whereby such things, though good in themselues, yet are not good vntounto such vsurpers.

3. The second clauses exclude not the first: though diuerse formes of gouernements are found out by men, the first institution notwithstanding was from God: as the fruits of the earth are brought forth by the industrie and labour of man, yet cease they not to be Gods gifts: so Ecclesiasticall functions, as of Apostles, Prophets, were at the first immediately appointed by God: yet now also Pastors are of God, though called mediately by men. And S. Peter calleth the Magistracie an humane ordinance, both subiective, because man is the subiect thereof, by whom it is executed, and obiective, because humane affaires are the obiect thereof, and foreign, in respect of the ende, because it is for mans good: yet the originall institution is of God.

4. Sathan is called the Prince of the world, not simply as though he did what he would, but because he is Gods minister in the world, and vsed for the punishment of worldly men, and hath so much power ouer men, as is graunted vntounto him: and he is called the God of the world; because he is so reputed of worldly men: and Sathan therein lyed, in saying that the kingdomes of the world were his to bestowe.

5. The episcopall authoritie of the Bishop of Rome, so he were a right Bishop, we denie not to be of God: but his challenge of vniuersall dominion, is not potestas, sed potestatis vl…, a power, but an abuse or disease of the power, which he hath not by Gods ordinance, but by his owne ambition, the deuils instigation, and Gods sufferance and connivence, Pareus.

Quest. 5. How farre euill gouernours hauehave their power from God, whether by his permission and sufferance onelyonly.

1. Pererius here taking occasion to slaunder the Protestants, that they should hold, that Deus est vere author & effector quorumlibet peccatorum, God is the very author and effector p. 582of any sinnes whatsoeuer; findeth great fault with Bucer for thus writing, that whosoeuer hath any power whether he vse it well or evill, or come vntounto it by right or wrong, that it is vndoubtedly true, eam potestatem à Deo accepisse, that he receiued that power from God, &c. whereupon he inferreth, that he which by manifect tyrannie invaded the gouernement, Dei fuerit consilio & voluntate assumptus, was by the counsell and will of God assumed and taken vntounto that gouernment: and further he falleth into a great admiration, that they which denie obedience to Christs Vicar, yet doe perswade obedience to be giuen to eueryevery Tyrant: to this purpose Pererius, numer. 6. And consequently the opinion of the Romanists is, that euill gouernours doe rise vp in the world, permittente Deo, God onelyonly so permitting, Tolet annotat. 3.

Contra. 1. It is a meere slaunder, that Protestants lay any such imputation vponupon God, as to make him the author of euill: nay the Romanists are rather guiltie hereof, that affirme God to be a permitter and sufferer of euill: for he which suffereth euill to be done, which he can hinder, must be accessarie vntounto it: we say then, that God is neither an actor nor a permitter of euill, as it is euill: his permission we graunt, but such as is ioyned with his will, for that which God would not hauehave done in the world, cannot be done: but for the more full explanation of this point, I referre the Reader to the 64. question vponupon the 1. chapt. of this Epistle.

2. But that euill gouernours doe not rule onelyonly by Gods permission is euident out of Scripture, as it is here alleadged by the ordinar. glosse: as Iob. 34.30. qui facit regnare hypocritam, &c. which causeth an hypocrite to raigne for the sinnes of the people, &c. as the vulgar Latine readeth: and Hosh. 13.11. I gaue a king in mine anger, &c. and hereupon the glosse inferreth, datur improbis nocendi potestas, power to hurt is giuen to the wicked, that the patience of good men might be prooued, &c. and further it is added, per potestatem diabolo datam, & Iob probatus est, vt iustus appareret, & Petrus tentatus est, ne de se presumeret, & Paulus colophizatus, ne se extolleret, & Iudas damnatus vt se suspenderet: by power giuen vntounto the Deuill, both Iob was prooued, to appeare iust, and Peter tempted, that he should not presume of himselfe, and Paul buffeted, least he should extoll himselfe, and Iudas damned, to hang himselfe, &c. here their owne glosse is against them, which maketh God a giuer of that power, which wicked gouernours abuse, This is then our assertion, that euill gouernours rule not by Gods permission onelyonly: for in the Scripture God is said to hauehave raised and stirred vp the Assyrians and Babylonians: But therein Gods prouidence is seene, and such euill gouernours are not sent without Gods secret will and ordinance, for the punishment of mens sinnes: as Pet. Martyr, Deus arcana & efficaci voluntate voluit eos imperare, God by his hid and the same effectuall will would hauehave them to rule: though then they doe not either attaine vntounto the place of gouernement, by lawfull meanes, and according to the rules of Gods reuealed will, neither doe rule after the same, yet by his secret will and prouidence they are appointed thereunto for the execution of Gods iudgements, which are most iust.

3. Neither is a Tyrant to be obeyed, if he command any thing contrarie to the word of God: such are the lawes of the Pope, which maintaine superstition and idolatrie: and though a Tyrant in his proper place of gouernment is to be obeyed, it followeth not, the Pope should: for the one (though a tyrant) beareth sway in temporall things, wherein the conscience is not touched, and in his proper seignorie, which he is advaunced vntounto: but the Pope doth tyrannize in spirituall things and ouer the conscience, and out of his owne precinct and iurisdiction: so that he commandeth as a Lord out of his owne territorie, where no obedience is due: As for his supposed vicardome, it is but an idle fansie and Popish dreame.

Quest. 6. Why the Apostle saith againe, The powers that be, are ordained of God.

1. The vulgar Latine readeth, The things which are, are ordained of God, and so Anselme, and the interlinear. gloss. wherein a double error is committed, for the word powers, which is in the originall, is omitted, and the word ordinata, ordained, is put in the neuter, which in the Greeke is in the feminine, answearing vntounto powers: and beside, as Tolet well obserueth, annot. 4. these words would beget an erroneous sense: for all things that are, are not ordained of God, as warre, sickenes, pouertie: for then it were not lawfull to preuent any of these: for Gods ordinance must not be resisted.

2. Origen omitteth this clause altogether: and Erasmus coniectureth, that this clause p. 583might be inserted by some interpreter, by way of explanation: but seeing Chrysostome hath it, and the Syrian interpreter, with other auncient copies, this conceite cannot be admitted.

3. Neither yet is it a repetition of the same thing, which the Apostle set downe before, euerie power is of God, to shewe God to be author and founder of these powers, as Oecum. for there had beene here no great neede or vse of such repetition.

4. Haymo thinketh, that the Apostle in the second place vnderstandeth iura potestatum, the rights belonging to these powers: that not onelyonly the power it selfe, but the right of gouerning is of God; but these two cannot well be distinguished, the power and the right of the power: Beza thinketh that in the first place, the Apostle in generall shewed the dignitie of the magistracie, in the second, the distribution of the same dignitie: because there are diuerse degrees of magistracie, to shewe, ipsis …fimis ordinibus, &c. that we are to yeeld obedience to the lowest orders of gouernement: but this was comprehended in the former sentence, Euerie power is of God, that is, whether superiour or inferiour, none are excluded.

5. Some doe inferre, because the Apostle saith, They are ordained, &c. that there is an order and certaine degrees in gouernement, some are superiour to others: Bonifacius 8. in the extravagant vnam sanctam: but it is euident by the words following, where the power is called foreign, the ordinance of God, that this ordaining hath reference vntounto Gods institution, not to the distinction and order of degrees in the powers: But whereas Boniface in that place, vponupon this supposed ground buildeth the preheminence of the Ecclesiasticall power aboue the Ciuill, and so would make the Pope the Lord peramount aboue all, the vanitie of this conceite shall be examined among the controversies following.

6. Theodoret by ordaining vnderstandeth the diuine prouidence: the ordinar. glosse interpreteth, rationabiliter disposita, reasonably disposed: but more is signified then so: for there are many things disposed of in the world by Gods prouidence, which yet it is lawfull to resist, as Tolet noteth annot. 4.

7. Wherefore the emphasis or force of this sentence, lyeth in the word ordained, which amplifieth that which the Apostle said before: that these powers are not simply of God, as other things, but specially ordained, that is, by speciall precept from God: there are other things of God, as famine, warre, sickenes, pouertie, but not ordained by precept and commandement: Thus Tolet, likewise Faius: that by ordaining, is vnderstood, praeceptum esse à Deo, that it is commanded of God, that obedience should be yeelded to magistrates: so also before them both Hyperius: and three wayes may these powers be said to be ordained or ordered: first in respect of God, because thy are by him instituted and appointed: secondly in regard of themselues, the Lord hath set them certaine limits and bounds, whereby they should be ordered: thirdly in respect of those which are to be ordered: God would hauehave order among men, some to rule, some to obey: like as in a campe there are some leaders and captaines, others are appointed to followe, and to be ranged in their rankes, as the souldiers, Pareus.

Quest. 7. Of not resisting the power.

1. He that resisteth, the word is foreign, which properly signifieth disordered, or counter-ordered, ordered against: which sheweth that all rebellion is a disorder, foreign, a verie confusion, Pareus.

2. Diuerse wayes is the power resisted, either aperta vi, by open violence and rebellion: or fraude, by deceipt and craft, when the power is deceiued and misinformed, which is an ordinarie thing in Princes Courts, Martyr: Tolet addeth a third, qui praecepta negligit, &c. he that neglecteth the precepts of the Prince, and withholdeth duties, as to pay tribute, and such like, therein sheweth himselfe contrarie to Gods ordinance.

3. Chrysostome obserueth the phrase, that the Apostle saith, not he which obeyeth the Magistrate, therein submitteth himselfe to Gods ordinance, but by the contrarie, he that resisteth the power, resisteth Gods ordinance, to shewe, that non gratiam sed debitum illis obediendo praestemus, &c. that we doe not shewe them a pleasure in obeying, but pay our debt: and further he inferreth, that no man should thinke subiectionem turpem, that this subiection is vile, seeing God hath appointed it.

4. Origen here also noteth, that we must not vnderstand such powers as persecute the faith: for in such a case it is better to obey God then man: and the reason is, as Tolet obserueth, quia nemo debet potestati obedire contra Deum, no man must obey the power against God, of whom the power is.

p. 5845. Gorrhan maketh this obiection: that if it be not lawfull to resist any power which is of God, then not the power of Sathan: he answeareth that it doth not followe, because that is, potestas permissionis, non commissionis, a power of permission not of commission: or rather it is not so much a power which the deuill exerciseth, as an abuse of power, and therefore we are to resist him: And so concerning such powers, which commaund or allure to any thing which is euill, Augustines rule must be followed, contemne potestatem timendo maiorem potestatem, contemne the power, by fearing a greater power.

6. Pet. Martyr well obserueth here, that although it be not lawfull to resist the powers, by rising vp, or practising against them, yet one may make an escape by fleeing away from the force of the magistrate: as Dauid was let downe at a window out of his owne house by his wife, and so escaped Sauls hands; and so was Paul at Damascus, let downe in a basket by a windowe,Whether it be lawfull for one vniustly imprisoned to breake prison. as 2. Cor. 11. but the case is otherwise, when one is apprehended, and committed to prison, for then he thinketh it not lawfull for a man though vniustly imprisoned, to breake prison; because it is against the lawe, & audaciam idem faciendi, &c. and it would minister boldnesse to malefactors to commit the like: adde hereunto, that thereby an other mans life is endaungered, as the keeper vponupon the escape of his prisoners is like to be punished: and further it were a betraying of their cause, to make a priuie escape: this made S. Paul, that though his bonds were loosed, and the prison doores opened, yet he would not flee away: nay he refused to be sent away priuily, when the gouernours sent vntounto them to depart, Act. 16. yet euerie escape of the innocent out of prison is not to be condemned, if it be not procured by some sinister practise by themselues, as by fraud or violence, but by some other meanes, as the voluntarie connivence or negligence of the keeper, or some other way as it were made by God: for so we reade, that Peter escaped out of prison, the doores beeing opened by the Angel before him, Act. 12. but this is not rashly to be done for the aforesaid reasons, but vponupon good warrant, when God shall as it were make a way for a man to set him free.

Quest. 8. What kind of iudgement they procure to themselues, which resist the magistrate.

1. Whereas the Greeke word foreign, signifieth both condemnation, as Beza, damnation, as the vulgar Latine: iudgement, as the Syrian interpreter: punishment, as Piscator: some take this to be vnderstood not of eternall punishment, but of the temporall inflicted by the Magistrate: when as the powers beeing offended, doe either punish rebells with death, or cast them into prison, Haymo: so also Vatablus. 2. Lyranus contrariwise interpreteth it, de aeterna morte, of euerlasting death, not excluding also temporall punishment: so also Martyr. 3. Some vnderstand poenam, punishment generally, without limitation, Olevian, Piscator, Iunius annot. 4. Some will hauehave the punishment in this life vnderstood, whether inflicted by the Magistrate, or by God himselfe, who will take reuenge for the transgression of his owne ordinance, as is euident in the fearefull punishment of rebellious Cote, Dathan, and Abiram, Numb. 16. Pareus, Gualter: and so before them Chrysostome and Theophylact, cum à Deo, tum ab hominibus poenas daturum, he shall endure punishment both from God and men. 5. But all these are better ioyned together; that such as resist the Magistrate are punished by the publike lawes, and God often taketh reuenge also; beside they make themselues guiltie of euerlasting damnation, which is due vntounto the transgression of Gods commandement, and the violating of his ordinance, Faius. 6. Tolet hath here this conceite by himselfe, it is said, they shall receiue iudgement, because beeing not restrained by the Magistrate, whom they stand not in awe of, they cast themselues into those sinnes, for the which damnationem incurrunt, they incurre damnation: but here the Apostle speaketh of that punishment which is due for the resisting of Gods ordinance. 7. Pareus here obserueth well these two things, that the purposes and endeauours of such are frustrate, and beside they shew their madnes and foolishnes, in beeing accessarie to their owne punishment: for it is an vnwise part for one to procure his owne hurt.

Quest. 9. How the Prince is not to be feared for good workes, but for euill.

1. Concerning the words in the originall they stand thus, Princes are not a feare of good workes, and so the vulgar Latine: that is, for good workes, as the Syrian interpreter putteth it in the datiue, bonis operibus, to good workes: so also Tertullian readeth in scorpian: and Beza followeth this sense, and the meaning is, that they are not a terror, or to be feared, ratione p. 585boni operis, by reason of the good worke, Lyran. or his qui sunt boni operis, to them which are of good workes, Gorrhan: so before him Chrysostome, bene agentibus, to those which doe well: good workes are here to be vnderstood, not as Diuines take them, for morall workes, but for ciuill workes agreeable to the publike lawes, which are either against the diuine lawe, whereof the Magistrate ought to hauehave speciall care, or against the positiue constitution, Pareus.

2. Touching the occasion of these words: Tolet will hauehave them to depend of the former sentence, and to shewe the cause, why they which resist the powers, doe receiue iudgement to themselues, because they contemne the Magistrate, who is ordained to restraine euill workes: and so they without restraint fall into euill, and so incurre punishment: but the better coherence is, to make this an other argument, to mooue obedience to the higher powers from the vtilitie thereof, as Chrysostome; or à duplici sine, from the twofold ende of magistracie, which is for the punishment of the euill, and praise of the good.

3. They which doe good workes, must feare the Magistrate still, but timore reverentiae, non seruili, &c. with a reuerent, not a seruile feare, as the malefactors doe, which hauing a guiltie conscience, are afraide of punishment, to be inflicted by the Magistrate, Gorrhan.

Quest. 10. What it is to hauehave praise of the power, v. 3.

1. Whereas often it falleth out, that the Magistrate doth punish the good, and encourage the wicked, how then is this true, which the Apostle saith, doe well and thou shalt hauehave the praise of the same: the answear is, that first we must distinguish betweene the power it selfe and authoritie, which is ordained of God, to these ends, for the reward of the good, and punishment of the euill, and the abuse of this power: secondly, although gouernours abusing their power, do offend in some particulars, yet in generall more good commeth by their gouernement, then hurt: as vnderunder cruell Nero, there was some execution of iustice, for Paul was preserued by the Romane captaine from the conspiracie of the Iewes, and appealed vntounto Caesar, which was then Nero, and his appeale was receiued.

2. It will be obiected, that euen vnderunder good Princes, where there is punishment for offenders, yet the righteous receiue not their reward. 1. Origen thus vnderstandeth these words, thou shalt hauehave praise of the same, &c. that is, in the day of iudgement, ex istis legibus landem habebis apud Deum, by these lawes thou shalt hauehave praise with God for keeping them, &c. but the Apostle speaketh not of hauing praise by the lawes, but of the power, that is, the Magistrate. 2. Augustine thinketh it is one thing to be praised of the power, that is, to be commended and rewarded by it, an other laudem habere ex illa, to hauehave praise of it, that is, exhibit se laude dignum, he sheweth himselfe worthie of praise, whether he be actually praised or not of the power: Tolet alloweth this sense, though he take the distinction betweene these phrases to be somewhat curious: so also Haymo: but the Apostle speaketh not simply of hauing praise and commendation, but of hauing it from the Prince. 3. the ordinar. glosse thus: thou shalt hauehave praise of the power, si iusta est ipso laudante, if it be iust it will praise thee, si iniusta, occasionem prebente, if vniust, it will giuegive thee occasion of praise: so also Gorrhan, it shall praise thee, either causaliter, by beeing the cause of thy praise, or occasionaliter, by beeing the occasion, &c. causa erit maigris coronae, it shall be the cause of thy greater crowne, gloss. interlin. laudaberis apud Deum, thou shalt be praised with God, Haymo: but the Apostle speaketh of receiuing praise from the power: as Chrysostome and Theophylact well obserue, erit laudum tuarum praeco futurus, he shall be a setter forth of thy praise. 4. Bucer thinketh that the Apostle alludeth vntounto the custome of the Grecians and Romanes, among whom they which had done any notable exploit, were praised publikely, or priuately: but S. Paul speaketh in generall of the office of all Magistrates whatsoeuer. 5. Pet. Martyr thinketh, that it is no small part of praise, absolvi in iudicio, to be absolued in iudgement: as it was no small praise to Cato, beeing so often accused still to be freed and absolued: it is also a great praise for a man to be so innocent, that nothing can be obiected against him in iudgement: as Fimbria beeing asked, what he could obiect vntounto Scevola so innocent, and harmelesse a man, answeared, quia telum toto suo corpore non receperit, because he receiued not his weapon whole into his bodie: but it is one thing to receiue praise and reward, another to be freed onelyonly from punishment. 6. Wherefore I take this to be the better answear, that first the Apostle speaketh here, of the power it selfe, and of the true ende, wherefore it was ordained, and not of the personall faults in those, that abuse this power: p. 586for if the good be not rewarded, as well as the euill punished, it is the fault of the gouernors: adde hereunto, because it is not possible for a Prince to reward all good subiects, that by praise we must vnderstand, omnia commoda & privilegi\%a, &c. all the priuiledges and commodities, which are by the lawes offered to good subiects: Pareus: they are praised, that is, counted worthie, qui participent omnibus ijs bonis, &c. to be made partakers of all those benefits and commodities, for the which commonwealths came first together, Bullinger: as good subiects enioy libertie, possession of their lands, and goods, defense from wrong, and such like, and as occasion may serue, may receiue also praise and encouragement from the Magistrate.

Quest. 10. How the Magistrate is said to be Gods minister for our wealth or good.

1. Some vnderstand this onelyonly of the power to punish, loco Dei vindicat, he taketh revenge in Gods place, gloss. interlin. Lyranus. 2. Haymo giueth these two senses: he is Gods minister to defend thee from wrong: or for thy good, that thou doe no evill: but this expresseth but one part of this ministring power. 3. therefore Chrysostome better, voluntati Dei cooperatur, &c. he worketh according to Gods will in punishing of the euill, and in rewarding the good, and therefore he is called his minister: so also Theophylact, voluntati Dei obsequitur, he obeyeth the will of God, as in commanding chastitie, in forbidding auarice and theft: like as the Lord is, so must the minister be: but God loueth the iust and punisheth the wicked, therefore so should the magistrate do, that is Gods minister. 3. and generally they are Gods ministers, 1. because they are ordained of God. 2. they are as gods in earth, in respect of their preheminence and authoritie ouer others. 3. in regard of their office, because they doe execute iustice in the earth, in awarding rewards to the righteous, and punishments to the wicked. 4. whereas the Prince is called foreign, the minister of God, which name and title also agreeth to the spirituall pastors, who are the ministers of God, yet they are ministers in a diuerse kind: both agree in their institution, which is from God, and in the generall ende, which is to seeke the good of Gods people, yet they differ both in the obiect: for the pastors charge, is onelyonly about spirituall things, the Prince is occupied also in caring for temporall: as also in the meanes: for the Prince by his sword and coactiue power procureth the good of his subiects: but the pastor seeketh it by the preaching of the word, the administration of the Sacraments and discipline, and other spirituall meanes.

For thy good.] That which the Apostle called before, foreign, praise, now he nameth foreign, good: which is either naturall, morall, ciuill, or spirituall good; the Magistrate procureth all these: the naturall good, as in preseruing the liues and bodies of his subiects: the morall good, in commanding vertue, and punishing vice; the civill, in maintaining their goods and possessions; their spirituall good, in setting forth and defending the true religion, Pareus.

11. Quest. How the Magistrate is said, not to beare the sword for nought, v. 4.

1. Lyranus doth indifferently vnderstand this of the materiall sword which the ciuill power hath, or of the Ecclesiasticall: but the whole course of the Apostles speach sheweth, that he speaketh of the Civill power, to whome tribute, and such other customes belong.

2. By the sword, he vnderstandeth the power of exercising and drawing forth the sword against offenders: and he alludeth to the custome of Princes, which hauehave the sword carried before them, and other ensignes of their authoritie.

3. There are three vses of the civill sword, the one is ad vindictam, to be reuenged of the euill: ad protectionem bonorum, for the protection of the good: and, ad executionem iustitiae, for the execution of iustice.

4. He beareth not the sword, foreign, in vaine: that is, temere, rashly, Beza: because he hath his authoritie from God, nor, sine causa, the vulgar Latin, without some certaine cause or ende, namely, the punishment of the euill.

5. And so he is called a reuenger vntounto wrath. 1. which some vnderstand of the diuine wrath, which is executed by the Magistrate: or to shew the wrath of God in time to come, Gorrh. Hug. 2. rather by wrath we vnderstand the punishment it selfe inflicted, which is an effect of wrath, Pareus, Tolet, Sa.

Quest. 12. Of the right vse of the sword, both in time of peace and warre.

1. Concerning the vse of the sword in time of peace, three things are requisite, 1. that p. 587there should be good lawes enacted, and established. 2. that there should be vpright iudgement according to those lawes. 3. that of such iudgements once giuen, there should be iust execution.

1. In the making of lawes, three things must concurre, the matter of the lawe, the end and scope, and the extent. 1. for the matter, it must be agreeable to the lawe of nature, and to the will of God: Princes must not make lawes according to their owne minde, but such as may be consonant to the pure and perfect will of God: hereupon it was, that the law-makers among the Gentiles would alwaies ascribe the invention of their lawes to some one of the gods, to winne more credit vntounto them:Why the Gentiles made the gods the authors of their lawes. Zoroastres who gaue lawes to the Bactrianes and Persians, did make Oromazen, whom they held to be a god, the author of his lawes: Trismegistus among the Egyptians, Mercurius: Minos among the Cretensians: Iuppiter Carundas among the Carthaginians made Saturnus his author: Lycurgus among the Lacedemonians, Apollo: Solon & Draco among the Athenians, Minerva: Xamolpis among the Scythians, Vesta: Numa among the Romanes, the goddes Egeria: and Mahomet commended his Alcaron to the Arabians, vnderunder the name of Gabriel the Arkeangel: But these were their fabulous conceits: we hauehave indeede the booke of God, a perfect rule and line of all iust lawes: secondly, the end and scope of lawes must be to suppresse vice and maintaine vertue: the lawmaker must intend the publike good, and not his private gaine: thirdly, for the extent of these lawes, they must include all: some must not be bound vntounto the lawes, and others free: and therefore it is dangerous to giuegive priuiledges and immunities to some persons, by vertue whereof they may without checke and controlment transgresse the lawes: Papintanus is worthie of honourable memorie, who choose rather to die, then to excuse the parricide of Antonius Bassianus the Emperour.

2. As good lawes must first be made,What is to be required in iudgement. so iudgement must be exercised according to those lawes: that the iust case may be discerned from the false, and good men from the euill: Antishenes was wont to say that those commonwealths were declining, wherein boni à malis nihil differunt, good men did nothing differ from euill: Now in the processe of iudgement these rules must be obserued. 1. that the Iudge be willing to admit all complaints, and to take knowledge of all causes, and aggrevances: this was the fault of Sauls governement, that the oppressed could not hauehave iustice, which made many that were aggreved to flocke and hauehave recourse vntounto Dauid: Absalom did not more insinuate himselfe into the hearts of the people, then in shewing his affabilitie in hearing the griues, and complaints of them: In forren histories, Philip King of Macedon was killed by Pausanias, because he reiected his suite to hauehave iustice against Attalus that had wronged him, and after laughed him to scorne: and Demetrius of Macedon did much alienate the hearts of his people, because he neglected their complaints, and would cast their bils of supplication from the bridge of Axium into the riuer: secondly, after diligent inquisition of the cause, there must be iust iudgment giuen, without partiallitie, feare, fauour, or any other sinister affection: see Levit. 19.15. among the Thebanes a Iudge was pictured blindfold, and without hands, to signifie that he neither should be lead by partiall affection in iudgement, or corrupted with bribes: and the Athenians had a lawe, that causes should be handled foreign, without proems and prefaces to stirre vp affection.

3. After iudgement must followe execution:Of the excellē cie of lawes. for otherwise the lawes are in vaine and iudgement according to the lawes, if they be not put into execution: where these two things must be obserued. 1. that the execution be not too remisse: for it is profitable often for the offender himselfe to be punished, thereby to be brought vntounto repentance: who otherwise might continue in his sinne; as the theife conuerted vponupon the crosse was prepared by that ignominious punishment vntounto repentance: and it is good for the example and admonition of others, that punishment be inflicted vponupon the offenders. 2. yet the punishment must not be hastened too much, or be too severely adiudged, but with such moderation as that the partie which suffereth be not in hazard of loosing both soule and bodie.

2. Concerning the vse of the sword in warring, and waging of battell:How war is to be enterprised. 1. it is out of doubt, that it is lawfull for the Magistrate to take in hand iust and lawfull warre; for Abraham recouered Lot by force, from them which had taken him captiue: the Centurions faith is commended in the Gospell by our Sauiour: and if it be the Magistrates office p. 586and part, to defend euerie particular person from wrong, much more the whole people. 2. but warre must be enterprised not rashly, or suddenly, but with deliberation, and not without waightie and vrgent cause. 1. as when either the Magistrate is bound by some league to helpe his confederates, as Ioshua did the Gibeonites, 2. or when the enemies offer to invade the countrey, they must by the Magistrates force be kept off, as Dauid often encountred the Philistims that assaulted Israel. 3. and in the quarrell of religion and defence of the truth, the Magistrate may fall to battell: as the other tenne tribes had thought to hauehave warred against Ruben, Gad, and the halfe tribe of Manasseh, for setting vp an altar, fearing that they had declined from the true worship of God, Iosh. 22.

Quest. 13. How it is said, it is necessarie to be subiect, for conscience sake.

v. 5. Therefore it is necessarie ye should be subiect. 1. first some reade, be ye subiect vntounto the necessitie, diuinae dispositionis, of the diuine ordinance, and so put necessitie in the datiue, Gorrhan. 2. the vulgar Latine, which many followe, put necessitie in the ablatiue, necessitate subditi estote, be subiect of necessitie: but both these readings are diuerse from the originall: where the word is not foreign, be ye subiect, in the imperatiue, but foreign, to be subiect, in the infinitiue, as both Beza, and Erasmus well observe: so then the best reading is, it is necessarie to be subiect. 3. which neither must be vnderstood of a compelling necessitie, as the interlin. gloss. quasi ex necessitate, as of necessitie: because he cannot excutere iugum Principis, shake off the yoke of the Prince: nor yet as Augustine, is it referred to the necessitie of this life: because we must necessarily vse temporall things, as long as we are in this world, which it is in the Magistrates power to depriue vsus of: but we vnderstand rather obligationem praecepti, the bond of the precept, which is of necessitie to be kept: so that it is not a free thing, whether men will be subiect or no, but it is necessarie, both in respect of the wrath and reuenge of the power, and for conscience sake toward God: so in effect here are three reasons couched together, why we should be subiect to the Magistrate in respect of God, it is his ordinance, of the Magistrate, because of wrath and punishment, of our selues, that we wound not our conscience: the first is honestum, honest, the second, vtile, profitable, the third, delectabile, pleasant and delightfull.

But also for conscience. 1. Ambrose referreth this conscience, to the feare of punishment in the world to come: that men should not obey onelyonly for feare of present punishment, but because of the iudgement to come. 2. Chrysostome applyeth this to the conscience of the great benefits, which we receiue by the Magistrate, that he which is disobedient offendeth against his conscience in beeing vnthankefull. 3. Lyranus vnderstandeth it of the particular conscience, which euerie man ought to hauehave, debitum reddere, to render that which he oweth to an other. 4. Tolet interpreteth it of the conscience of other sinnes, which they that are lawlesse and disobedient are apt to fall vntounto. 5. Hugo of the conscience quae naturaliter dictat, &c. which naturally suggesteth vntounto a man, that the superior is to be obeyed. 6. Erasmus of an others conscience, which is offended by the euill example of the disobedience. 7. but here the conscience of the diuine precept must be vnderstood, which to obey bringeth peace of conscience, but to resist Gods ordinance, is a deadly sinne, saucians conscientiam, wounding the conscience, Pareus: so Haymo, propter conscientiam mentis, for the conscience of the mind, which we must keepe and preserue pure.

Quest. 14. Why tribute is to be paid, vers. 6.

For this cause: that is, as a testimonie of your subiection you pay tribute: some referre these words to the former sentence, v. 4. be is the Minister of God, praepositi sunt à Deo, they are set ouer others by God, and therefore they must pay tribute, Haymo: some thus expound for this, because they are profitable for you, Hugo: but these words rather depend of the next before, because of conscience: for the paying of tribute is a testimonie of their subiection, that they in their conscience acknowledge it to be due.

Pay ye tribute. 1. he saith, praestatis, non datis, you pay, not you giuegive, to shew that it is not giuen, but they repay it againe, in their care which they vndertake for the common-wealth, gloss. or. 2. the word foreign, tribute, is deriued of foreign, to beare or bring in, quia infertur à subditis, because it is brought by the subiects into the kings treasure, Pareus: or it signifieth properly portage money, which was paid for such commodities, as were brought in: and so by one kind all the rest are vnderstood, as there be diuerse other customes: as pedagia, p. 587which was paid for the passage on foot toward the mending of the high wayes: & guidogia, guide money for those that trauailed, and such like, Faius. 3. and the Apostle maketh expresse mention of the paying of tribute, taking it as a thing yeelded and acknowledged of all, because it was obiected against the Christians, that they vnderunder pretence of religion would free themselues from tribute, as Iustinus sheweth, apolog. 2. ad Anton.

For they are Gods Ministers. 1. Two reasons are giuen of the lawfulnes of paying tribute, both because it was a signe of their subiection, and as a recompence to the magistrate, for his great paines vndertaken in the defense and gouernement of the commonwealth. 2. the word here vsed is foreign, ministers, as the Magistrate before is called foreign, a minister, which words are not onelyonly vsed of sacred offices, as we see, but of ciuill: and therefore that it a false obseruation of the massing Papists, Act. 13. v. 4. where by the vse of the word foreign, to minister, they would prooue, that the Apostles said Masse.

Applying themselues to the same ende, &c. 1. the word foreign, signifieth more then to serue, as the vulgar Latine readeth, it betokeneth to continue, watch, to take paines in any busines, as c. 12.12. continuing or labouring, perseuering, watching in prayer. 2. some referre these words to them that pay tribute, that they serue to this ende, Gorrhan: but it is euident that the Apostle speaketh of the Magistrates: that they watch ouer the people for this, not to receiue tribute, as some interpret, but it is referred to the whole dutie of the Magistrate rehearsed before, that he beareth not the sword for naught, that he is for the terror of the euill, and praise of well doers.

Quest. 15. Of the diuerse kinds of tribute, and to whom they are due.

v. 7. Render therefore to all men, &c. 1. Chrysostome here observeth well, that the Apostle saith, foreign, render, not giuegive, nihil enim gratuite dat, qui hoc fecerit, for he doth not giuegive any thing freely, that doth this: for it is our dutie to yeeld obedience in all these things here specified to the Magistrate.

2. But Origen hath here a strange allegorie: by the powers, he vnderstandeth the ministring spirits, and by the tribute, vectigalia negatiationis in carne, the payments due for our trading in the flesh to the spirits exacting it of vsus by diuerse tentations: but this dangerous kind of allegorizing peruerteth the sense of the Scripture, & giueth occasion of many errors.

3. Gorrhan calleth the first two, custome and tribute, delictum temporale, the temporall debt which is due vntounto superiours, the other he nameth debitū spirituale, the spirituall debt, which is either inward, feare, or outward, honour: As though all outward honour and seruice were spirituall: the Apostle speaketh onelyonly of ciuill honour, which is to be yeelded to the Magistrate, not of spirituall and religious honour, which is onelyonly due to God.

4. The Apostle here nameth two kinds of payments, foreign, tribute, and foreign, which is interpreted, custome. 1. Some doe thus distinguish them, tribute is that which solvitur domi, is payed at home: vectigal, custome, that which is carried to the Lords house, gloss. ordin. Lyranus taketh tribute for that which was paid generally by a countrey or citie in signe of their subiection: custome that which is exacted of particular persons, as for traffike, merchandise: Martyr, Pareus, take the first called foreign, for the tribute paied out of mens grounds or substance: and the custome due for commodities caried forth or brought in: Beza taketh the first for capitatio, poll mony, when men are taxed either by the poll, or accordding to their wealth: so the Syrian interpreter, calleth it argentum capitationis, head siluer, and the latter for tribute due out of their grounds, or for Merchandise, and such like: but the latter, rather called foreign, seemeth to be the poll mony, which was paied viritim, man by man, as appeareth Matth. 17.25. it is called tribute, or census poll mony: and the other foreign, was such tribute, as was due for commodities brought in, as the etymon of the word sheweth: and the Latine word vectigal, is so called also à vehendo, of carrying: when the fruites of their grounds were brought into the citie. And so with vsus there are two kind of payments, subsidies and tenths, which are laid vponupon men according to their abilitie and substance, and then the impost and custome which is due for merchandise, in the exporting of wares, or bringing in of forren commodities: but for the most part, these two words foreign, and foreign, are confounded, and are indifferently taken for any kind of tribute or payment made to the gouernours: yet to speake distinctly, there are two kinds of tribute, which is either laid vponupon the persons, which is properly called foreign, poll money: or vponupon their substance, either mooueable, as their goods, such as is merchandise, or immooueable as their lands; and this is foreign, tribute, impost, Faius.

p. 5885. Here the Apostle nameth fowre kind of duties, which are to be performed to the Magistrates and their officers: as impost and custome to the customers, tribute and subsidies to the collectors and threasurers, feare to the kings officers and ministers, and honour to the person of the Magistrate himselfe.

6. Chrysostome and Theophylact here mooue this doubt, how the Apostle enioyneth the subiect to feare the Magistrate: and before he freeth good subiects from it, and would hauehave them onelyonly to feare, that doe euill; he answeareth by a distinction of feare: that feare which is ex mala conscientia, of an euill conscience, good subiects are free from: but yet they hauehave a kind of feare, which is nothing els but a reuerence of the Magistrate: Pet. Martyr addeth, that though a good man feareth not the power for any thing, that is done and past, yet he may feare, ne quid in posterum committat, that he commit nothing in time to come: as Ambrose hath the like distinction of feare, aliud est timere quia peccasti, aliud timere ne pecces, ibi formido est de supplicio, hic sollicitudo de praemio, it is one thing to feare because thou hast sinned, an other to feare least thou sinne: there is fearefulnesse of the punishment, here carefulnes of the reward.

7. Honour also is to be yeelded to the Magistrate, which is nothing els but an externall signification of our inward reuerent opinion, which we hauehave of one for his excellencie and greatnesse: wherein these three things are considered, the inward reuerence, the outward gesture, the obiect, the excellencie of the person: betweene honour and glorie this is the difference: honour is giuen propter officij dignitatem, for the dignitie of the place and office, glorie propter virtutem, because of his vertue: to a good magistrate both are due, to an euill honour is to be shewed for his place, though he deserve no glorie, for any vertue and a private person may be worthie of glorie for his vertue, though not of honour, which is the Magistrates due.

Quest. 16. The seuerall duties summed together which are due to the Magistrate.

Gorrhan reduceth them to these seuen. 1. we owe vntounto the Magistrate subiection, 1. Pet. 2.13. submit your selues. 2. honour, 1. Pet. 2.17. feare God, honour the King. 3. feare, Prov. 24.21. Feare God, and the King. 4. fidelitie as in Ittai, that said to Dauid, 2. Sam. 15.21. In what place my Lord the King shall be, whether in death or life, euen there will thy seruant be. 5. obedience, as the people said to Ioshua, 1.17. as we obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. 6. paying of tribute, Matth. 22.21. GiueGive vntounto Caesar the things that are Caesars. 7. prayer, 1. Tim. 2.2. The Apostle willeth supplications to be made for Kings.

Pareus obserueth that fiue things belong to the honouring of our superiours. 1. reuerence, because of the diuine ordinance. 2. louelove, because of their labour and care in watching ouer vsus. 3. thankefulnesse for the benefits which we enioy vnderunder them. 4. obedience in all lawfull things. 5. equitie and charitie, in couering and extenuating the faults and infirmitie s in gouernours.

Quest 17. How farre the Magistrate is to be obeyed, and wherein not to be obeyed.

It may seeme, that in no wise it is lawfull, to resist the Magistrate, but that obedience must be absolutely yeelded vntounto him, vponupon these reasons.

1. The ordinance of God is not to be resisted: euill Magistrates are the ordinance of God therefore euen the euill must be obeyed and not resisted.

2. S. Peter biddeth seruants to obey their Masters, not onelyonly the good and curteous, but euen the froward. 1. Pet. 2.8. so likewise subiects must obey their Magistrates.

3. It is not lawfull to recompence euill for euill, Rom. 12.17. therefore the subiect beeing oppressed is not to resist.

4. It is not lawfull for a priuate person to vse the sword, for it is said onelyonly of the Magistrate, he beareth not the sword in vaine, but to resist the Magistrate is to take the sword: Er.

Ans. 1. True it is, that the ordinance of God is not to be resisted, so it be not against God: for like as the inferiour Magistrate, to whom the Prince committeth the sword is not to vse it against his Prince: so neither is the Prince to be obeyed, vsing his authoritie against God, in commāding impious and vnhonest things: we must giuegive vntounto Caesar the things that are Caesars and vntounto God the things which are Gods, we may not giuegive vntounto the Prince the things which are Gods, that is, the conscience. And in this case the Apostles giuegive vsus a rule, to obey God rather then man, Act. 4.19. when obedience then is denied in vniust & vnlawfull things, not the authority which is Gods ordināce, but the abuse of the authoritie is gainsaid.

p. 5892. True it is that both euill Masters, and euill Magistrates are to be obeyed, but with this limitation, that nothing be enioyned against the conscience: and so much is implyed by the words following, v. 19. This is thanke worthie, if a man for conscience toward God endure griefe suffring wrongfully: so that when any thing is commanded against the conscience; a man is to suffer rather: an so the power is obeyed, not in doing, but in suffring.

3. To disobey vnlawfull commandements, is no requitall of euill for euill, nor yet for a man to vse lawfull defense: but if the subiect should beare armes against his Prince, and seeke to assault his bodie or life, which is vnlawfull, that were indeede to recompence euill for euill.

4. There are three degrees of not obeying an euill Magistrate, in not doing that which is commanded, and here the subiect vseth not the sword at all, he onelyonly refuseth to doe any thing against his conscience: in vsing his lawfull defense, against wrongs offered, tending to apparent impietie: here he taketh the sword no otherwise, then as the lawes arme a priuate man to defend himselfe in case of necessitie against a theife and robber: the third is in assaulting the Prince by force: which is a taking of the sword, and most vnlawfull.

Now on the other side, certaine cases shall be propounded, wherein obedience is to be denied to vniust Magistrates, and some kind of resistance to be vsed: And here a distinction is to be made of subiects: some are either publike persōs, and the same either Ecclesiasticall, as the Pastors and ministers of the Church: or ciuill, as inferiour Magistrates, or more priuate persons: according to this diuision, we are to see, how farre each of these may proceede in denying their obedience to the Magistrate commanding vniust things.

1. Concerning the Pastors of the Church, these propositions may be set downe,The Ministers of the Church are not to attempt any thing by the sword. 1. that they are not to attempt any thing at all by the sword, and outward violence against the Magistrate: for it is forbidden, that a Bishop should be a striker, 1. Tim. 3.3. Ambrose saith, coactus repugnare non noui, potero flere, potero gemere, aduersus arma, milites, lachrymae me… erma sunt, beeing vrged, I knowe not how to resist, I can mourne, I can weepe: against armed souldiers my weapons are teares, orat. in Auxent, and in an other place, epist. 33. nogamus Auguste, non pugnamus, we entreat O Soueraigne, we fight not.

2. It is the dutie of Pastors to admonish the Magistrates by the word of God,Kings may be admonished of th… faults, so it be done with reuerence. arguendo eorum notoriam impietatem, & ad officium iuxta verbum Dei & leges faciendum cohortando, by reproouing their notorious impietie, and by exhorting them to doe their dutie according to the word of God, and the lawes; this proposition which Pareus setteth downe may safely be receiued, and assented vntounto, as agreeable to the word of God: for so Elias reprooued Ahab to his face, and Iohn Baptist, Herod, telling him of his incest with his brothers wife. Thus excellently Ambrose writeth hereof to Theodosius, who had caused some thousands of people to be put to the sword vniustly, an pudet te imperator facere, quod Propheta Dauid, &c. peccavi Domine, &c. noli ergo impatienter ferre imperator, si tibi dicatur, (tu fecisti istud.) quod Davidi dictum est à Propheta, &c. art thou ashamed O Emperour, to doe that which the Prophet Dauid did (I hauehave sinned Lord) doe not then take it impatiently O Emperour, if it be said vntounto thee, as Nathan said to Dauid, thou hast done this: epist. 28. ad Theodos.

3. It is lawfull for the Pastors of the Church to refuse to communicate holy things vntounto impious and cruell Magistrates,Ministers of the Church … not bound to … unicate holy things to Tyrants. which will not be admonished nor reclaimed from their sinnes: as in such a case they are not to be admitted vntounto the Sacraments, neither is the Pastor bound to be a minister of holy things vntounto them: this is warranted by the Scripture, Matth. 7.6. GiueGive not that which is holy vntounto dogs, neither cast ye your pearles before swine: 1. Tim. 5.22. Lay hands suddenly on no man, neither be partakers of other mens sinnes, keepe thy selfe pure, but he which admitteth any notorious sinner to the cōmunion, is partaker of his sinnes.

Ambrose also to this effect saith to Theodosius, offerre non audeo sacrificium, si volueris assistere, I dare not offer the (spirituall) sacrifice, if thou be present, epist. 28. he refused to communicate with the Emperour beeing guiltie of blood.

5. Pareus goeth yet a steppe further, that the Bishops and Pastors may resist vniust Magistrates, not onelyonly by admonishing, reproouing, and exhorting them: but also contumaces de consensu Ecclesiae etiam Satanae tradendo, donec rescipiscant, in deliuering them vp also vntounto Sathan, with the consent of the Church, such as are obstinate, till they repent: for this his assertion he alleadgeth these reasons. S. Paul saith, 1. Tim. 5.20. Them that sinne rebuke openly, that the rest may feare. 2. Because the Pastors watch ouer mens soules, and must giuegive account for **Heb. 13.17.Heb 13:17them, if any perish by their default. 3. Ambrose resisted Theodos. by the word.

p. 590But none of these reasons doe prooue, that Princes are to be excommunicate, but onelyonly that they must be reprooued, and shewed their faultes, which yet must be done with reuerent respect, not in such sort, as they should by taunting speach, or malepart reprehensions be disgraced before their subiects: Ambrose as is shewed before, onelyonly withdrew his hand from ministring holy things to the Emperor beeing guiltie of innocent blood, neither by his peremptorie sentence did he cast him out of the Church, but perswaded him to repentance for his sinne, and to forbeare.

Indeed the practise of the Romane Church is such, to make no great matter of excommunicating Emperors and Kings, and to absolue the subiects from their obedience: wherein the Pope euidently transgresseth in these three points, in exercising iurisdiction, where he hath nothing to doe, and in arrogating to himselfe the sole authoritie of dispensing the keyes of the Church, and in denying ordinarie duties and obedience to an excommunicate Prince.

And as touching the excommunicating of Magistrates by the censure of the Church, I take it not to be so conuenient to be done, neither hauehave we any direct precept or president in the Scripture to warrant it: But the contrarie rather.

1. Kings are not to be censured by excommunication.If the ecclesiasticall sword might be drawen forth against the Magistrates, then the Ciuill also, and the Prince might as well be proceeded against in Ciuill courts, to be sentenced for his offence, as in ecclesiasticall: for otherwise there should be lesse power in the Ciuile, then in the Ecclesiasticall state: but this were a verie proposterous course, to appoint superior iudges to the Prince in his owne kingdome.

2. Dauid when he had committed these two great sinnes of murther and adulterie, confessed and said, tibi soli peccavi, against thee onelyonly hauehave I sinned: the reason whereof Ambrose yeelded: quia rex erat, nullis ipse legibus tenebatur, because he was a King, and was bound to no lawes, apolog. Dauid, c. 10. and Hierome also saith, rex enim erat, alium non timebat, he was a King, and feared no other, ad Eustoch: It seemeth then that Dauid was free both from Ciuil and Ecclesiasticall censure: whereupon Ambrose inferreth generally of all Kings: neque enim vllis ad paenam vocantur legibus toti imperij potestate, that they cannot be drawen to punishment by any (humane) lawes, beeing priuiledged by their imperiall powers.

3. Saint Paul willeth prayers to be made for Kings, 1. Tim. 2.2. we must blesse them, not curse them, but to giuegive them ouer to Sathan, is to curse them; Saint Paul when he had called Ananias painted wall, being admonished that he was the high Priest, excused himselfe by his ignorance, alleadging that text Exod. 22.28. Thou shalt not speake euill of the ruler of thy people: so farre off was Saint Paul from excommunicating him, and giuing him ouer vntounto Sathan, as he did Elymas the Sorcerer whom he called the child of the Deuill, Act. 13.10. I hold it then the safer way, that the sentence of excommunication goe not forth vponupon any occasion against the supreame Magistrate, (howsoeuer the inferiour may be censured) it is sufficient, that the Minister discharge his dutie, in reproouing and exhorting, and in not consenting to any sinne in the Magistrate; as Ambrose said to the Emperor, malo mihi honorum esse tecum, quam malorum consortium, I had rather be partaker with thee in good things, then in euill, &c. He speaketh of his silence and connivence in the Emperors sinne, as the words following shew, ideo clementia tuae displicere debet sacerdotis silentium, therefore the silence of the Priest (or Pastor) ought to dislike your clemencie.

4. But because, the Papall sea taketh vponupon it to excommunicate Kings, wherein I would hauehave a perpetuall difference betweene their synagogue, and the reformed Churches; this shall be our last proposition here of this matter: that an excommunicate Prince is notwithstanding to be obeyed by his subiects, neither is it lawfull for them by that colour to withdrawe their obedience.

1. The diuine ordinance is to be obeyed in all lawfull things, but all higher powers are Gods ordinance,Princes excommunicate by the Pope are notwithstanding to be obeyed of their subiects. euen when they stand excommunicate, they cease not not to be Magistrates: for seeing they are ordained of God, by no humane constitution can they be vnordained: but the Ecclesiasticall censure of excommunicating kings, is onelyonly an humane ordinance, not commanded nor warranted by the word: Ergo:

2. An excommunicate person is in the same degree with an heathen and Publican, Mat. 18.17. but an heathen Magistrate is to be obeyed, for such were the gouernours in S. Pauls time, to whom he willeth subiection to be giuen, Rom. 13.1.

p. 5913. Christian religion ouerthroweth not the policie of Commonwealths, neither is God the author of confusion: but if Princes excommunicate should be disobeyed, great disorder and confusion should follow in the commonwealth: for the canons forbid, palam vel secrete loqui, to speake openly or secretly with excommunicate persons, part. 2. c. 11. qu. 3. c. 1. or to goe vntounto the house of one that is excommunicate, ib id. c. 26. or to receiue any that is excommunicate into their house, c. 29. and they are decreed not to be homicides, qui contra excommunicatos armantur, which take armes against excommunicate persons, caus. 23. qu. 5. c. 27. and an excommunicate person non audiendus in iudicio, must not be heard in iudgement, decret. Gregor. lib. 1. tit. 29. c. 21. Now who seeth not, what confusion would be brought vponupon the commonwealth, if the subiects might neither speake and conferre with the king, nor resort vntounto him, and that they might take armes against him standing excommunicate.

4. No Ecclesiasticall lawe can dispense and take away the ciuill and naturall lawe: as, for the sonne to doe his dutie to his father, the wife to her husband, the seruant to his Master, though they stand excommunicate: yea the Popish decrees allowe all these to doe their seruice euen vntounto excommunicate persons: as thus stand the words of the canon: anathematis vinculo has subtrahimus, videlicet vxores, liberos, seruos, ancellas, &c. we doe release from the bond of excommunication, wiues, children, seruants, maides, &c. which did attend vponupon excommunicate persons, part. 2. c. 11. qu. 3. c. 103. If these domesticall inferiours may performe their duties to persons excommunicate, how much more lawfull is it for subiects to doe the like to their Princes, because the necessitie of the state, so much the more requireth it.

5. The Popes censure of excommunication is vniust and vnlawfull, and therefore voide by their owne lawes, as part. 2. c. 11. quest. 3. it is decreed iniustam damnationem irritam, that an vniust damnation is of no force, c. 1.46. non est petenda solutio, vbi inique fertur sententia, absolution is not to be craued, where the sentence is vniustly laid, &c. to this purpose is the decree of Gelasius B. of Rome there expressed.

Now the Popes excommunicating is vnlawfull for diuerse reasons. 1. because he is an incompetent iudge, he excommunicateth Princes, who are not of his iurisdiction: and the lawe is, cui denegatur executio, denegatur & sententiae pronuntiatio, to whom the execution of the sentence is denied, the pronouncing of the sentence is, &c. Cod. lib. 3. tit. 26. leg. 3. but the Pope out of his precinct and iurisdiction, hath no power to execute his sentence, Ergo, the denouncing thereof belongeth not vntounto him.

2. Their owne canons hold, that qui inimici sunt, iudices esse non possunt, they which are enemies can be no iudges: Caus. 3. qu. 5. c. 15. but the Pope is a professed enemie to kings whom he excommunicateth.

3. They are not held to be excommunicate, which are excommunicate by heretikes, c. 24. qu. 1. c. 36. but the Pope holdeth many hereticall points of doctrine, for proofe hereof, see Synops. Papis. thoroughout.

4. It is not lawfull for any to excommunicate in their owne cause: See the decree of Gregor. c. 23. qu. 4. c. 27. but this doth the Pope.

5. Their law is: that no man should be excommunicate antequam causa probetur, before the cause be prooued, c. 2. qu. 1. c. 11. but how can the causes of Princes he prooued before an incompetent iudge, where no man appeareth to answear for them.

6. An excommunicate person cannot excommunicate, c. 24. qu. 11.4. but the Pope standeth excommunicate himselfe according to that decree of the Toletane councell, 12. c. 1. non erat ab anathematis sententia alienus, aut à divina animadversionis vltione securus, quisquis contra salutem principis deinceps, aut crexerit vocem, aut commouerit caedem, aue quamcun que quaesierit laedendi vltionem, he shall not be free from the sentence of excommunication, or secure from the reuenge of the diuine animadversion, whosoeuer hereafter, doth either lift vp his voice against the safetie of the Prince, or plotte to murther him, or seeke to be reuenged by procuring any hurt vntounto him, &c. the like decree see Toletan. 4.74. Toletan. 5.4. Toletan. 7.1. Now then because it is apparantly known, that the Pope practiseth against the safetie and state of Princes (not of his faction,) he standeth excommunicate, and so his excommunication is of no value.

6. If Kings ought not at all to be excommunicate, de iure, by the right of their imperiall authoritie, then de facto, if they chaunce in fact to be excommunicate, obedience notwithstanding p. 592is to be yeelded vntounto them: but the first is true, as is partly shewed before: and further appeareth by the reasons sometime vsed by the Colledge or Church, Leodievs. against the excommunication of Paschalis the 2. in this manner; si quis vetus & novum Testamentum, gestaque revoluerit, &c. If any man turne ouer the old and new Testament, and the things done therein, he shall euidently find, quod aut minime aut difficile possunt Reges & Imperatores excommunicari, that Kings and Emperors either not at all, or verie hardly are to be excommunicate, they may be admonished, rebuked by discrete men: because those whom Christ the King of kings, hath appointed in his place in earth, damnandos & salvandos suo iudicio reliquit, &c. he hath reserued to be condemned or saued to his owne iudgement, &c. here are two reasons of this assertion, the one taken from the authoritie of the old and new Testament, wherein no such president is to be found, the other from the eminencie of the Princely estate, which Christ hath reserued to his owne iudgement: An other reason, which they vrge, is this Paulus pro malis regibus orari vult, &c. Paul will hauehave euill Kings prayed for, that we may lead a quiet life: esset apostolorum imitari Apostolum, it were Apostolike to imitate the Apostle, &c. Kings must then be prayed for, and blessed, they must not be anathematized and accursed.

How farre the Ciuill state may proceed in resisting a Tyrant.

Here Pareus hath this position: that the inferior Magistrates beeing subiects, may defend themselues, the Commonwealth, and the Church, and the true saith, euen by force of armes against a Tyrant, so these conditions be obserued. 1. When either the Prince degenerateth to a Tyrant, and maketh hauock of all, offering notorious wrongs against all law and equitie to his subiects, and forceth them to Idolatrie and false religion. 2. if that without such defence, they cannot be safe, their liues, bodies, and consciences. 3. that vnderunder pretence of such defense, they seeke not their owne reuenge, with other respects vntounto themselues: 4. that all things be done with moderation, not to the vndoeing of the state, but the preseruation of it: his reasons are these.

1. From the institution of God, and the end of the ordinance of Magistracie which is, to be auenged of euill doers, and for the praise of the good: they doe not beare the sword for naught: the inferiour Magistrates then hauing the sword, may exercise their power, in restraining the tyrannie of superior gouernours: and for this cause inferiour Magistrates are ioyned with the superior, not onelyonly as helpers, but to moderate their licentious and outragious gouerment: and therefore where they bridle the insolencie of Tyrants, vtuntur gladio per legitimam vocationem diuinitus sibi tradito, they vse the sword deliuered vntounto them from God by a lawfull vocation.

2. Like as a furious and mad man may be remooued from the gouerment, as Nabuchadnezer was cast forth by publike authoritie. Dan. 4.31. so a Tyrant also who differeth not from a mad and furious man.

3. They which hauehave power to constitute the Magistrate, as where they enter by election of the Senat, consent of the people, or by other electors appointed, hauehave power also to restraine their immoderate gouerment.

4. This is confirmed by many commendable examples, out of sacred and forren stories: the people resisted Saul, that he should not put Ionathan his sonne to death, 1. Sam. 14.45. the Israelites in the time of the Iudges, often were deliuered by their Iudges whom God raised vp, from their oppressors: Athalias was remooued from her tyrannicall gouernment, 2. kin. 11. the Macchabees defended thēselues and their country against the rage and furie of the Syrian Kings: the Romans expelled their vitious Kings: so did they depose their cruell Emperors, as Nero, Maximinus: Traianus is commended for that saying, when he gaue the sword vntounto a chiefe officer: hoc pro me vtere, si iusta imperavero, contra me, si iniusta, &c. vse that for me: if I command iust things, and against me, if vniust: The Prince Electors remooued Wencelaus, a man giuen to idlenes and luxurious life from the Empire, in his stead appointing Rupertus the Countie of Palatine, one of the Electors: to this purpose Pareus.

But here certaine differences are to be obserued: for where either there is an extraordinarie calling, as in the time of the Iudges, or where the kingdome is vsurped without any right, as by Athaliah, or where the land is oppressed by forren invaders, as in the time of the Macchabees: or where the gouernment is altogether Electiue, as the Empire of Germanie, in all these cases there is lesse question of resistance to be made by the generall consent of the p. 593states; And yet where none of these concurre, God forbid, that the Commonwealth and Church should be left without remedie, the former conditions obserued, when either havock is made of the Commonwelth, or of the Church and religion.

How farre priuate men may be warranted, in denying obedience vntounto Tyrants.

Here Pareus hath two propositions. 1. That it is not lawfull for a priuate man without a lawfull calling, to take armes either before the daunger to invade a tyrant, or to defend thē selues in the time of daunger, or to revenge himselfe after daunger, if he may be defended by an ordinarie power, &c. for vnlawfully to resist the power is to resist Gods ordinance, and one ought rather to die, then to sinne: and here that saying of the Lacedemonians taketh place, si duriora morte imperetis, potius moriemur, if ye command things more heauie then death, we will chuse rather to die.

2. His other position is, That it is lawfull for subiects, beeing meere priuate men, if a Tyrant as a theefe, and violater of chastitie, doe offer them violence, and they neither can implore the ordinarie power, nor by any other meanes escape the daunger, to defend themselues and theirs for the present against a Tyrant, as against a private person, that maketh an assault: for if it should not be lawfull to make such resistance in case of necessitie, there should be no remedie left against the furious outrage of Tyrants, which would tend to the vtter dissolution of humane societie: and beside against whom defense by the Magistrate is lawfull, in case of necessitie where that cannot be had, a priuate defense is allowed: for then leges armant privatos, the lawes doe arme priuate men, but it is lawfull for the inferior Magistrates to defend the priuate subiects, in cases before limited, against the furie and outrage of Tyrants: Ergo &c. to this purpose Pareus.

But this last position of his must receiue some further qualification: for if a priuate man might lawfully defend himselfe, when any notorious wrong is offered to him by a Tyrant, men in this case should be iudges of their owne wrongs, and as their iudgement is partiall in their owne case, so they would take great libertie to defend themselues: wherefore these conditions must further be here obserued.

1. It must be considered, whether in these wrongs that are offered, the Tyrant doe transgresse his owne lawes: if he doe, then he is held to be but as privatus grassator, a priuate assaulter, otherwise if the lawes beare him out in these wrongs, they are rather to suffer and endure, then vse any resistance: as the band of Christian souldiers, which were put to the sword for their Christian faith, at the commandement of the cruell Emperor Maximianus resisted not, but yeelded themselues: Otto Phrinsigens. lib. 2. c. 45▪ because then the lawes of the Empire were for the maintenance of Idolatrie: and a whole Citie of Phrygia professing Christianitie was destroyed and burnt with fire vsing no resistance, Euseb. lib. 8. c. 11.

2. The subiect must wisely discerne, whether he be forced to be an agent, or patient in these wrongs: he is rather to die, then to be compelled to consent to any euill: as a woman attempted by a Tyrant to adulterie, should resist rather vntounto death, then prostitute her body: but if they be patients onelyonly, and are not forced to doe any thing, or consent against their conscience the case is otherwise.

3. It must be also waighed, wherein this wrong is offered, if it be onelyonly in the goods and substance of the subiect, no resistance is to be made: for the goods of the subiect are more lyeable to the command of the Magistrate, then any thing beside, so Naboth refused to yeeld his inheritance and patrimonie vntounto Ahab, but without any resistance: but if a mans life be assaulted, or the chastitie of his wife, or the libertie and safetie of his children, against all colour of law, nature teacheth a man here to vse defence.

4. Further the cause must be considered, for the which the subiect is assaulted, if it be a ciuill matter, resistance may more safely be vsed: but if it be the cause of religion, therein they should rather shew their patience in suffering: as we read in the persecutions of the primitiue Church of 20. thousand Martyrs, that were burnt together in a Temple, without any resistance at all, who for their number might hauehave sustained the brunt of the aduersaries: but they willingly yeelded themselues to the fire.

5. Likewise this discreete consideration must be vsed, whether there be not hope to escape the daunger without resistance, or whether by resisting, a way may be opened of deliuerance, or whether by their escaping, many of their brethren shall not be brought into p. 594greater daunger: for where any of these things doe happen, it is not safe to resist.

6. They must in such extremities so defend themselues, as that they vse no assault vponupon the person of their Prince, to put his life in daunger: for therein they manifestly transgresse the publike lawes: it is one thing to vse a necessarie defense, an other to make an assault: Dauid though he stood vponupon his owne guard, and had a great band of men attending vponupon him, yet when Saul twice fell into his hands, he spared to lay any violent hands vponupon him; with these restraintes and limitations, some defense may be graunted euen vntounto priuate subiects against Tyrants, otherwise it is daungerous, both in respect of their conscience, in resisting the power, and for the euil example whereby other seditious persons may be encourraged. Thus much of this question, how farre resistance may be made against the ciuill power: how farre also and in what manner the Tyrannie of the Pope the Antichrist may be resisted, see among the Controversies. contr. 3.

Quest. 18. How we should not owe any thing to any man, but to louelove one an other.

1. Touching the occasion of these words; Augustine thinketh that the duties before membratim fusa, nunc ipso circuitu clauduntur, deliuered by partes, now are shut vp together, de doctrin. Christian. 4. c. 20. Lyranus also thinketh, that here inferiors are taught, that they owe charitie to their superiors: so also Mr. Calvin thinketh this precept of the Apostle, to be a confirmation of his former doctrine of obedience to Magistrates, because violat charitatem, &c. he doth violate charitie, who denieth obedience. 2. Beza thinketh that the Apostle remooueth the impediment of obedience; because the want of charitie is cause of quarrels and suits; whereupon the Magistrate is constrained by his authoritie to force men to render vntounto euerie one their owne; and so by this meanes, magistratus nomen invidio sum sit, it commeth to passe, that the name of the Magistrate is odious and envied. 3. Erasmus collecteth out of Ambrose, but not rightly, as Beza here noteth, that hitherto the Apostle shewed what dutie was to be yeelded to the heathen Magistrates, but now he teacheth the dutie, which must be rendered to Christian Magistrates. 4. But the truth is, the Apostle from speciall duties belonging to superiors, ascendeth higher to treat of the generall dutie of louelove, which is common to all.

2. Owe nothing: there are two kinds of debts, there is a Ciuill debt, and a Naturall debt: the ciuill is either common to all, as the paying of tribute, yeelding of obedience must be performed by eueryevery one to the superiors: or concerneth onelyonly some particular persons, which are endebted by promise and contract, or some other bond vntounto others: there is also a naturall debt, either peculiar and proper to some, as of the children to the parents, of scholers to their Masters, wiues to their husbands, or common to all, as is mutuall louelove here by the Apostle commended.

3. There are three kind of wayes, whereby one may be a debter to another, either when he payeth nothing of his debt, as if he owe an hundred shillings, and pay none at all: or if he pay but part and not all, as but tenne, and if he pay the whole debt due at one time, but not at another: as if he should pay eueryevery day a shilling, till the whole debt be paid, and he hold the payment one day or two, but fayle in the rest: the debt of charitie, is not of either of the first kinds, but of the third: a man sheweth charitie once or twice, he is bound to shew it still: Tolet.

4. The debt of charitie different from other debts in these three points: 1. as Chrysostome saith, it is such a debt, vt semper reddatur & semper debeatur, that it both is alwaies paied, and yet is alwaies owing: not like vntounto other debtes, which beeing paied, cease to be due: and so both redditur cum impenditur, it is restored, when it is paied, & debetur, cum reddita fuerit, and it is owing, when it is rendered, because it must be shewed at all times. 2. nec cum redditur, omittitur, charitie is not lost from him, that sheweth it: as money which is paid goeth from him that payeth it. 3. may charitie, reddendo multiplicatur, is multiplyed by the paying of it, cum redditur ab homine, crescit in homine, when it is rendered by a man, it encreaseth in man: gloss. ordinar. ex Augustine: so some things, when they are communicated to many, minuuntur, non augentur, are diminished, not encreased, as mony, and all terren things: some things are neither encreased nor diminished, when they are communicated, as the light, and the sound of a voice… some things, non minuuntur, sed augentur, are not diminished, but encreased, as charitie, and all spirituall things, Gorrhan.

5. Origens conceit is here verie straunge, who by debt vnderstandeth sinne, vult ergo p. 595omne debitum peccati solvi, he would therefore eueryevery debt of sinne to be paid, and not to remaine with vsus. But the Apostle speaketh not of any such spirituall debt, whereby we stand indebted to God, neither is it in our power to pay that debt, but of outward debts and duties vntounto men.

19. Quest. How he that loueth his brother fulfilleth the law.

1. He which loueth his brother doth not in eueryevery particular, and in act, keepe eueryevery part in the law: for one may louelove his brother, though in that instant he doe not performe all the acts of charitie, as in feeding him, if he be hungrie, and such like: but yet he fulfilleth all these duties, virtute & potestate, in possibilitie, and hauing an aptnes and power thereunto: both because charitie is the cause and beginning of all the duties, which as it mooueth him to one dutie, so it will stirre him vp to the rest, as also it is the ende and scope of the law, which is to maintaine charitie, and it is modus, the manner, how the law should be obserued: for whatsoeuer externall dutie one doth, if it be not in louelove, it is nothing, as S. Paul sheweth, 2. Cor. 13.2, 3.

2. But here a question is mooued by Chrysostome, how the Apostle reduceth all the law vntounto this one precept of louing our neighbour, when our Sauiour Christ in the Gospel speaketh of two great precepts, the louelove of God, and of our neighbour. 1. some thinke that the Apostle meaneth the fulfilling of the precepts of the second table, and so M. Calvin hath one answer, the Apostle in totam legem non respexit, hath not respect to the whole law, but onelyonly to the duties toward our neighbours. 2. Origen by this neighbour, vnderstandeth Christ: hunc proximum si diligamus, &c. if we louelove this neighbour, we fulfill all the law: but this seemeth too curious. 3. but the better answer is, that the one includeth the other, as S. Iohn saith, How can one, that loueth not his brother, whome he seeth, louelove God, whom he hath not seene, 1. Ioh. 4.20. so Chrysostome alleadgeth those words of our Sauiour, Peter louest thou me, feede my sheepe, &c. the louelove of God is seene then in the louelove of our brother: neque Deus sine proximo, neque proximus sine Deo diligi potest, neither is God loued without our brother, nor our brother without God. Haymo.

3. Now the Apostle rehearseth not all the commandements, but onelyonly of the second table, because he treateth of those duties, which are to be performed vntounto men: and by the keeping of the second table it is better discerned who obserue the law, then out of the first: and he omitteth the first precept of the second table, because he intended not to rehearse them all, but supplieth them in those generall words, if there be any other commandement: neither doth he obserue the same order, for he setteth the seuenth precept before the sixt, because he purposed not to set downe the precepts, neither all, nor in their order, but onelyonly to giuegive an instance in some of them.

20. Quest. How a man is to louelove his neighbour as himselfe.

1. Chrysostome thus expoundeth, non solum dilectionem requirit, sed etiam vehementem, he doth not onelyonly require louelove, but a vehement and earnest louelove: that is, a man should louelove his neighbour, without dissimulation, earnestly, heartily, as he loueth himselfe.

2. And it comprehendeth more beside. 1. no man hateth his owne flesh, no more ought be to hate his neighbour. 2. when any thing happeneth vntounto our selues that is euill and grieuous, we are sorie, and troubled, so should we be affected toward our brethren in their griefes. 3. in our owne faults we are fauourable, making the best of eueryevery thing, so we should not be rigidi, austere, and too censorious in sifting the infirmities of our brethren. 4. in louing of our selues, nunquam defatigamur, we are neuer wearied, so we should hold out still to louelove our brethren. 5. we wish all good things to our selues, so should we doe to our neighbours.

3. But this must be vnderstood of the naturall selfe-louelove, which eueryevery man beareth toward himselfe, not of that vitious louelove, whereby men thorough the corruption of their nature, and euill custome, are affected to their owne vices: so a man must not louelove himselfe vntounto that which is euill, for he that sinneth hateth his owne soule: and therefore neither must one louelove his neighbour, as he corruptly loueth himselfe: but either, quia iustus, aut vt sit iustus, a man loueth himselfe, either because he is iust, or that he may be iust, and so must he louelove his neighbour: gloss. ordinar.

4. Theophylact here obserueth, that the Gospel requireth a more perfect louelove then the Law doth, namely, that one should lay downe his life for his brethren: but the Law biddeth p. 596vsus onelyonly to louelove an other as our selues: but the charitie which the lawe requireth comprehendeth this also: for then a man loueth an other as himselfe, when he is readie to doe that to an other, which he would hauehave done for himselfe, Math. 7.12. Now one would desire to be redeemed by an others life, rather then his soule should perish: so let him be affected to an other: A man is not bound to giuegive his bodily life to redeeme an others, for then he should louelove him better then himselfe: but to giuegive his bodily to deliuer an others soule from perishing, is but to louelove him, as himselfe; for so he would wish his friend to doe for him.

5. But this rule taketh not away all inequalitie, difference, and degrees of louelove: for though euerie one is to be loued as our selues, yet one is to be loued before an other: our parents, children, and wiues, are first to be respected in the duties of charite, then strangers: for S. Pauls rule is, that men must first shewe godlinesse toward their owne house, 1. Tim. 5.4. the qualitie of our louelove is here signified: that it should be simple, sincere, vnfained, not the quantitie, or the degree of our louelove: all are to be loued as our selues, that is, constantly, vnfainedly, hartily, and yet one may be preferred before an other in our louelove.

Quest. 21. Who is vnderstood by our neighbour.

1. Origen expoundeth this neighbour to be Christ, hinc ergo proximum si diligamus, if then we louelove this neighbour, we shall fulfill the whole lawe: and that Christ is our neighbour he prooueth by that parable of the Samaritane, Luk. 10. who tooke the man which was wounded by theiues, and laid him vponupon his beast, and brought him to the inne, and gaue two pence to the host to see vntounto him: so Chirst, he tooke vsus vp beeing wounded of our sinnes, and stripped and left naked by Sathan, iumento corporis sui supposuit, and laid vsus vponupon his bodie to be borne, and brought vsus ad stabulum Ecclesiae, to the stable or fold of his Church, and left the two pence of the old and newe Testament, for the expenses of our cure, and healing. And he proceedeth further and sheweth how he which loueth Christ keepeth all the commandements: for he whose delight is in Christ, will not commit adulterie, nor follow any other carnal pleasure, because his delight is in Christ: neither wil be steale from an other, who is willing to leaue all he hath for Christ, &c. But Origens interpretation is too curious: howsoeuer in that parable Christ may be vnderstood by that good Samaritane, though eueryevery point of the parable cannot fitly be allegorized, yet it is euident, that the Apostle here by neighbour vnderstandeth, our brother, for he speaketh of louing one an other.

2. Hugo Cardinal out of Augustine here mooueth a question, whether vnderunder this name of neighbour, the Angels are comprehended; and he bringeth two solutions, one is that the Angels are excluded, because the commandement speaketh of those, qui diligendi sunt ex charitate, Whether the lawe commandeth vsus to louelove the Angels.which are to be loued in charitie: but our charitie is not extended vntounto the Angels: the other solution is, that seeing by neighbour euerie one is vnderstood, vel cui praebexdum est officium miserecordiae, vel à quo, either to whom or from whom merciemercy and compassion is shewed, then Angels may be well said to be our neighbours, by whom we receiue so great benefits: but the better answear is, that our louelove toward those blessed spirits, is not comprehended in the duties of the second table, the subiect whereof is our brother, whom we daily see, 1. Ioh. 4.20. neither can any one of the precepts, thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not steale, be referred to the Angels in any sense: but like as man is not commanded to louelove himselfe, which that nature teacheth him: for it followeth necessarily if a man louelove his neighbour as himselfe, he must needs louelove himselfe first: so the louelove of the holy angels, the ministers of God doth necessarily followe vponupon our louing of God, which though it be not commanded in the first table, yet it followeth necessarily vponupon it.

3. Wherefore by our neighbour we vnderstand not, those which are so in habitation, or with whom we hauehave affinitie, or from whom we hauehave receiued any benefit, sed omnium hominum intelligi opertet, we must vnderstand eueryevery man in generall, quia nemo est quo cum sit operandum malum, because we ought not to worke euill with any, or to offer wrong vntounto any: gloss. ordinar. sufficiat nobis quod homo sit, &c. let it suffice vsus that he is a man, and of one and the same nature, who standeth in neede of our helpe: and there is none that liueth that may not stand in neede of an others helpe, as Xerxes that great King and commander of Persia, that brought so many hundred thousand men in Grecia, was same to escape in a fishers boat.

p. 597Quest. 22. How salvation is said to be nearer, then when we beleeued.

1. Lyranus referreth this time of beleefe, to the old Testament, when the fathers beleeued onelyonly in Christ to come, but they sawe nothing performed: so also Erasmus, Tolet: but Beza refuseth this, because S. Paul speaketh specially to the conuerted Gentiles among the Romanes, and not to the Iewes onelyonly, who liued vnderunder the old Testament.

2. Some giuegive this sense, salvation is nearer then when we beleeued, that is, then a man would beleeue: there was such an open doore of saluation made, as one would hardly beleeue it, Hugo: but the words, we, when we beleeued: not any other beleeued of vsus.

3. An other hath this glosse, it is nearer, that is, magis debita per bona opera, more due vntounto vsus by good workes, then when we beleeued, hauing yet no good workes, Gorrhan: but a liuely faith is neuer without workes.

4. Chrysostome vnderstandeth it of the ende of the world, when the salvation promised shall be accomplished: tempore peocedente futura secula proprius accedunt, for as time weareth, so the world to come draweth neerer.

5. But the Apostle rather confert incrementa cum initijs fidei, compareth the encreasing of faith with the beginning: and this is an other argument, which he vseth to stirre vsus vp to newnes of life: as before he mooued by the opportunitie of time, that now we should awake from sinne, as one when the day is come riseth vp vntounto his worke, so here he perswadeth ab vtili, from that which is profitable: iam proprius acessimus ad metam, we are nowe come neerer the marke, then when we beganne to beleeue, and therefore it behoueth vsus to be the more earnest: like as they which are set to runne a race, the nearer they come to the marke, the faster they runne least any should outstrippe them: this difference is made betweene a natural and violent motion, this is more speedie in the beginning and it slacketh toward the ende, but the naturall is slowe in the beginning, and more quicke and speedie toward the ende: so the faithfull that are truely called, will still encrease more and more.

Origen toucheth both these last expositions: there is, adventus lucis generalis, & specialis, a generall comming and approaching of this light, which shall be at the comming of Christ, and this eueryevery day groweth nearer: and there is a particular comming of this light to euerie one: si Christus in corde est, diem nobis facit, if Christ be in our heart, he bringeth day and light with him.

Quest. 23. How the night is said to be past, the day at hand: of the literall sense.

1. The night is past or well spent. The word is foreign, which properly signifieth praecedo, provehor, to goe forward, to proceede: and so reade Chrysostome, Theodoret: the vulgar Latine readeth praecessit, is gone before: so Cyprian in the same sense, transivit, is passed: and Hierome in c. 26. Matth. praeterijt, is gone ouer: but the other is the better reading, both because of the proper signification of the word, and for that it followeth, the day is at hand, but if the night were all past, and not rather spent, and some part thereof behind, the day should not be at hand onelyonly, but it should be present: this Metaphor the Apostle vseth, because there remaineth with vsus some ignorance and darkenes still, euen after our calling, and we hauehave not in this life a perfect knowledge of Christ, neither is it full day with vsus, till the next life.

2. By the workes of darkenes are vnderstood the workes of sinne, both because they proceede from darkenes and ignorance of God, and they which followe them delight in darkenes, and hate the light, as also the ende of such workes is euerlasting darkenes, and to be depriued for euer of the light of Gods kingdome.

3. We must cast them away. Which signifieth, 1. that we should not defer our repentance from dead works, like as he which awaketh when it is day doth hastily put from him his night garments. 2. as we must speedily put them off, so cum detestatione, we must doe it with a kind of hatred and detestation, as a man casteth from him with disdaine that which he abhorreth. 3. and we must procul abijcere, cast them farre away from vsus, neuer to entertaine them againe.

4. We are bid to put on: which metaphor noteth three things. 1. diligence, like as he which putteth on his garments or armour, doth not onelyonly cloath or arme one part of his bodie, but euerie one: so it is not enough to follow one or two good workes, but we must giuegive our selues to euerie good worke, as we cloath euerie part of our bodie. 2. we must do it with delight, like as there is comelines in clothing the bodie wherein we delight. 3. herein is expressed conscience, that hauing put on these garments, or armour, wee should p. 598not suddenly put them off, as it is said, in the Cantic. 4.3. I hauehave put off my coat, how shall I put it on: so after we hauehave put on our coat, so we should not put it off.

5. The armour of light. 1. They are called armour in these two respects, because they are defensiva, both defensiue, we thereby resist the temptations of Sathan, hauing the brestplate of righteousnes: and they are offensiva, offensiue, whereby we driue away also the tempter from vsus; such is the sword of the spirit, whereby we quench all the fierie dartes of Sathan. 2. they are called armour rather then garments, for we are not thereby couered in Gods sight, as iustified by our own righteousnes, yet we are thereby defended from Satans assaults.

6. They are called the armour of light: because they proceede from the knowledge of God, the true light of the soule: and they doe shine and giuegive light before men, who seeing them doe glorifie God, Par. and they defend vsus against the workes of darkenes, illuminate the soule, and bring vsus ad lucem aeternam, to euerlasting light, Lyranus.

Quest. 24. What time is vnderstood by the day and night.

1. Chrysostome by the night seemeth to vnderstand the time of this life, and by the day, the resurrection, prope est resurrectio, the resurrection is at hand: but, as Tolet wel obserueth, that the day cannot be vnderstood here of the day of iudgement: (as beside Chrysostome, other of the Fathers interpret this place, as Athanas. 44. ad Antioch. qu. 90. August. epist. 80. ad Isich.) for then the Apostles exhortation would be of small force, who mooueth to cast off the workes of darkenes in respect of the time, because the day was come: but if the day were not yet come, then the ground of this exhortation faileth.

2. Anselme by the day, vnderstandeth the time after this life, which is so much the nearer as death approacheth: so also the ordin. glosse. but when death commeth it is no time to worke: here the Apostle exhorteth to walke honestly which is in the day: therefore this day must be in this life present.

3. Some doe expound this night to be the time before the comming of Christ, and the day the time of preaching the Gospell, when Christ the Sunne of righteousnes did shine vntounto the world: so Lyranus, the night is past, obscuritas figurarum legis, the darkenes of the figures of the lawe: likewise Erasmus, vnderunder the lawe, vmbra fuit magis quàm res, there was a shadow rather then the thing: Osiander also vnderstandeth that time, quando nondum fuit exhibitus Christus, when Christ was not yet exhibited to the world: so also Faius: But as Beza noteth, the Apostle in this sense should hauehave had reference onelyonly to the Iewes, whereas he writeth to the beleeuing Gentiles among the Romanes, which were not acquainted with the figures of the lawe.

4. Wherefore with Pet. Martyr, Pareus, Beza, by night, rather we vnderstand, tempus ignorantiae & caecitatis, the time of blindnes and ignorance, which goeth before regeneration: for till they were called to the knowledge of Christ, they were in darkenes, as the Apostle saith, Ephes. 5.8. Ye were sometime darkenes, but now are ye light in the Lord, walke as children of light: this day light as Martyr obserueth, if it be compared with our darkenes & ignorance in times past, it may be called the day, but in respect of the life to come, it is but as the twilight, or breake of the day, Martyr: so whereas the Apostle saith not, the night is past, but processit, it is well nie spent, thereby he signifieth the imperfection of the state present, because yet there remaineth some darkenes euen in the regenerate: like as whē we see noctem properae ad diluculum, the night hasten to the dawning: and the swallowes beginne to chatter, we one call vp an other and say it is day: Chrysostome, and Theophylact, yet maketh the matter more plaine: as allowing 12. houres to the night, and tenne of them be spent, we say the night is wearing away, and it is toward day, &c. so the grosse darkenes is past when the light of faith and knowledge riseth vp in vsus: but yet it is but as the dawning of the day in this life: Thus Origen followeth this sense, as is alleadged before, si Christus in corde sit, &c. if Christ be in our hearts, he maketh it day.

Quest. 25. How we should walke honestly.

v. 13. So that we walke honestly. 1. Chrysost. obserueth wel, whom Theophyl. followeth, that whereas the Romanes were much affected with the opinion of glorie, he perswadeth them, decoro & honesto, by that which was comly and honest. 2. and further he saith, that we walke, not walk ye, putting himselfe in the number, that he might exhort thē without envie. 3. that which he saith here in one word, foreign, honestly, he elswher Tit. 2.12. thus distinguisheth p. 599to these three, to liue soberly, righteously, and godly. 4. and he addeth, as in the day: like as a man wil be ashamed to go naked or cladde with tottered and ragged garments in the day: so this time of the light of faith requireth vsus to walke honestly.

Not in riot and drunkennesse. 1. Some by these two vnderstand, by the first excesse in meat, by the other excesse in drinke, Gorrhan: but Origen better distinguisheth them, by the first vnderstanding, in honesta & luxuriosa convivia, vnhonest and riotous feasts, by the other drunkennes, which is a companion of such feasts: such excessiue feasts were vsed among the Egyptians, where the manner was to hauehave a dead mans scull brought in, in the middes of their feasts, that they beeing put in minde of mortalitie, might more freely spend the short time which they had in following of their pleasure. 2. Chrysostome here noteth also, bibere non prohibet, sed praeter mensuram bibere, he forbiddeth not to drinke, but to drinke beside measure.

Chambering and wantonnes. 1. Gorrhan, and so Hugo, by the first vnderstandeth the sinne of slouth, by the other fornication and vncleanes. 2. But Origen taketh these to be cubilia impuditiae, the chambers of wantonnes: and thinketh here some reference to be made to the dennes of beasts, because these filthie sinnes are more agreeable to beasts, then men. 3. Chrysostome noteth that the Apostle forbiddeth not all kind of bedding, and chambering, for the marriage bed is vndefiled, Heb. 13.4. non mulieribus commisceri, sed scortari, he forbiddeth not to companie with women, but to followe whoredome.

Not in strife and envying. 1. As before he touched the sinnes of the flesh, so now he forbiddeth the vices of the minde, contention, emulation, Origen. 2. these are ioyned to the other, as beeing the perpetuall companions of banqueting and drunkennesse: as the wise man sheweth, that to such is woe, sorrowe, and strife, that followe wine, Prou. 23.29. 3. these two are the fruits and effects of drunkennesse, concupiscence and wrath, so that the Apostle taketh away the verie occasions of these euill affections, Chrys. for excesse in meat and drinke is the cause of wantonnesse, and of the sinne of vncleanes, and of strife and contention. 4. Haymo thinketh that by strife, is here vnderstood the contention about questions of faith: rather such brawles and contentions are here restrained, which followe vponupon excessiue rioting and drunkennesse.

Quest. 28. How we must put on Christ.

1. The Apostle altereth his phrase of speach: for whereas before he spake of the armour of light, now he vseth an other metaphor of putting on a garment: for our good workes, though they may defend, and arme vsus against the assaults of Sathan, yet it is the righteousnesse onelyonly of Christ, that couereth vsus as a garment in the sight of God, Par.

2. How Christ is put on, it is diuersly scanned. 1. Some make fowre wayes of the putting on of Christ, as the glasse receiueth the image by impression, so some put on Christ for a time, but it passeth away as an image in a glasse: as the wooll receiueth the die or colour per assumptionem, by assuming the same: as the example is as it were put on, per imitationem, by imitation: and the yron taketh the fire per penetrationem, by penetration: but all these do onelyonly shewe the putting on of Christ vntounto sanctification, whereas he is put on also vntounto iustification. 2. some then make two puttings on of Christ, the one is by faith in Christ, whereby we are iustified: like as Adam was cloathed with skinnes of slaine beasts, to signifie our spirituall cloathing by the death of Christ: this sense followeth Pet. Martyr, Pareus: the other by imitating of Christ in holines: as Origen saith, that he which putteth on all vertues putteth on Christ, qui haec omnia habet, habet Christum, he that hath all these things hath Christ: but Chrysostome saith better, he that hath put on Christ, omnem virtutem habet, hath eueryevery vertue indeed: of the workes of sanctification, Beza vnderstandeth this putting on of Christ, and Osiand. likewise Tolet referreth it to the imitation of Christs vertues: but the better sense is, to ioyne them both together: it signifieth more then imitation only, as Chri…tum fide apprehendere, to apprehend Christ by faith, and then by his spirit to be made fit & …ot vntounto eueryevery good work, Ca…. for the word putting on, signifieth not onelyonly partem aliquā …rgumenti, some part only of the couering, but the apparelling of the whole man, both inward and outward, Faius.

3. But seeing the Apostle saith, that Christ is put on by baptisme, & S. Paul here speaketh …o them which were baptised, how then doth he bid them now put on Christ: the answear … that as August. saith, some do put on Christ ad sacramenti perceptionem, to the receiuing of the sacrament onelyonly; some vsus que ad vitae sanctificationem, vntounto the sanctification of life, the p. 600Apostle speaketh here of the latter: for so Christ not once onelyonly in baptisme but all our life long is to be put on.

4. Gorrhan is here somewhat curious in distinguishing these three, put on the Lord, which signifieth power, Iesus, clemencie, Christ, wisedome: the first is seene in subduing sinne with power, the second, clementer indulgendo, in gently pardoning the penitent, the third, prudenter instruendo, in prudently instructing the ignorant: But this I omit as too curious.

5. Chrysostome taketh here occasion to shew, how Christ is all things vntounto vsus: as here he is our vesture and apparell: he is our way and life, our foode, our foundation, our spouse, our master, our friend, our brother, our advocate, our habitatiō, as he saith, he dwelleth in me, and I in him: yea he is our suppliant, we pray you in Christs stead, be reconciled vntounto God, 1. Cor. 5.20.

Quest. 27. How the flesh is to be cared for.

v. 14. Take no care for the flesh, to fulfill the lusts thereof. 1. I will omit here to note the elegancies which Erasmus obserueth in the Apostles phrase, and stile, how in the originall the Apostles words doe fall well to the eare in the orderly compounding, and one part doth answear an other, his sentences are full of Metaphors, and there is foreign, the like ending of the words in the sound and pronouncing. 2. But I preferre Chrysostomes note, that as the Apostle before did not forbid simply to drinke, but to be drunken, nor to marrie, but to commit fornication, so here he simply restraineth not all care for the flesh, sed ad concupiscentias addidit, but he addeth, not to concupiscence: and as Origen saith, in necessarijs cura habenda est, in necessarie things a care is to be had, sed non in delicijs, but not in pleasure and delights: so that here is forbidden not necessitas sed superfluitas, necessitie but superfluitie, Lyran. for, whereas the Apostle vseth the Greeke word, foreign, prouidence, care, providentia dici non potest, &c. it cannot be called providence, which prouideth hell fire for the flesh, while it liueth in pleasure, Theophy. 3. This then sheweth the hypocrisie of those which place the greatest part of their religion in macerating and pinching of their flesh, as many superstitious friers doe, of whom the Apostle speaketh, Coloss. 2.23. that they hauehave it in no estimation, to satisfie the flesh: whereas S. Paul alloweth Timothie to drinke wine, for his often infirmities sake, 1. Tim. 5.23. Pareus. 4. Haymo well obserueth that the Apostle saith not, ne cogitetis, that ye thinke not, sed ne perficiatis, but that ye fulfill not the lusts of the flesh, for not to thinke of them here, is impossible.